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Title: A Dissertation on the Books of Origen against Celsus 4c817

Author: Francis Cunningham

Release date: May 9, 2016 [eBook #52032]

Language: English

Credits: Transcribed from the 1812 J. Smith edition by David Price

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A DISSERTATION ON THE BOOKS OF ORIGEN AGAINST CELSUS ***

  

Transcribed from the 1812 J. Smith edition by David Price, email [email protected]

HULSEAN ESSAY
For 1811.

 

A DISSERTATIONON THE BOOKS of ORIGEN against CELSUS,WITH A VIEWTO ILLUSTRATE THE ARGUMENTANDPOINT OUT THE EVIDENCE THEY AFFORDTO THE TRUTH OF CHRISTIANITY. 4j695m

 

Published in pursuance of the Will of the Rev. J. HULSE, as having gained the ANNUAL PRIZE, instituted by him in the University of Cambridge.

 

BY
FRANCIS CUNNINGHAM,
OF QUEEN’S COLLEGE.

 

“Quippe in his (nimirum Origenis contra Celsum libris) communem
Christianorum doctrinam, adversus instructissimum Religionis nostræ
hostem propugnat: hi summo Auctoris studio maxima eruditione,
elucubrati fuere.”  Bull. Def. Fid. Nic. Cap. ix. Sec. 2.

 

CAMBRIDGE:
PRINTED by J. SMITH, PRINTER to the UNIVERSITY;
AND SOLD BY DEIGHTON, CAMBRIDGE; AND RIVINGTONS, AND
HATCHARD, LONDON.

 

1812.

 

p. iiiTO THE
Very Rev. the DEAN of CARLISLE,
PROFESSOR OF MATHEMATICS,
THE PRESIDENT,
AND
To the Reverend and Learned
THE FELLOWS
OF QUEEN’S COLLEGE,
THIS ESSAY
IS DEDICATED
AS A TRIBUTE OF RESPECT AND GRATITUDE BY
THE AUTHOR.

 

p. vCONTENTS. 3l4h5b

 

Page

Introduction

1

CHAP. I.

History and Writings of the Jews

5

CHAP. II.

The Scriptures

12

CHAP. III.

History of Christ

19

CHAP. IV.

Miracles

24

CHAP. V.

Character of the early Christians

33

CHAP. VI.

Doctrines of the early Christians

39

CHAP. VII.

Conclusion

49

p. 1INTRODUCTION. j561g

The Book of Celsus, [1e] to p. 2him.  The object of his work was an attack upon Christianity, and as such, it is one of the most malignant and unreserved upon record.  He is indebted to his opponents for bringing down any of his writings to posterity, for they have otherwise perished.

Origen died in the year of our Lord [3e] both Catholic and Protestant, have pronounced it to be the completest, and best written apology for the Christian Religion which has been bequeathed to us by the ancients.

p. 4The want of order, both in the attack of Celsus, and the reply of Origen, renders it impracticable to follow, precisely in their steps.  Time will be gained, and perspicuity promoted, by endeavouring to bring their perplexed argument into a more regular form.  We shall therefore single out the main topics discussed by each, and by stating the objections of the one, and the replies of the other, strive to collect the evidence which each furnishes to the truth of Christianity.  Taking the more prominent topics therefore, we shall consider in order; the History and Writings of the Jews—the Scriptures—the History of Christ—the Conduct and the Principles of the early Christians.  After which it will be useful to sum up the evidence to Christianity, supplied by the whole argument.

p. 5Chap. I. HISTORY and WRITINGS of the JEWS. 6z6l4k

The evidence in favour of Christianity, to be deduced from the history and writings of the Jews, is so important, that it was a primary object with Celsus, to render it nugatory.  This he endeavours to effect, first, by disputing the antiquity of Moses; and secondly, by condemning his narration.  We shall examine his statement on these points, and some important acknowledgments he makes, of the existence of the prophetic writings.

He says that “the Jews, [7a] as to sublimity of doctrine, and purity of morals, with any other system, proposed to mankind.

