The Project Gutenberg eBook of Mr. Ray's travels, Vol. 2 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at gutenberg.telechargertorrent.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook. Title: Mr. Ray's travels, Vol. 2 A collection of curious travels and voyages. Containing Dr Leonhart Rauwolf's journey into the eastern countries, viz. Syria, Palestine, or the Holy Land, Armenia, Mesopotamia, Assyria, Chaldea, &c., translated from the Original High Dutch, by Nicholas Staphorst. And also, travels into Greece, Asia minor, Egypt, Arabia felix, Petræa, Ethiopia, the Red Sea, &c. Collected from the observations of Mons. Belon, Prosper Alpinus, Dr. Huntington, Mr. Vernon, Sir George Wheeler, Dr. Smith, Mr. Greaves, and others. To which are added three catalogues of such trees, shrubs, and herbs, as grow in the Levant. By the Rev. John Ray, F.R.S. Creator: John Ray Author: Leonhard Rauwolf Contributor: Pierre Belon Translator: Nicolaus Staphorst Release date: May 30, 2025 [eBook #76193] Language: English, Latin Original publication: London: J. Walthoe : D. Midwinter : A. Bettesworth et al, 1738 Credits: Charlene Taylor, Adrian Mastronardi, David Garcia. and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MR. RAY'S TRAVELS, VOL. 2 *** [Illustration] Mr. RAY’s Travels. VOL. II. [Illustration] A COLLECTION OF CURIOUS Travels and Voyages. CONTAINING, Dr. _Leonhart Rauwolf_’s Journey Into the _Eastern_ Countries, _viz._ SYRIA, PALESTINE, or the HOLY LAND, ARMENIA, MESOPOTAMIA, ASSYRIA, CHALDEA, _&c._ Translated from the Original _High Dutch_, By _NICHOLAS STAPHORST_. AND ALSO, TRAVELS into GREECE, ASIA _minor_, EGYPT, ARABIA _felix_, PETRÆA, ETHIOPIA, the RED SEA, _&c._ Collected from the Observations of Mons. BELON, PROSPER ALPINUS, Dr. HUNTINGDON, Mr. VERNON, Sir GEORGE WHEELER, Dr. SMITH, Mr. GREAVES, and others. To which are added three Catalogues of such _Trees_, _Shrubs_, and _Herbs_, as grow in the LEVANT. By the Rev. _JOHN RAY_, F. R. S. The SECOND EDITION Corrected and Improved. VOL. II. _LONDON_: Printed for _J. Walthoe_, _D. Midwinter_, _A. Bettesworth_, and _C. Hitch_, _W. Innys_, _R. Robinson_, _J. Wilford_, _A. Ward_, _J._ and _P. Knapton_, _T. Longman_, _O. Payne_, _W. Shropshire_, _J._ and _R. Tonson_, _T. Woodman_, _R. Chandler_, and _J. Wellington_. 1738. THE CONTENTS. PART. I. Chap. I. _Which way I went first of all, from ~Augspurg~ to ~Marseilles~, and from thence shipped over the Seas towards ~Tripoli~ of ~Syria~, situated in ~Phœnecia~._ pag. 1 Chap. II. _Of the famous city of ~Tripoli~, of it’s fruitful neighbourhood and great trade; and also of the splendid baths, and other magnificent buildings to be seen there. Their ways of making Rusma, Pot-ashes, Soap, ~&c.~_ p. 14 Chap. III. _Of the ~Turks~ of high and low conditions, men and women; of their employments, offices, manners, customs, cloaths, as much as I could at ~Tripoli~ (during my abode) understand, see, and learn thereof._ p. 26 Chap. IV. _A description of the plants I gathered at ~Tripoli~._ p. 35 Chap. V. _Which way I travell’d from ~Tripoli~ farther to the two famous cities of ~Damant~ and ~Aleppo~._ p. 42 Chap. VI. _Of the situation of the potent city of ~Aleppo~; of the buildings thereof, and also of the delicate fruits and fine plants, that grow there, within and without gardens._ p. 45 Chap. VII. _Of the high places and authority of Bashaws, what great courts they keep, and how they ister their offices; as also of their way of living, of their privileges, of their manners and conversation._ p. 51 Chap. VIII. _Of the great trading and dealing of the city of ~Aleppo~; as also several sorts of their meats and drinks; of their ceremonies, and their peculiar way of sitting down at meals._ p. 61 Chap. IX. _A short and plain relation of plants, which I gather’d during my stay at ~Aleppo~, in and round about it, not without great danger and trouble, which I glued upon paper very carefully._ p. 73 PART. II. Chap. I. _How I departed from ~Aleppo~ to the famous city of ~Bir~; and how I sailed from thence on the ~Euphrates~ to Old ~Babylon~._ p. 87 Chap. II. _Which way we went into the ship, and sailed to ~Racka~; and how the son of the King of ~Arabia~, with his retinue came to our ship to demand his customs; what else we saw by the way, and what we did suffer from the ~Arabians~ and their Mendicants._ p. 96 Chap. III. _Of the city of ~Racka~, and of it’s situation; and also something of the departure of the King of ~Arabia~; and of his league with the ~Turkish~ Emperor; and also of the trouble we had with the Custom-house-officer or ~Publican~._ p. 110 Chap. IV. _Of the inhabitants of the mountains, and the great wilderness we came through to ~Deer~; of their ancient origination, and miserable and laborious livelihood._ p. 117 Chap. V. _Of our voyage to the famous town ~Ana~, in which we ed again through great sandy wildernesses; for the performance whereof we must provide ourselves with victuals, and be very careful in our navigation. Some relation of the inhabitants, of their cloaths, and other things we did observe and see by the way, and what else did happen unto us._ p. 124 Chap. VI. _Which way we travell’d from ~Ana~ farther to Old ~Babylon~, by some ancient towns call’d ~Haddidt~, ~Juppe~, ~Idt~, and saw more pleasant, fruitful and well cultivated fields on each side than before._ p. 132 Chap. VII. _Of Old ~Babylon~ the Metropolis of ~Chaldee~, and it’s situation; and how it is still to this day, after it’s terrible desolation, to be seen, with the tower or turret, and the old ruined walls lying in the dust._ p. 137 Chap. VIII. _Of the famous city of ~Bagdat~, call’d ~Baldac~; of it’s situation, strange plants, great traffick, and Merchants of several nations that live there, together with several other things I saw and did learn at my departing._ p. 142 Chap. IX. _Which way I came in my return from ~Bagdat~, through ~Assyria~, the confines of ~Persia~, and the province of the ~Curters~, to the town ~Carcuch~, ~Capril~, &c. and at length to the river ~Tygris~, to ~Mossel~, that famous town which was formerly call’d ~Nineveh~._ p. 159 Chap. X. _Which way we went through ~Mesopotamia~, by the way of ~Zibin~ and ~Orpha~, to ~Bir~, not without a great deal of danger; and afterwards how we ed the great river, the ~Euphrates~, and came at last into ~Syria~, by ~Nisib~, to the famous town of ~Aleppo~._ p. 168 Chap. XI. _Of the ~Turkish~ Physicians and Apothecaries; of my comrade ~Hans Ulrich Krafft~ of ~Ulm~’s hard imprisonment; of the great danger that I was in, in the two towns of ~Aleppo~ and ~Tripoli~; of the murdering of some Merchants, and what else did happen when I was there._ p. 179 Chap. XII. _Of the large and high mount of ~Libanus~, it’s inhabitants and strange plants that are found there._ p. 186 Chap. XIII. _Cunning and deceitful stratagems of the ~Grand Turk~ against the inhabitants of mount ~Libanus~, the ~Trusci~, and ~Maronites~; and how he made war with them, and what damage they sustained by it._ p. 198 PART. III. Chap. I. _A Short description of his departure from ~Tripoli~, a town of ~Phœnicia~ in ~Syria~, and how I went from thence to ~Joppa~._ p. 203 Chap. II. _A short relation of my travels by land from the harbour of ~Joppa~, to the city of ~Jerusalem~._ p. 212 Chap. III. _A plain description of the city of ~Jerusalem~, as it was to be seen in our time; and of the adjacent countries._ p. 220 Chap. IV. _Of mount ~Sion~, and it’s holy places._ p. 229 Chap. V. _Of the mount ~Moria~, and the glorious temple of ~Solomon~._ p. 239 Chap. VI. _Of the ~Saracens~ and ~Turkish~ religion, ceremonies and hypocritical life, with a short hint how long time their reign shall last after ~Mahomet~’s decease._ p. 257 Chap. VII. _Of mount ~Bethzetha~, and the two houses of ~Pilate~ and ~Herod~._ p. 258 Chap. VIII. _Of mount ~Calvaria~, and the holy grave of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ._ p. 260 Chap. IX. _Here follow some epitaphs of the Christian Kings of ~Jerusalem~, together with a short relation of their reigns and mighty deeds._ p. 271 Chap. X. _A common of several sorts of Christians, but chiefly of them that are always to be found in the temple of mount ~Calvaria~. And also how these, and many other strangers, are treated by the ~Turkish~ Emperor (as by their chief head, to whom they are generally subjected) and his officers._ p. 275 Chap. XI. _Of the ~Greeks~._ p. 288 Chap. XII. _Of the ~Surians~ that esteem themselves to be Christians._ p. 290 Chap. XIII. _Of the ~Gregorians~._ p. 291 Chap. XIV. _Of the ~Armenians~ and their religion._ p. 292 Chap. XV. _Of the ~Nestorians~._ p. 294 Chap. XVI. _Of the ~Jacobites~ call’d ~Golti~._ p. 296 Chap. XVII. _Of the ~Abyssins~, Priest ~John~, call’d ~Lederwick~, subject unto the King of the ~Moors~._ p. 297 Chap. XVIII. _Of the ~Maronites~._ p. 300 Chap. XIX. _Of the ~Latinists~ or ~Papists~._ p. 301 Chap. XX. _Of the Knights of the Temple of ~Jerusalem~, the Order of the ~Johannites~._ p. 304 Chap. XXI. _A short description of some places, hills, valleys, ~&c.~ that lie near and about ~Jerusalem~. Of the mount of ~Olives~, and it’s holy places._ p. 309 Chap. XXII. _Of ~Bethlehem~, the mountains of ~Judea~, and their famous places. Where also is made mention of my returning back from ~Jerusalem~ to ~Tripoli~._ p. 316 Chap. XXIII. _How I took ship at ~Tripolis~ in ~Syria~, and sailed back from thence to ~Venice~, and travell’d home again to my own relations at ~Augspurg~._ p. 327 VOL. II. Chap. I. _Mr ~Belon~’s remarks in the island of ~Creta~ or ~Candy~._ p. 341 Chap. II. _A description of mount ~Athos~, commonly call’d ~Monte Santo~, by Mr ~Belon~._ p. 345 Chap. III. _An of a journey by land from mount ~Athos~ to ~Constantinople~, wherein the gold and silver mines of ~Macedonia~, together with many antiquities and natural rarities are described._ p. 349 Chap. IV. _The ways of fishing on the ~Propontis~, the ~Bosphorus~, and ~Hellespont~; as also of the fishes taken. By M. ~Belon~._ p. 353 Chap. V. _Of some beasts and mechanic trades at ~Constantinople~._ p. 354 _Mr ~Francis Vernon~’s letter, written to Mr ~Oldenburg~, ~Jan 10, 1675-6~._ p. 355 _Some plants observed by Sir ~George Wheeler~, in his Voyage to ~Greece~ and ~Asia minor~._ p. 364 _Historical observations relating to ~Constantinople~, by the reverend and learned ~Tho. Smith~, D.D. Fellow of ~Magd. College Oxon.~ and of the ~Royal Society~._ p. 368 _An of the city of ~Prusa~ in ~Bithynia~, and a continuation of the historical observations relating to ~Constantinople~._ p. 380 _An of the latitude of ~Constantinople~ and ~Rhodes~; by the learned Mr ~John Greaves~._ p. 404 Chap. VI. _Some observations made in a Voyage to ~Egypt~, by Mr ~Belon~._ p. 409 _More Observations made in ~Egypt~, by ~Guilandinus~, ~Alpinus~ and others_. Chap. I. _Of the weather and seasons in ~Egypt~._ p. 411 Chap. II. _Of the meats and drinks of ~Egypt~._ p. 412 Chap. III. _Of the diseases and physic._ p. 414 _Of the Pyramids of ~Egypt~, by Mr ~Greaves~, Professor of Astronomy in the University of ~Oxford~. A description of the first Pyramid._ p. 417 _A description of the second Pyramid._ p. 436 _A description of the third Pyramid, out of Mr ~Belon~, and Mr ~Greaves~._ p. 439 _Of the rest of the Pyramids in the ~Libian~ desart._ p. 441 _In what manner the Pyramids were built._ p. 443 _Of the ~Pyramids~, ~Sphynx~, ~Mummies~, &c. by Father ~Vansleb~ and others._ p. 448 _Of the ~Sphynx~._ p. 452 _Of the wells where the ~Mummies~ are._ p. 453 _A description of an entire body of a ~Mummy~._ p. 457 _A letter from ~Dublin~ concerning the Porphyry pillars in ~Egypt~, by Dr ~Huntingdon~._ p. 461 _A journey from ~Grand Cairo~ to ~Mecca~._ p. 467 _Of the Aga sent to meet the Caravan upon their return._ p. 470 _Of ~Mecca~ and ~Medina~._ p. 472 _An extract of a journey through part of ~Arabia Felix~, from the copy in ~Ramusio~’s collection._ p. 475 _Some observations made by Sir ~Henry Middleton~, and other ~Englishmen~ in ~Arabia Felix~, &c._ p. 477 _Of the ways and roads between ~Egypt~ and ~Ethiopia~._ p. 479 _Of ~Ethiopia~: By ~Michael~ of ~Tripoli~, Embassador from the ~Habessine~ Emperor to the Grand Signior._ p. 481 _More Observations of ~Ethiopia~, by Father ~Lobo~, Father ~Alvarez~, Father ~Tellez~, and others; extracted from their ~Portuguese~ voyages._ p. 487 [Illustration] [Illustration] Dr _Leonhart Rauwolff_’s TRAVELS INTO THE Eastern Countries. In which is chiefly treated, how he got into _Syria_, and what strange things he there saw and observed. PART. I. CHAP. I. _Which way I went first of all, from ~Augspurg~ to ~Marseilles~, and from thence shipped over the seas towards ~Tripoli~ of ~Syria~, situated in ~Phœnicia~._ I having always had a natural inclination, almost from my infancy, to travel into foreign Countries, but chiefly into the Eastern ones, which have been of old celebrated for fertility, which were cultivated by the most ancient people, and whose princes in former ages, have been the most potent monarchs of the world; not only to observe their lives, manners and customs, but chiefly to gain a clear and distinct knowledge of those delicate herbs, described by _Theophrastus_, _Dioscorides_, _Avicenna_, _Serapio_, &c. by viewing them in their proper and native places, partly that I might more exactly describe them, especially the most strange and rare; partly also, to provoke the Apothecaries to endeavour to procure those that are necessary for them to have in their shops: I strove always to put this my desire into execution, but was forced to defer it until, in the year of our Lord 1573, I found an opportunity, by my honour’d brother-in-law Mr _Melchior Manlick_, senior, which was very convenient. He received me presently, (having before a design to increase the number of them that were employ’d in his trade) and fitted me out for my voyage, that I might go with the first company that should travel for _Marseilles_, and then from thence farther in one of their ships to _Tripoli_, situated in that part of _Syria_ which is call’d _Phœnicia_. After that my honour’d friend, Mr _Frederick Rentzen_, of