Celsus then notices many of the Old Testament characters: He ridicules the relation of “the Fall, [7b] the Deluge, Children born of old Persons, Brothers who kill each other, Mothers who deceive, the Sin of Lot, the Animosity of Esau, the Deceit of the Sons of Jacob, the History of Joseph,” &c.  Origen replies that such facts alone are selected by Celsus from the writings of Moses, as supply a ground of attack; that the simplicity of his narration proves the integrity of its author; and he then apologizes for these causes of offence by the necessity of the case, he contrasts with them the greater profligacy of the heathen, or fancifully explains them upon the scheme of allegory.

p. 8No direct ission of Celsus, relating to Jewish prophecy, is to be found.  There are however many observations, which prove the coming of Christ to have been expected by the Jews, and this expectation must have been the result of prophecy.  The remarks of Celsus, with regard to this topic, are of this kind.  That the “Jews [8c] that “others had lived who had applied the prophecies of Christ to themselves,” &c. &c.  Thus he plainly its prophecies to have existed of some great person, who was to come; and that Jews and Christians believed in them, but that it was uncertain whether they were accomplished.

The inferences to be collected from the preceding observations, are as follows.

p. 9First, The Jewish Scriptures are of older date, than the birth of Christ.  For if these writings had been compiled since that time, some rumours of such an event must have reached Celsus; and this fact which would have ruined all the pretensions of Jewish antiquity, would have been urged by the heathens as a primary objection to their claims.  The Jews themselves moreover could not have been deceived, if this had been a cunningly devised fable; for they were a widely extended people, and in so short a space of time, it would have been impossible to make them the dupes of such an imposture.  Secondly, It may be inferred from the ission of Celsus, that the prophecies were found in the Jewish Scriptures in his time; and since then no alteration has been made in them by the Jews.  But if so, this is the strongest presumption, that the Jews had never altered them before.  For, if, when by the fulfilment of the prophecies, in the person of Christ, they were most tempted to erase predictions, so hostile to their own creed, they made no p. 10change, much less, would they do it, when the temptation was diminished.  Thirdly, If little is to be collected from the writings of Celsus, in favour of those prophecies which he has attacked, something may be inferred in favour of those which he has failed to attack.  Their existence is itted, and his spirit of hostility is such, that we must attribute his silence not to his forbearance, but to his disingenuousness.  Fourthly, The ission that some important character was expected, not only by the Jews, but by the heathens, at the era of Christ’s advent, is very important to religion.  Where could the expectation originate, except in the Jewish Scriptures">[11f]  If the origin of this expectation was with the Jews, where else can we look for the accomplishment.  Who has fulfilled their wide-spread expectations?  Where is this hope of all nations to be sought, if not in the person of Christ?

p. 12Chap. II. THE SCRIPTURES. 58m54

Celsus in his general mode of argument against the Christians, renders a very important testimony to the truth of their Scriptures: for his charges are not grounded on facts or doctrines, not there recorded; but almost every one of them may be directly traced, to some important and obvious age of the Bible.

He seemed therefore to consider, that he could most effectually destroy Christianity, by overturning the authority of the writings which the Christians believed to have been delivered to them by inspiration, and which they considered the authority, the guide and the security of their religion.

p. 13He acknowledges [13a] that there were “writings concerning the affairs of Christ made by his disciples;” using the word disciple distinctly from the follower of Christ, and plainly in the sense of the immediate attendant upon his person.  Whence may be inferred the general belief, in his time, that the Gospels proceeded from their accredited authors.

He states the Christians to have “preached their doctrines to the poor and wicked, without partiality or respect of persons;” [13d]  This statement also proves the Gospel to have been publicly promulged.

He charges the Christians with so “mutilating the Scriptures, that if one expression p. 14was attacked they might take refuge in another;” [14a] but the charge rests alone upon his assertion.  Origen confidently challenges any proof of it; imputes the mutilations of Scripture, exclusively, to Marcion and Valentinus; but denies their claim to the title of Christians.

The quotations of Celsus from the New Testament are so numerous, [15]  This error is plainly one, rather of contempt, than of ignorance.

It is also worthy of notice, that Celsus has taken very few stories from the heretical writings, which assumed to themselves equal authority with the Gospels, and which abounded in his days.  These stories, wherever they occur, are disallowed by Origen, and their authors, at once, given up as uninspired.  The concessions of Celsus may be taken in evidence, that the canon of Scripture was already so well established, that it would have been in vain for him to mis-state it.