that same city, was come to me, we set out the _18th_ of _May_, _Anno 1573_, from _Augspurg_ towards _Lindaw_, deg to go through _Piedmont_ to _Milan_ and _Nissa_, and so farther: The same day we came to _Mindelheim_, a very pleasant town with a princely castle, situated upon the _Mindel_, then belonging to the baron of _Frundsberg_. The _19th_ at noon we came to _Memmingen_, a very pleasant city of the empire, and at night to _Leutkirch_. The _20th_ we rode thorough _Wangen_, another imperial city, situated in _Algaw_, where they drove a very good trade with fine ticking and linnen cloth; about noon we arrived at _Lindaw_, an imperial city situated in the _Boden_ sea, where there is a very great depository or staple of all sorts of commodities or merchandizes: some have call’d this the _German Venice_, because it is in like manner situated in water, and hath also a great trade. After dinner we crossed the lake towards _Fuzach_, a village not far from _Bregentz_, towards the _Rhine_. The _21st_ about breakfast-time we came to _Veldkirch_, a very pleasant town, situated upon the _Yll_, belonging now to the house of _Austria_, but formerly to the counts of _Montfort_. By the way I saw several fine plants, _viz._ _Saxifraga Aurea_, _Caryophyllata Alpina_, a fine sort of _Bellis-major_, _Christa galli_ with white flowers, and _Auricula Ursi_ with brown flowers, _&c._ At night we came to _Mayenfeld_, belonging to the _Grawpunters_, upon the _Rhine_, which runs by the town, and there runs into it a river call’d _Camingen_, which slides down between high rocks, where the famous warm bath (from an adjacent abby, call’d _Pfeffers_) riseth, which may be numbered amongst the wonderful waters, in regard of it’s irable operation in strengthening lame and contracted , and hath this property beyond other baths, that it loseth itself from _October_ till _May_, and then it cometh on again powerfully. The _22d_ we came at night to _Chur_, a very ancient city, where also is a deposition of Goods that are brought thither from __ by pack-horses over the mountains. A seat of that Bishop lyeth half an hour’s going from the _Rhine_, wherefore this bishopric is ed the chief of all the bishoprics of the _Rhine_, or the _Pfaffen gaste_, call’d by others, because it is situated near the first beginning of the _Rhine_, according to the ancient proverb: _Costentz_ the biggest, _Basil_ the pleasantest, _Strasburg_ the noblest, _Spires_ the devoutest, _Worms_ the poorest, _Mentz_ the worthiest, _Trier_ the ancientest, and _Collen_ the richest. The _23d_ we rode to _Tusis_, an ancient village belonging to the _Grawpunters_, the name whereof shews it’s original, for the _Rhetians_ are descended from the _Tuscans_, who under the conduct of one _Rhætus_ of old took possession of those countries; not far off upon a high mountain is still situated a ruin’d castle, call’d _Realt_, or which is righter, _Rhœtia alta_, deriv’d also from the _Rhetians_. The _24th_ at noon we came by the _Splewer-hill_ into a village call’d _Splugi_, not far from the beginning, head, or sourse of the _Rhine_: Thence we ed over the hill, and came at night to a little village call’d _Gampolschin_, situated in a valley of the same name, where we rested. Monday the _25th_ at noon we came to _Clæven_, or _Clavenna_, a very ancient town, belonging to the _Bunts_, which had anciently a strong castle, which was demolished by the _Grawpunters_ themselves, _Anno 1524_, after it was cunningly taken from them by _Castel de Maess_ and _John Jacob de Medicis_, in which bustle the town was also ruin’d, for the gates and walls were beaten down, that no enemy might after that lodge himself there again. From _Clæven_ we went to _Riva_ upon the _Lago di como_, where the water _Addua_ runs into the lake, and yet notwithstanding adds no water to it, nor taketh any from it, but only runs strait through it; and so doth the _Rhine_ through the lake call’d the _Boden-Sea_: From thence we travell’d to _Gera_ upon the same lake, where we lay all night. On the bank I saw some purple-colour’d lillies, a sort of _Lilium Saracenicum_ with small leaves, and in the old walls the _Cymbalaria_. The _26th_ about noon we came to _Como_, a very glorious and pleasant city, from whence the lake hath it’s name to this day. From thence we rode the same night to _Milan_, the metropolis of that dukedom. What strange ages have been committed in this town before it was possessed by the Emperor _Charles_ the fifth, after the decease of the last duke _Francis Sfortia_, is related sufficiently in History. The _27th_ we rode through _Binasco_, a pleasant village, where the very learned and famous _Andreas Alciatus_, Doctor in Law, and Professor of several Universities in __ and _Italy_, hath built a very glorious palace; and in the evening ing by the great park (in which in the year 1525, was fought that bloody battel between _Francis_ King of __, and the Emperor _Charles_ the fifth’s officers, in which the King himself was made prisoner, and many of his men kill’d) the same night arrived at _Pavia_, an ancient glorious city, situated on the river _Tesin_, where the Kings of the _Longobards_ did formerly keep their courts, and afterwards _Charles the Great_, the first _German_ Emperor, did institute an University, which has brought up many eminent and learned men since. The _28th_ departing from _Pavia_, we ed the River _Padus_, or _Eridanus_, which is believed to be the biggest river in _Italy_, to _Vogera_, a pleasant village, situated on the river _Stafora_, there we began to take post, and had eighteen stages to _Nissa_: By noon we arrived at _Dertona_, a pretty town, yet not very full of people, by reason of the many wars and intestine quarrels in which it was engaged, belonging to the Duke of _Milan_. In this country I found whole acres sown with _Wood_, and there I saw the _White Poplar_, also _Millefolium flore luteo_, and farther upon the hill _Brotho_ the _Cineraria_, and the _Stœchas Citrina_, _Cotinus Plinii_, and many more fine plants. At night we came to _Alexandria della Paglia_, that is to say, _of Chaff_. When heavy and long wars did arise between the Emperor _Frederick_ the first, and the towns of _Lombardy_, by instigation of Pope _Alexander_ the third, the towns of _Lombardy_ did agree to compile this city out of several villages in the year 1168, and did fortify it the year next ensuing, and call’d it, after the Pope’s name, _Alexandria_; but the _Imperialists_ call’d it _Alexandria of Straw_, which name it doth retain to this day; yet we did not stay there, but rode the same night to _Bellizona_, a strong place, which perhaps formerly had it’s own princes, which did sell it from _Uri_ and his relations, because they could not defend it from the Duke of _Milan_ in the year 1422, and yet it cost a great deal of blood, until the _Switzers_ got it into safe possession in the year 1500. The _29th_ at noon we came to _Ast_, a considerable city belonging to the dukedom of _Milan_, where the King of _Spain_ keeps a garrison, which had just then received the new Governour of _Milan_, and conducted him into the city. Not far off lieth _Carmagnola_, belonging to the King of __, and to the Marquisate of _Saluzo_, where is kept a _French_ garrison, as at _Moncalier_, which is very near it, the Duke of _Savoy_ hath a garrison; and so garrisons of three eminent princes lie very near one another. That night we lodged in a pitiful village call’d _Baieron_. The _30th_ we rode thro’ _Racones_ and _Savigliano_, two small villages, and at night came to _Coni_. The last of _May_, after we had broke our fast in a village call’d _Limona_, we came to mount _Brothus_, where we saw many pleasant vineyards; and so by _Tenda_ into another village, call’d _Sorgo_, where we staid all night. The first of _June_ we reached to _Nissa_ in the morning, a city with a strong citadel, upon the _Tyrrhenian_ sea, belonging to the Duke of _Savoy_, which the _Turkish_ iral _Barbarossa_ did for a long time besiege with great fury, and yet was forc’d to leave it, although he had the city in his possession, in the year 1543. Thither also came _Francis_ King of __, and the Emperor _Charles_ the fifth, to Pope _Paul_ the third, to have peace made between them. Thereabouts I espy’d some fine plants, but chiefly two sorts of _Papaver Corniculatum_, with large and stately flowers, yellow and brown; and also the _Ladanum latifolium_, and upon the hill towards _Villa Franca_, a _Convolvulus_ with white and purple-strip’d flowers, and with long and cut leaves. The second we went from thence with more company, ing through the villages of _Antibo_, _Cacabo_, _Luc_, _Brignola_, _&c._ (where I found in the shops a sort of very delicate preserved Prunes, call’d in _English Prunellos_’s, which would be very useful in burning fevers against the thirst, in great quantity) to _Marseilles_, which maketh thirty _French_ miles or leagues; and we rode so fast onward, during this journey, that we arrived there in nineteen days after our departure, that is, on the fifth day of _June_: By the way I saw _Convolvulus foliis acutis_, _Rubia Tinctorum_, _Stœchas_, a fine _Sesely Peloponnesiacum_, _Thymelæa_, _Cistus_ with white and purple flowers, and also a kind of _Ladanum_ of the learned _Carolus Clusius_, with small Rosemary-leaves, _Terebinthus_, _Ilex Coccifera_, _Aspalathus_, and the _Polemonium Monspeliensium_ of _Rembert Dodonæus_, call’d _Trifolium fruticans_, _Ruscus_, _Lentiscus_, _Calamintha montana_, some common thistles, and others. In _Marseilles_ where I was lodged in my forenam’d kinsman’s house, to stay untill the ships were ready, I met with one _John Ulrich Kraft_, son of _John Kraft_, one of the Privy Council at _Ulm_, who was arrived there a few days before, also with the same intention to go along with us, about his own business. We staid together, and while the ships were fitting out, we made ourselves acquainted with the Physicians and Apothecaries, but above the rest with one experienced man, _Jacob Renaud_, a great lover of plants, who shew’d me in his garden many pretty and strange simples, _viz._ _Scammonium verum_, _Ambrosia_, _Moly_, _Ammi_, _Aloës_, _&c._, and a great many dry’d and laid between papers. I found also about the city, _Trifolium Asphaltites_, _Lactuca marina_, _Dendillaria_, _Tragacantha Guilhelmi Rondeletii_, a great _Scabiosa_ with white flowers, _Gratiola_, _Gnaphalium marinum_, _Medica marina_, _Polygonum marinum_, _Eryngium marinum_, _Coris Monspeliensium_, another sort of _Tamariscus_, and of _Consolida_, with yellow sweet flowers, which I also found between _Nimes_, and _Pont du gard_, an old, strong, and fine building, upon which I did find _Ruta Silvestris_, a sort of _Verbascum foliis dissectis_, _Papaver corniculatum flore flavo_; I also found thereabouts _Chondrilla Viminea_, growing chiefly in the vineyards, _Conyza major_, _Vermicularis fruticans_, _Carduus tomentosus_, not unlike to _Leucacantha_, _Nepa Lobelii in adversariis novis_; I also found _Tartonrayre_, _Aster atticus luteus_, _Psyllium_, _Seseli Æthiopicum fruticans_, _Jujubes_, _red Valeriana_, _Corruda Rembert. Dodon._, the first kind of _Catanance Dioscor._, which I first spy’d by it’s dry’d leaves, just like a Vulture’s claw, and many others, not needful to be here related. After that the ship _Santa Croce_ was laden, victuall’d for three months, and provided with guns, and all other necessaries for a three months voyage; we two went with our master, _Anthony Reinard_, with some others belonging to him, in a frigat, the first day of _September_, in the year 1673, to our ship, which lay at anchor with several other laden ships, near the adjacent islands, with an intention to set sail the next day. The next day about two in the afternoon, when God sent us a good wind, we hoisted up our sails, and went on: When our patron began to exhort his men to agree together, and to be obedient to him, which they all faithfully promised; then we went to prayers, and recommended ourselves to the protection of God Almighty. In the first setting out, before we got to sea, our ship came so near to another, that they touch’d almost; and had not the seamen in time got them off, we might have suffer’d shipwreck. When this was over, and we out of danger, we sail’d on with full sails six of us, and advanc’d so fairly, that we lost the sight of land before night, and could see nothing but sky and water. Not long after, most of us began to be sea-sick, and to bring up what we had eaten some days before, but I and my comrade _Kraft_ purged ourselves that night so well, that we were very fresh again the next morning. Some of the rest remain’d sick for seven days after, and not one of us, altho’ we were forty eight, but was sick, and found an alteration after our shipping off. After we had sail’d two days with a favourable wind, by the _Latins_ call’d _Caurus_, but by the _French_ and _Italians_, _Maistral_, which bloweth between north and west, and proceeded an hundred _French_ leagues, there arose on the fourth day about midnight another wind, call’d _Græco_, and by the _Latins_, _Cæcias_, which the more it went to the east, the more it was against us; so that we being hindred from going eastward, were forced to go sideways, and to traverse up and down, and were driven so far southwards, that on sunday night and monday morning we sail’d in sight of the coast of _Barbary_. After the wind was laid a little, and the dolphins appear’d in great numbers, we hoped for better weather, but for want of it, finding ourselves advance towards _Africa_ more and more, we were forced to tack about, and to direct our course towards _Marseilles_ again. We going thus back again, contrary to our intentions, feared that the wind would hold so a while, but contrary to our expectation, it came to be so calm towards the night, that we could hardly perceive any. Then we hoped it would change, which did also succeed accordingly, for the next morning before break of day the _Maistral_ began to blow again, which pleased us extremely, and so we return’d and pursued our former course again