The general testimony furnished by Origen to the Scriptures, may be viewed in some degree distinctly from that of Celsus.  It must be considered as coming about fifty years p. 16after. [16f] some differences to have existed, as to the interpretation of ages, but adverts to none respecting their authority.

p. 17Origen frankly avows the difficulties of Scripture; and it is to cut his way through these, that he is tempted to employ the weapon of allegorical interpretation; a weapon, which never fails to wound the hand of the employer, and to injure the cause it is designed to serve.  His rashness in this method of interpretation may be estimated by the following specimen. [17b]  “The little ones, the children of Babylon,” he says, “are to be interpreted vexatious thoughts, the offspring of confusion, which vice has produced; and he who is happy in dashing them against the stones, is he, who crushes these thoughts against the solidity of reason.”  Such excesses, whilst they betray the unsoundness p. 18of an expositor of Scripture, evince his faith in its authority: and it is rather the authority of the text, than the universal sobriety of its interpreters, which we are anxious to defend.

p. 19Chap. III. HISTORY OF CHRIST. 116h2y

The attack of Celsus, upon the History of Christ, maybe arranged under the three divisions, of his birth; his life; his death.

In adverting to the birth of Christ, Celsus introduces a Jew, charging Christ with being privately born [19b] with a soldier named Panther.  He imputes to him that he was privately educated, and went to earn his livelihood in Egypt.

It is enough to say of all this, that it is mere assertion; that no proof of it is either p. 20established or offered.  Origen, however, justly asks, if it be probable, that a person, the purity of whose life and doctrine is so remarkably opposite to the imputation laid against his birth, [20b]

Against the Life of Christ, no charge is brought by Celsus; [22a] had a bright side; that if he was a man in suffering, in the grandeur with which he suffered he was truly God.

Celsus states, even to minuteness, the facts recorded by the Sacred Historians, as to the Death of Christ.  He says, that he was “betrayed,” [23] in their view.

The objections of Celsus to the character of Christ being thus dismissed, and they are really unworthy even of the scanty space here bestowed upon them, it is plain that all the facts itted by him are so much to be added to the scale of evidence.  It is thus proved, that, either influenced by universal persuasion, or borne down by overwhelming testimony, men, who desired to be infidels, were compelled to it the facts of Christianity.  It is also proved, that nothing can be charged against the life of Christ, except that he most accurately maintained the character in which he condescended to appear.

p. 24Chap. IV. MIRACLES. 221y3y

The strongest evidence in favour of Christianity is supplied by the Miracles, which accompanied its promulgation.  We shall proceed to consider the light cast by the work before us, on this important topic; and examine, first, the testimony of Origen and Celsus to the miraculous effects that were produced; secondly, the pretensions which these works had to a Divine original.

Celsus lived in an age when by the testimony of all history, the Miracles of Christ were objects of notoriety.  The disciples had yet the power of working them, [26a]

After reading the age, in which our Lord foretells that “many should come in his name, doing many wondrous things;” [26b] he exclaims, “how great is the force of truth!—Christ carries with him his own refutation, for he acknowledges a certain Satan, should work the same miracles that he did.”  Of this objection it may be observed, that it cuts two ways.  If it invalidates the Miracles of Christ, yet the event corresponding with the p. 27prediction establishes his prophetical character, and thus authenticates his religion.

Origen continually proclaims, [27b] they themselves had been eye-witnesses.

It may be asked whether modern infidels who have ventured to contradict the Miracles of Christ, a weapon Celsus was afraid to take up, have estimated the rashness of their enterprize.  Are they competent to deny what a spectator no less malevolent than themselves was compelled to it.  Has the lapse of eighteen hundred years enabled them to ascertain a fact of daily occurrence with more accuracy than a by-stander?  Are objects best seen at the greatest distance?

Having then stated the ission of the occurrence of certain supernatural events, p. 28both by the friend, and enemy of Christianity; we shall say a few words upon the source, to which they are ascribed by Celsus.

Origen, in considering this topic, its [28c] were such as the magicians neither felt the disposition nor professed the power to perform.

The question however may be differently argued.  All miracles, and therefore those of Egypt, must be allowed to originate in the p. 29permission of God.  For as the strongest proof of the existence of the Deity is the creation and regular course of nature, so, that this proof may remain, the suspension of the power of nature must also be attributed to him.  There is the same proof, that miracles were performed by the power of God, as that the world was made, and is regulated by him.

If, however, it is itted, that the Divine Being has, under certain circumstances, permitted the influence of Satanic agency: it will still be evident that the miracles of Christianity were not works of this class.  To suppose that they were, would involve a variety of conclusions, uned by reason or analogy.