towards the east, and on monday we sail’d so fast, that in an hours time we made ten _Italian_ miles, and on the 9th day came into the streights of _Sardinia_ and _Africa_, where we saw an island call’d _Gallicia_, which, altho’ it be but small, yet, because of the high mountains, is seen afar off; we left it about thirty leagues on one side of us. This island is subject to no body, wherefore a great many pirates lye lurking there: In it is no great matter to be seen, only wild Capers grow there in great plenty. We, finding ourselves in this dangerous place, were not idle, altho’ the ship was well provided with guns, pikes, and other arms, but got our great guns ready, and fill’d our chamber, in which we two were, with guns and swords, so that it look’d rather like an armoury of the whole ship than a chamber. Moreover, because we were afraid of some huge rocks that lye in the sea, chiefly of them which the seamen call _Leuci_, they observ’d them diligently, not only in their sea chart, to know which way they might avoid them, but kept a good watch all that night to observe them, and so with the help of God we got safely clear of them. A little after we came in view of the kingdom of _Tunis_ in _Africa_, with some adjacent islands; amongst them there is one call’d _Simles_, which, tho’ but small, is very fruitful, and therein groweth the best _Aristolochia rotunda_ in abundance. We lost this the next morning, and westward upon our right hand, at about forty miles distance, we saw another, call’d _Panthalarea_, subject to the King of _Spain_, which is inhabited by above three hundred people; _Sicily_ on our left, because the night fell in, we did not then see, but came so near it, that early in the morning we could not only see the hills and mountains, and chiefly the _Mongibello_, which is very high, situated at the other side of the famous city of _Syracusa_, but also the buildings and steeples distinctly; we sail’d also the whole day by that side that lieth over-against the isle of _Malta_, so long till we came to the last point thereof: And altho’ we were not in a little danger there, because of the war, yet we saw no more than one small ship early in the morning by _Malta_, which we took to be of _Marseilles_. So, God be praised, we arrived very well, and without any hindrance at the farthest point of _Sicily_, on the 11th day of _September_ in the evening, which is reckon’d to be 900 _Italian_ miles from _Marseilles_; and we hoped also with the help of the Almighty to go the rest of our voyage to _Cyprus_, which is 1300 more, three of which are reckon’d to a _French_ league, for we crossed the _Adriatick_ and _Tyrrhenian_ seas, so happily by good weather, as if we had gone the other way through the streights. And although we sail’d on very fast, yet the wind was uncertain, for one arose after another, so that we had three several winds that night and day, _viz._ first, _Maistral_ after midnight, which lasted until morning; then the _Betsch_, that blew from south-west very violently, in _Latin_ call’d _Africus_, which lasted till night; then follow’d the _Ponente_, which bloweth from the west towards night, which commonly ariseth upon the coast of _Africa_, as the old seamen observe, and we found it so ourselves, on the day of the Holy Cross, not without trouble or danger; for as the seamen kept that day, and according to their old custom discharged three great guns, the _Betsch_ arose immediately with very great violence, so that the waves swell’d very high, and the ship was toss’d about from one side to the other, and did rock us so, that if we had not held ourselves, we could not have kept our places, as did happen to some of our company that did not observe this, and were strangely tumbled about in the ship, and forc’d to creep on all fours to their places again. This wind began to remit towards night, when the _Maistral_ began to blow. With this _Maistral_ we went on, and came so far, that on monday the 15th of _September_ early, we did make the island _Candy_, and soon after another, now call’d _Cerigo_, anciently _Cythera_, near to the _Morea_. That day we had very good weather, and it was so calm that we could reach no further than to the point of _Candy_. Thus going on, another wind arose, blowing from south-east, call’d _Sirocco_, and in _Latin_, _Vulturnus_, which was contrary too, and hinder’d us very much, so that we were forced to sail upon one side, to weather the point from one side to the other; when we came to the side of _Creet_, and our patron would neither land in _Candy_ nor in a little island call’d _Legosia_, we turn’d on wednesday towards _Africa_. Some while after, a very great tempest arose, with thunder and lightning, so that we had work enough with our sails, and to rule the ship that it might take no hurt; and we sailing thus against the wind, that it might not cast us back, this made us more work than the rest, for the waves went against us so vehemently, that when we were mounted to the top of a wave, we seem’d to look down thence into a deep and dark valley; then down we went again with such a fury, that we thought we should descend to the bottom, which continued almost till the next morning. And although the tempest had thrown us a good way back, yet in a little time we got so far forward again, that we could descry _Candy_, and the little island _Legosia_. Just then we spy’d two ships, one a bark, ten miles off to the left, and the other a great ship going to _Africa_. After we were thus gone along by _Creet_, we came on friday just over-against the city of _Candy_; it came to be so calm and so warm, that we could hardly perceive we were come above three or four miles. We going thus slowly, some of our company jump’d out into the sea to wash themselves; but the mate of our ship run a fish through with a long spear for that purpose, call’d _Lischa_, and so pull’d it out; this was delicately colour’d, and very pleasant to look upon; his back was blew, and his belly white and glisning, above a yard long, of a tender flesh, and very good to eat: This seems to have been a _Tunny_. Just over-against it is a monastry of St _Francis_, in which is a very good Apothecary’s shop, and a delicate garden, fill’d with strange and useful plants. There is also not far off a good and safe port, call’d _Calisme_, where we would willingly have taken in water, but because it lay thirty miles before us, and the wind, _Sirocco_, contrary to us, began to blow again, and hindred us in this enterprise; we steer’d on saturday towards the south, that we might reach it the next morning. About noon, when we turn’d again to the _Porto_, we saw another ship on the left, and because we did not know how to trust her, we look’d to our great guns, of which we had thirteen, and got them ready, and also the rest of our arms, _&c._ But the longer we look’d upon the ship, the farther we perceived her go from us. When we came within twelve miles of the port, and hoped to make it, the wind changed, and the _Tramontana_ blew from the north vehemently; so we went on in our right course to the islands _Calderon_ and _Christiana_, so that on monday we ed the furthest point of _Creet_, call’d _Caput Salomonis_, where we saw on the hight another island, situated sixty _Italian_ miles from _Rhodus_, call’d _Scarpanthos_, and also _Carpathos_, where night befel us. But when we expected to go forwards with this wind, we lost it, and it changed into _Græco_ again, contrary to us, and so we could not go on farther, but were forced to cross up and down and to weather the point. On Monday we saw a ship that came directly down upon us, wherefore we went to meet her, and put our flag at the top of our main-mast. But when we came nearer we knew her to be a _Marsilian_, called _Santa Maria de Lacura Bursa_, they did send out one of their boats to tell us, that they came seven weeks agone from _Tripoli_, and that they wanted biscuits very much, and therefore desired us to let them have some of ours, to which we willingly agreed, and let them have what they would, and so they were very well pleased. While this was done, a good wind arose again, serving us both, called _Tramontana_, so that we could go forwards and they homewards, and so we parted. Then our master ordered three guns to be discharged, which they answered with two, so we went on, and lost sight of one another in half an hour’s time. Here is to be observed, that of the four cardinal, and four side winds, five were for us; for we could go on as well with the _Tramontana_ and the _Midi_, called north and south, as with the three other, called north-west, west, and south-west, and so we had three contrary ones, _Syrocco_, _Levantino_, and _Græco_, which were contrary to us in our going; during this wind we went on with such speed, that on the 24th of _September_ in the evening we saw the great island _Cyprus_, five hundred miles beyond _Candy_. But because we had steered too much on the right, we were forced to spend all that night and the next day before we could come to _Cyprus_. The same morning we saw the high mountain _Libanus_ in _Syria_, two hundred miles distant from us, and so at night we got into the harbour of _Salamine_: Here is made the best bay-salt that is in the world. Here we also discharged three guns, for joy of our safe arrival, and some of us landed, together with our master, to take in water, and to enquire after our friends and acquaintance. No sooner were we landed, but we met with two travelling _Turks_, with an _Italian_ that understood their language: They spake to us by their interpreter, and conducted us to their Colonel, who was encamped near the market-place of _Salamine_ upon a hill, where one might see a great way off into the sea. After an hour’s walk we came in sight of him, and saw about thirty tents, and amongst them his also, where we saw some curious tapestry spread, and him sitting in the midst, with a delicate white turbant, and a long red lined _Caban_. He held in his hand a long iron, like a grater we use to grate bread withal, only it was a great deal smaller: The _Turkish_ persons of quality have generally such irons in their hand in the summer-time; which they put in between their back and cloaths to scrach their backs when they itch: About him sat some more gentlemen bended down, and others kept centinel without his tent, with guns and scymiters well provided. Amongst the rest there was one of a good presence covered with a Tyger’s skin, that held a great iron club in his hand. Upon his desire we went to him, with the usual reverences, according to their custom, bending our head and the whole body downwards, and laying the right hand upon our breasts: Our master also pulled off his shoes, went in, and sate down with the rest before him: But we two set ourselves down without upon two seats that were brought us. Then the Lord began to ask our master, by his interpreter, from whence we came, how long we had been a coming, what merchandizes we had brought, and whether we designed to make any sale there; which questions our master answered. Then he began to enquire after news: _viz._ whereabout the _Spanish Armada_ was at present, and how strong it was reputed; whether the King of _Spain_ had made any leagues with other princes; and how the King of __ did agree with his _Hugonots_; how strong the city of _Rochelle_ was, and whether the King took it by violence, or whether they submitted themselves voluntarily. After this conference had lasted for half an hour, he dismissed us with great civility, giving us leave to go about our affairs. So we went off with the usual ceremonies, and went the same evening into the market of _Salamine_, to enquire after our friends; but we found this market-town, and also all the neighbourhood so strangly spoiled, that there were but very few whole houses standing. But being that we found none of ours, nor having any business there, we returned to our ship. I found nothing by the way but a few _Caper-bushes_ with some _Paliurus_’s and _Kali_. After our men had filled water enough out of the well by the harbour we went aboard the ship again, hoisted up our sail, and departed in the night. But in going thence for _Tripoli_ we had for the most part contrary winds, which hindred us so much, that we did not arrive there until the last day of _September_. Thanks, honour, and glory be to the Almighty God, that mercifully did protect us from all dangers and mischiefs, and brought us safely into this harbour. CHAP. II. _Of the famous city of ~Tripoli~, of it’s fruitful neighbourhood and great trade: And also of the splendid baths, and other magnificent buildings to be seen there. Their ways of making Rusma, Pot-ashes, Soap, ~&c.~_ Before _Tripoli_, near the sea-shore, we saw five castles like high towers, distant from one an other about a musquet-shot, where some Janisaries are kept in garrison, to cover the ships in the harbour (which is in some measure surrounded with rocks) and to defend that custom-house, and the several ware-houses (where you may see all sorts of goods brought from most parts of the world) from an hostile attempt or assault: but after the sun was set, and night began to approach, we made what haste we could to the town, which was an hour’s going distant from us. Some _Turks_ went with us no otherways armed but with good strong cudgels, which, I was told, they commonly carry to keep off the wolves called Jacals (whereof there are a great many in these countries that are used to run, seek, and pursue after their prey in the night). While we were a talking of them some came up pretty near us, but as soon as they saw us they turned and ran away. When we came to the gate of the town we found it shut up, wherefore one of our friends, that met us to make us welcome, called to some _Frenchmen_ that were in their inn, in their language called _Fondique_, which is near the gate, and reacheth quite to the wall of the town, and desired that one of them would take the pains to go to the _Sangiacho_, to desire him to let the gate be opened to let us in, which they were willing to do. But in the