For, if they were, then God, contrary to the whole course of his dispensations, has suffered his laws to be suspended, in order to betray millions of his creatures, for a succession of ages, into a false theology.—If they were; then, contrary also to all precedent, p. 30he has suffered the interpositions of devils to outstrip his own.  Even the magicians of Egypt, [30c] must, in the most signal manner, have been “divided against itself;” since, upon this hypothesis, miracles which were wrought by devils, were employed to dispossess them, and finally accomplished the subversion of the Pagan Mythology, the most formidable system of machinery, by which Satan ever perpetrated his designs upon mankind.

The evidence then furnished by this Work, on the subject of Miracles, is considerable.  p. 31Celsus its their existence; Origen appeals to them, as what he, and many others had seen.  There is indeed incontrovertible evidence for their existence, till the conversion of the Roman Empire invested Christianity with temporal power, and raised her to universal dominion.  With the necessity, the possession of the miraculous powers ceased.  From this period the Gospel was left to the ordinary grace of God, to its own resources, and to the human powers of its followers.  When a body of illiterate fishermen were commissioned to publish it to all nations, then God supplied the powers by which all men “heard them speak in their own language.” [31]  Now that learning and wealth are the handmaids of religion, they are left in a great measure to do the work of miracles.  All our faculties should be therefore bent to this sacred cause, and all our spoils be offered at the foot of the cross.  Nor is the evidence furnished even now to Christianity through p. 32the channel of miracles by any means small.  Although miracles of one class have ceased, men may see in the true Christian, the greatest of all miracles; a man by nature, cold, corrupt, indolent, selfish, transformed under the creative hand of the Gospel, into the bold, generous, active, disinterested, enterprizing, apostle of truth.

p. 33Chap. V. CHARACTER of the EARLY CHRISTIANS. 2i5i2p

Although the character of an individual, professing a particular faith, is not sufficient of itself either to establish, or condemn his creed, the character of a whole body, professedly living under the influence of the same principles, bears the most convincing testimony, either for, or against them.  Accordingly the mixed indolence, sensuality, and ferocity of the Mahometan character, have always been deemed a sufficient objection, to the principles of the Koran.  And the ancient Christian writers tell us, that the arm of their tormentors, was sometimes suspended, by the purity of the Christian victim: and that they heard with astonishment men supplicating blessings on the heads of their persecutors.  Now it may be of importance to enquire, p. 34what testimony is supplied by the work of Origen, to the character of the early Christians, and, through them, to religion itself.

Celsus objects to the Christians, that they invited every person, [34a] however ignorant, or simple, or wretched, or wicked, to their mysteries; and thereby made such a society, as was fit only for a company of thieves.

To this Origen replies by itting their willingness to receive every body into their society.  He glories in their desire, to give knowledge to the ignorant, wisdom to the simple, peace to the wretched, and reformation to the wicked.  He says that “all are cordially received; and food istered, according to their different wants.”  But he adds, that, as the great object of Christianity was conversion from sin, [35a] were examined, they would be found far better than the rest of men.

Some of the other objections serve, in a striking manner, to shew the superiority both of Christianity and its followers, to the prevailing system and current characters of the day.  “Now a days,” [35e] to all manner of sufferings; and are strangled like sheep without daring to resist.”

p. 36In order to repel some charges of Celsus, against the Christians, as subjects, and citizens, Origen appeals to the evidence of facts; institutes a comparison between the Christians and the heathens, [36a] under the same government, at Athens, Corinth, and other cities.  “Their religion,” says he, “teaches, that union with God, and each other, is supreme happiness.”

Celsus charges them with holding secret assemblies. [36b] His opponent, whilst he invites enquiry into the nature and conduct of these meetings, asks if their actual circumstances did not debar them from meeting in any other manner.

He objects to them also, that they have no temples of worship; [37b]

While therefore, the paucity and weakness of the charges alleged by the enemies of Christianity, against its followers, is established by this work, much is incidentally advanced, which substantiates the superiority of the character of Christians.  They had indeed degenerated even in the days of Celsus.  The stream had not flowed even thus far, without being tinged with many impurities.  But enough virtue was left to vindicate the religion; enough to enable her champions to demonstrate the superior efficacy of the faith, because it made the best citizens and the most useful men.