mean time that we staid before the gate, another that was an enemy to our friend ran also away, and bespoke some _Turks_ and _Moors_ to set upon us, which they were very willing to do, and came with all speed through another gate that is never shut, along the wall to us, fell unawares upon us, struck at us, and took hold of us, chiefly at our good friend, for whose sake all this was done; others drew their scymiters upon us, so that I thought we should have been all cut to pieces. While this was a doing the gate was opened, and some _Frenchmen_ and their Consul himself came to our assistance, and spoke to these fellows, earnestly exhorting them to desist, and to let the cause be decided by the _Sangiacho_ and _Cadi_, which at length they did. So we came after this unfriendly welcome in the crowd into their _Fondique_, where we remained all that night. The Consul was very much displeased at this, considering that such-like proceedings would be very troublesome to them, wherefore he made great complaints and enquiries, until at length he found out who was the author thereof. The next morning we went to our friends houses in order to stay a while with them: In the mean time we walked sometimes about in our own cloaths to see the town, which is situated in the country of _Syria_, called _Phœnicia_, which reached along the sea-shore to _Berinthus_, _Sidon_, _Tyrus_, and _Acon_, as far as the mountain of _Carmelus_. The town _Tripoli_ is pretty large, full of people, and of good , because of the great deposition of merchandizes that are brought thither daily both by sea and land: It is situated in a pleasant country, near the promontory of the high mountain _Libanus_, in a great plain toward the sea-shore, where you may see abundance of vineyards, and very fine gardens, enclosed with hedges for the most part, consisting chiefly of _Rhamnus_, _Paliurus_, _Oxyacantha_, _Phillyrea_, _Lycium_, _Balaustium_, _Rubus_, and little _Palm-trees_, that are but low, and so sprout and spread themselves. In these gardens, as we came in, we found all sorts of sallating and kitchen-herbs, as Endive, Lettice, Ruckoli, Asparagus, Seleri, whose tops are very good to be eaten with salt and pepper, but chiefly that sort that cometh from _Cyprus_, _Taragon_ by the inhabitants called _Tarchon_, Cabbages, Colliflowers, Turneps, Horseradishes, Carrots, of the greater sort of Fennel, Onions, Garlick, _&c._ And also fruit, as Water-melons, Melons, Gourds, Citruls, Melongena, Sesamum (by the Natives called _Samsaim_, the seeds whereof are very much used to strow upon their bread) and many more; but chiefly the Colocasia, which is very common there, and are sold all the year long: I have also found them grow wild about rivulets, but could never see either flowers or seeds on them. I found also without the gardens many Dates and white Mulberry-trees, which exceed our Aspen and Nut-trees in height very much; and also Pomgranat-trees and Siliqua, which the _Grecians_ call _Xylocerata_, the _Arabs_, _Charnuby_. Also Olive and Almond-trees, and Sebesten, the fruit whereof are to be had at Apothecaries shops by the same name: _Poma Adami Matth._ But in great plenty there are Citrons, Lemons, and Oranges, which are as little eaten there as Pears or Crabs here. Between these gardens run several roads and pleasant walks, chiefly in the summer, for they afford many shady places and greens, where you are defended from the heat and the sun-beams: And if ing through you should have a mind to some of the fruits, you may either gather some that are fallen down, or else pull them from the nearest trees without danger, and take them home with you. Without at the sea-shore, near the old town of _Tripoli_ (which together with many more, as _Antiochia_, _Laodicea_, &c. in the year of our Lord 1183, was so destroyed by an earthquake, that nothing but a few marks remain) there were more spring-gardens, which some of the Merchants still . But these were a few years agone by the violence of the seas so destroyed and so covered with sand, that now you see nothing there but a sandy ground, like unto the desarts of _Arabia_. Yet at _Tripoli_ they have no want of water, for several rivers flow down from the mountains, and run partly through the town, and partly through the gardens, so that they want no water neither in the gardens nor in their houses. The new town in itself is of no strength, for it is so meanly walled in, that in several places in the night you may get in and out: But within there is a citadel situated upon an ascent near the water, where a garrison of a few Janisaries is kept. They have low houses ill built and flat at the top, as they are generally in the East, for they cover their houses with a flat roof or a floor, so that you may walk about as far as the houses go; and the neighbours walk over the tops of their houses to visit one another, and sometimes in the summer they sleep on the tops of them: And so it may very well be, that the four men (of which we read in St _Mark_, chap. ii. and St _Luke_, chap. v.) that carried the paralytic man, and could not come to _CHRIST_ because of the crowd of people, did carry him on the tops of the houses, and so let him down through the roof into the room where our _SAVIOUR_ was. They have not great doors, gates, or comings-in from the street as we have in our country, except some few Merchants houses, because they use neither waggons nor carts, wherefore they have only a little low door, sometimes not above three foot high, so that you cannot go into them without stooping. In a great many houses the comings-in are so dark and deep that one would think he were going into a cave or cellar, but when you are come through this entry into them, you see, in some, great court-yards wherein are cisterns to wash themselves in, in others large halls paved, and therein some ascents that go up two or three steps, paved delicately with marble, which they keep very clean, and adorned with rich tapestry, whereupon they sit, and this is covered with a large arch left open at one side, that the _Turks_ may, chiefly in the summer, sit underneath them very airy. Their doors and houses are generally shut with wooden bolts, which are hollow within, and they unlock them with wooden keys about a span long, and about the thickness of a thumb, into this key they have driven, five, six, seven, eight or nine short nails, or strong Wires in such an order and distance that they just fit others that are within the lock, and so pull them forwards, or shut them backwards as they please. The streets are but narrow, paved with broad stones, and have, chiefly those that are great roads, a channel in the middle of them about ten inches broad, so that a laden Camel may walk in them with ease, or that a man may step over them, which they say are made that the laden Camels or Asses, _&c._, that daily arrive in great caravans, may be obliged to walk in them one after another, in good order, that people may walk in the streets without being disturbed by them. And that these channels may be kept