The allegations of Celsus, and the defence of Origen, alike prove the extent of the sufferings p. 38to which the Christians were subjected.  And it may be truly said, that the best defence of Christianity is written with the blood of its persecuted followers.  It is not credible, that those should either be deceived, or conspire to deceive others, whose lives were almost necessarily to pay the forfeit of their mistake, or of their stratagem.

p. 39Chap. VI. DOCTRINES of the EARLY CHRISTIANS. 4q3u3w

It would be a material defect in an Essay purporting to state the contents of the reply of Origen to Celsus, and the evidence supplied by it in favour of Christianity, not to notice the doctrines of the early Christians, as they may be collected from the work before us.

In the first place then it appears, both from the objections of the one, and the direct assertion of the other, that the Christians of that age itted in the fullest sense the Divinity of Christ.  “Let them,” says Celsus, “ him an angel, but is he the first and only one that is come?” [39]  Hence it is plain, p. 40that however Celsus might confound angels and Christ, the Christians did not.

The assertions of Origen however are unequivocal, and decisive.  Three distinct propositions form a prominent part [41k]

p. 42The personality of the Holy Ghost is distinctly itted by Origen; [43a] of the Holy Spirit.

To the doctrine of the Atonement continual references are made.

The recognition is not less distinct, both by Celsus, and Origen, of the doctrine of Justification by Faith, as the opinion of the early Christians.  “You tell sinners,” says Celsus, “not to examine, but believe; and their faith will save them.” [43d] were lessons taught by the same Master who insisted upon the efficacy of a true and living faith.

p. 44There are two doctrines, original sin, and the eternity of punishment, as to one of which the language of Origen is contradictory, and as to the other it is heterodox.

On the doctrine of original sin, he asserts, in one place, “that no soul came vicious from the hands of God, [44d] are naturally prone to sin by our descent from him.  Celsus states the doctrine after the p. 45manner of the Fatalists; asserting an original bias to evil, and ing that bias to be insurmountable.

The language of Origen as to the doctrine of future punishments is so obscure, as to make it difficult to determine what were his opinions.  He seems however, in general to speak the language [46b] after this life, shall be happy, the wicked shall be plunged into everlasting wretchedness: from which opinion, neither let them, nor any other mortal depart.”

p. 47Such is a slight sketch of the doctrines of Christianity, as held by the Church at the period when this work was written.

That the faith of those times is the faith of the purest Churches in our own days, that the creed of one century is the creed of many ages, in itself, affords very convincing testimony to our religion.

The sameness of the faith, proves in the first place, the integrity of the Scriptures from which it is drawn.  It proves also, that it is, by one and the same Divine Spirit, that all true Christians, in all successive periods, are taught and influenced.—It proves that Christians, instead of yielding themselves like the heathens, disciples to every succeeding philosopher, and “calling many men master,” have called only one their “teacher,” their “guide,” their “master,” which is God.  It proves the superiority of Christianity to time and place; that it is a religion suited to all men, in all ages, and in all circumstances, and p. 48that it therefore bears the impress of a religion sent from God, and designed to be the faith of the universe.  It enables us lastly, to consider our Creed, not as the conception of a solitary enthusiast, not a cunningly devised fable, or the scheme of an ambitious innovator; but to cast ourselves back, as it were, upon the faith of nations, and lay hold confidently of that Tree of Life which was planted by Christ, and whose fruit has been gathered by the hand, and whose root has been fed by the blood of saints in all ages.

p. 49Chap. VII. CONCLUSION. 4h4y2w

Having thus noticed, in succession, the several topics which are chiefly insisted on in the Work before us; and having endeavoured to deduce from each, the distinct evidence in favour of Christianity, which it seemed to afford, it remains only to sum up the general testimony thus borne to our religion.

Let the evidence be first considered, which arises from the concessions and objections of Celsus.  In the first place then he proves the existence of the Scriptures in his own times, he relates some facts extracted from them, and he corroborates many others, which would otherwise stand upon their uned authority; and thus he authenticates both the religion, and the Bible.

p. 50In the next place, as Celsus is usually considered the most subtle and malignant of the assailants of Christianity, the weakness of his assault discovers the difficulty of the attack, or, in other words, the strength of the religion.

In the third place, his ission of many facts, which he would have rejoiced to deny, is a strong testimony to the general belief of the facts, at the period at which he wrote.

Fourthly, His wary suppression of some circumstances incontrovertibly established by the authority of other persons, of much evidence which strengthened, and many writers who had served the Christian cause, [50] betrays his conviction that such facts could not be promulgated with safety to his argument.

Let us turn next to the reasonings and the reply of Origen, and to the evidence for Christianity supplied by them.

p. 51In the first place, as the infidel may find in the objections, all the weapons by which he is now accustomed to assault religion, so the believer may find in the answers of Origen, the shield which has repelled, and is sufficient to repel them for ever.

The confidence with which Origen appeals to the Scriptures, evinces the reverence in which they were held at an age when their spuriousness, if they had not been genuine, could so readily have been detected.

The exact correspondence of the Scriptural ages extracted by him, with our own copies, establishes the integrity of the sacred canon.

The confidence with which he challenges an investigation of the miracles, and the miraculous powers of the Church, for some ages, leaves us no room to doubt of their existence.

p. 52The firm faith of such a man as Origen, at a period when the evidence of Christianity lay most open to a scrutiny, is no small testimony of the truth of the religion.

The very rashness which is charged, and justly charged upon Origen, is so far satisfactory, that it assures us, the friends of Christianity, however injudicious, could open no avenues of attack through which the most dextrous adversaries could successfully assault the citadel of our faith.

Finally, The effect wrought upon the character of Origen, and his contemporaries, to which he continually refers, at once gives weight to their testimony, and vindicates the claim set up by Christianity, to a Divine efficacy accompanying its doctrines.  Let Origen himself be examined.  Such was his superiority to worldly attraction, that he [53d]  It was moreover in the power of these men to examine the sources of objection which were opened to them by Celsus; this they had certainly done, but their belief gathered strength by enquiry, p. 54and they sealed their testimony by their blood.  We have in their conduct a proof of the impression which the arguments of Celsus made on their minds.

Paganism began to tremble, when she saw that the new religion was not only a new creed, but a new power; she anticipated her own downfall when she exclaimed, “See how these Christians love one another.”  This evidence is peculiar to the Gospel.  By this, under the Divine aid, it ascended the throne, and grasped the sceptre of the world.  By this it will continue to conquer, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.

Upon the whole, the reply of Origen to Celsus may be considered as one of the most valuable legacies of antiquity.  The importance of the subject, the talents of the contending authors, the ample evidence it affords to our faith, claim for it our earnest consideration; the errors of Origen are such as a little sagacity may correct, his merit will ever be confessed, p. 55while religion shall need an apology, or talent and piety have any claim to iration.  It is true that the revolution of ages has afforded, as might be expected, to truth additional evidence, and to error fresh refutation.  So much however was effected, in their distinct enterprizes by the early enemies and friends of Christianity, that the vanity of unbelievers should be subdued, by discovering most of their objections to have been before advanced, and the faith of Christians should be confirmed, by knowing them to have been long since refuted.

 

THE END.

FOOTNOTES. 213s20

[1a]  The references made to the original work are to the edition of Guliel.  Spencer, Cantabrigiensis, Collegii SS. Trinitatis Socius.  1658.

[1b]  “ἀληθὴς λόγος.”  Con. Cels.  P. lvi. 14.

[1c]  Lardner, vol. VIII. 6.

[1d]  Con. Cels.  P. viii. 186.

[1e]  Lucian, vol. I. p. 746.

[2a]  Euseb. B. vii. c. 19.

[2b]  Con. Cels. 231, &c.

[2c]  Con. Cels. 56.

[3a]  Milner, Ec. Hist. vol. I. 489.  “Great honesty of mind was, if I mistake not, a ruling feature of Origen’s character.”  Paley, vol. I. 292.

[3b]  Eus. con. Hieroc. 511.  Ed. Paris.

[3c]  Hieron. Ep. 83.  Op. Tom. IV. 655.  Ed. Paris.

[3d]  Cave, Life of Origen, Bull. def. Fid. Nic.

[3e]  Huet. Ev. d’Aviânches.  M. de la Motte.  Dupin.

[5a]  Con. Cels. 181.

[5b]  Ib. 183.

[5c]  Ib. 186.

[6a]  Con. Cels. 186.

[6b]  Con. Cels. xiv. 167.

[6c]  Jos. de Jud. Antiq.

[6d]  Tatian ad Græ. Orat.

[6e]  Con. Cels. 13.

[6f]  Con. Cels. 167.

[6g]  Ib. 115.

[7a]  Con. Cels. 14. 260.

[7b]  Ib. 189. et seq.

[8a]  Con. Cels. 112.

[8b]  Ib. 39.

[8c]  Ib. 44.

[10a]  Matt. ch. ii.

[10b]  Afric. in Eus.

[10c]  Hospini de Orig. Tempi. c. iii.

[11a]  “Cum audisset (Augustus) inter pueros, quos in Syriâ Herodes rex Judæoram intra bimatum jussit interfici, filium quoque ejus occisum, ait, Melius esse Herodis Porcum esse quam Filium.”  Macrob. Sat. ii. 4.

[11b]  Eclogue 4th.  In which the expressions relating to the Golden Age, of which he prophesied the advent, have the greatest similarity to those applied to the Messiah by Isaiah.  See an irable Essay, entitled, “Observations on 4th Eclogue.”  Miller, 1810.

“Tibi quem promitti sæpius audis.”  Æneid, lib. vi. 791.

[11c]  Cic. Or. 3 contr. Catilin. lin. 72.

[11d]  Bell. Catilin.

[11e]  “Pererebuerat oriente toto vetus et constans opinio, esse in fatis, ut eo tempore Judæi profecti rerum potirentur.”  Sueton. Vespasian, cap. iv. 8.

[11f]  “Pluribus persuasio inerat, antiquis sacerdotum literis contineri, eo ipso tempore fore, ut valesceret oriens, profectique Judæâ rerum potirentur.”  Tac. His. B. V. c. ix. 13.

[13a]  Con. Cels. 67.

[13b]  Con. Cels. 147.

[13c]  Matt. xi. 5.

[13d]  Luke v. 32.

[14a]  Con. Cels. 77.

[14b]  “There are about eighty quotations from the books of the New Testament in Celsus.”  Doddridge.

[15]  Con. Cels. 47.

[16a]  The writings of Origen are esteemed of greater value than those of any other of the Fathers in proof of the authenticity of Scripture.  Dr. Mills says, “Si hæc (op. Orig.) integra superessent, versaretur utique nobis ob oculos universus fere textus utriusque Testamenti qualis isto seculo ferebatur.”  Mill. Proleg. 64.  Ed. Ox. 1707.

[16b]  Those omitted in his quotations: Ruth, 2 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Song of Solomon, Joel, Obadiah, Nahum, Habakkuk.

[16c]  Philemon, 2 John, Jude.

[16d]  Tobit, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, 1 Maccabees, 2 Maccabees.

[16e]  Matt. chap. ii. &c.

[16f]  Con. Cels. 117.

[17a]  Con. Cels. 346.

[17b]  Ps. cxxxvii. 8.

[19a]  Con. Cels. 22.

[19b]  Ib. 25.

[20a]  Con. Cels. 26.

[20b]  The Author is aware, that many very profligate persons have been placed on the Calendar of Popish Saints.  Such cases however apply to a later period in the Christian History than that to which he refers.

[20c]  Con. Cels. 369.

[20d]  Ib. 168.

[20e]  Ib. 164.

[21a]  Con. Cels. 329.

[21b]  Horat. B. iii. Od. 16.  Ovid. Met. 4.

[21c]  John xviii. 36.

[21d]  1 John ii. 15.

[21e]  James ii. 5.

[21f]  Rom. v. 6.

[21g]  Isaiah liii. 3.

[21h]  Heb. i. 8.

[22a]  Exod. xiv. 20.

[22b]  Con. Cels. 72. 282. 79.

[22c]  Ib. 82. 95.

[22d]  Ib. 82. 340.

[22e]  Ib. 94.

[22f]  Ib. 98.

[23]  Luke xvi. 31.

[24a]  Euseb. v. c. 7.  Tert. ad Scap. 4.  Apol. 23.  Theophil.

[24b]  Con. Cels. 87.

[25a]  Con. Cels. 53.

[25b]  Doddridge—Sherlock—Chandler, Def. 429.

[26a]  Con. Cels. 124.

[26b]  Ib. 89.

[27a]  Con. Cels. 34. 53. 124. 127. 337.

[27b]  Ib. 34.

[28a]  Con. Cels. 125.

[28b]  Ib. 91.

[28c]  Ib. 88.

[30a]  Ex. viii. 19.

[30b]  Con. Cels. 87.

[30c]  Matt. xii. 26.

[31]  Acts ii. 6.

[34a]  Con. Cels. 147.

[34b]  Ib. 147.

[35a]  Con. Cels. 150.

[35b]  Ib. 86.

[35c]  Ib. 370.

[35d]  Ib. 365.

[35e]  Ib. 115.

[36a]  Con. Cels. 128.

[36b]  Ib. 4.

[36c]  Ib. 373.

[37a]  Con. Cels. 375.

[37b]  1 Kings viii. 27.

[39]  Con. Cels. 266.

[40a]  Waterland’s Def.

[40b]  Con. Cels. 287.

[40c]  Ib. 375.

[40d]  Ib. 237.

[40e]  Ib. 367.

[40f]  Ib. 158.

[41a]  Con. Cels. 308. 325.

[41b]  Ib. 63.

[41c]  Ib. 233.

[41d]  Ib. 382.

[41e]  Ib. 46. 160.  εὐσέβεια.

[41f]  Ib. 386.

[41g]  Ib. 239.

[41h]  Ib. 169.

[41i]  Ib. 164.

[41j]  Ib. 171. 342. 387. 386. &c. &c.

[41k]  It may be observed, that although charges were laid against some of Origen’s doctrines after his death, none were made against his orthodoxy on the subject of the Trinity, till after the time of Arius.  The Eustathians then opposed him on the ground of some expressions which he had used against the Sabellians, by which he separated the hypostases of the Godhead.  His orthodoxy was however maintained by St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Basil, St. Athanasius, Chrysostom, and Didymus.  The words of St. Athanasius are “Verbum autem ab æterno esse cum patre, nec alterius substantiæ vel hypostasis, sed ipsius paternæ substantiæ proprium illum esse, quemodum dixerunt qui interfuerunt Synodo, liceat nobis rursus audire etiam ex laborioso Origine.”—Op. Athan. T. 1. p. 277.

Jerome about the year 390 said of Origen, “Quem post Apostolos, Ecclesiarum Magistrum nemo nisi imperitus negabat.  Præf. ad nom. Heb.”  His celebrated controversy with Ruffinus then began, and as the latter was an irer and translator of Origen’s writings, the character of Origen was involved in the dispute, and Jerome heaped upon it all the abuse he thought due to Ruffinus.  Bishop Bull says of this transaction, “Hieronymus odiô suô in Originem seu potiùs in Origenis interpretem Ruffinum, nimiùm indulgens, indeque omnia ejus verba dictaque in pessimum sensum trahere amans.”—Bullii. Op. Om. p. 121.  And again, “Hieronymus in hac Origenis accusatione, animum à candore alienum atque affectibus abreptum ita manifestè prodidit, ut in cæteris criminationibus fidem sibi omnem derogâsse videatur.”—Bullii. Op. Om. p. 123.

Milner (Ecc. Hist. I. 496) observes that the Arians who had so very little assistance from precedents, were glad to catch at the shadow of an argument drawn from Origen’s illustrious name, and they accordingly sought out expressions obscure in themselves, but plainly contradictory to the general tenor of his opinions, upon the ground of which they claim him as their er.  Milner observes of these men (Ecc. Hist. II. 163) that every thing mean and sordid, cruel and inhuman, ambitious and perfidious is on their side, and this is the character of their conduct towards the writings of Origen.

Of modern writers the opinion is decisive.  Bishop Bull says, “Ita mecum statuo Origenem in articulo de fillii divinitate adeoque de S. Trinitate revera Catholicum fuisse.”—Bullii. Op. Om. p. 127.  Waterland, Chandler, Fiddes, and Cudworth hold the same sentiment.

[42]  Con. Cels. 35.

[43a]  Con. Cels. 34.

[43b]  Ib. 8.

[43c]  2 Cor. xiii. 5.

[43d]  John v. 39.

[44a]  Con. Cels. 153.

[44b]  Ib. 354.

[44c]  Ps. li. 10.

[44d]  Con. Cels. 190.

[45]  Con. Cels. 242. 292. &c.

[46a]  Titus ii. 12.

[46b]  Con. Cels. 409.

[50]  Ignatius, Polycarp, Justin Martyr, Tatian.

[52]  Cave’s Lives.

[53a]  Euseb. B. VI. c. 3.

[53b]  Epiph. Epis. Const. contra Hær. p. 141.  Ed. 1617.

De Illust. Eccle. Script. 249.  Ed. Colon. 1580.

Geor. Cedr. Compen. Hist. 253.  Ed. Par. 1647.

Mic. Glycæ. An. 242.  Ed. Par. 1660.

[53c]  John v. 4.

[53d]  2 Cor. v. 17.