clean and dry, they have in some places some hidden drains covered with broad stones, that as well the rain-water as that of the wells may run away through them. They cannot brag of any fine buildings, save only the _Mosques_ or temples, into which no _Christian_ must come, except he hath a mind to be circumcized, and so turn a _Mammeluk_ or _Renegado_: And also some great houses by the natives called _Champ_ or _Carvatscharas_, (_Caravanseries_) wherein are a great many shops or ware-houses, and chambers, by one another, as is in stately cloisters, in the middle thereof there is a great court-yard, where the strange Merchants (that daily bring their merchandizes in great caravans) do inn, considering that the _Turks_ keep no other inns. The inns commonly belong to the _Grand Seignior_, or his _Basha_, which they build in several towns to get themselves a yearly revenue, as the _Venetians_ do in _Venice_ out of the _German_ house. Besides these buildings they have also hot-houses or _bagnios_, which are so glorious and sumptuous, that they far exceed all their other buildings in beauty, wherefore they are very well worth seeing. And because the _Turks_, _Moors_, and _Arabs_, &c. according to their _Mahometan_ laws, are bound to bath themselves often, to wash themselves clean from their manifold sins which they daily commit, but chiefly when they are going to their _Mosques_, therefore they have their hot-houses always ready, and keep them warm and in an equal heat, with a very small charge, and with far less wood than one can imagine, all the week long, both by night and by day. They have under-ground a large and deep vault, like unto a large cellar, which is every where very close, and it hath no more but two air holes, one on the top about three or four inches diameter, and the other below which is a great deal larger, where they put in wood, or, for want of it, pieces of peat (which they make out of Camels or Goats dung, _&c._ and also out of the dregs of the pressed grapes); these are so dry that the great heat melts them just like sea-coals or turf, which are burnt in the Low-countries, and other places where they have not plenty of wood: And these give so great a heat that it warmeth the whole vault quite through. And yet this vault is so close made that you do not perceive the least smoke nor vapour, although it is sometimes very hot. But that the fire may not decay, there is one on purpose to attend it, that flings on as much fuel as is necessary to keep it. These hot-houses (which according to the custom of the ancient _Greeks_ and _Romans_ are magnificently built) have, near to the entry, a delicate hall, which is curiously paved (as also is the whole bath) and set with marbles of all colours very artificially, and a great _Cupolo_ at the top thereof, which is covered with an arch in shape of a ball or globe. Round about the walls are broad benches made, where the people put off their cloaths; wherefore this first part of the bath (whereof the ancients had five) was called _Apodyterium_. In the middle of the baths is a fine fountain, where they sprinkle every one that goeth out of the bath with sweet water, and also wash the bathing-cloaths that were made use of in the bath, which they afterwards fling up upon lines that are hung at the top of the vault, two or three fathoms high, with an irable certainty, and spread them out with a long pole, with one stroke (that they may dry the sooner) so even, as if it were done with hands, which no body can see without iration; when they have a mind to make use of them again, they take them down with the same sticks that are ready stuck up about the fountain. These are wrought finely with all sorts of colours, whereof they give two to every one that goeth into the bath or bagnio, two others when he cometh out, one to put upon his head, the other to put about him in the manner of an apron. When you will go in the hot-house you must go through two or three chambers, whereof one is warmer than the other (which each of them are covered with round arches) until you come into the great room, these arches are full of round holes all about, which are made in such order, and set with glass so curiously, that they do not only make them very light, but give also a fine ornament to them. In the great bath are several great marble vessels which they let the water into; round about the great room, there are three or four small chambers, which they keep chiefly for persons of quality, where they may wash themselves apart from others without any disturbance. Besides these there is still another room where there is a very great marble trough, in which every one may wash himself after his sweat; there are several pipes laid in it, that you may temper your water according to your own desire. All these rooms are heated with the same fire, and the _Turks_ and _Moors_ (which two nations have almost the same religion and ceremonies) go into them very frequently; but chiefly the women, which flock to them in great numbers, for they never meet any where else, but here, and at the graves of their relations; wherefore they keep these sumptuous buildings (the like whereto are hardly any where else found) in very good repair. As soon as you come into the hot-house, and are grown a little warm, one of the servants (which are generally black _Moors_) meets you, and lays you backwards down upon the floor, and stretcheth and snaps all your ts after such a manner that they crack again; then he kneeleth down upon your arms, which he puts upon your breast one over the other, and holds them so for a good while together with his knees, then he bendeth forwards and stretcheth with both his hands (keeping you still like a prisoner under him) your head upwards. (So it happened once, when some of us went in together, and were treated by the _Moor_ after this manner, that he sprained the neck of one of my companions, so that he could not turn his head in several days after it) when this is done he turns you round upon your belly, toucheth and stretcheth your ts again in such a manner, as if he did malax a plaister; at length he stands upon your shoulder-blades, and bending himself down, he rubs you all over your back with his hands, then he lifteth you up, and goeth away. Then when you lay your self down to rest you, or to sweat, he maketh a paste, to take off your hair (for they wear no hair upon their body, saving only their arm-pits) he taketh quicklime (by the _Arab_’s called _Rils_) and a little _Sarnick_, (_Arsnick_) that is, Orpiment, powders them, and mixeth them with water, and anoints your hair with it, and looks very often after it, until he finds that the hair begins to come off, then he washeth it perfectly off again, before it can hurt you; when this is done, he takes a fine white cloth, dips it in soap-suds, and rubs your whole body over with it. The before-mentioned cloaths are white like unto cotton, but the threads are harder, which the pilgrims bring with them from _Mecca_: Being made of the bark of trees that bear _Bdellium_, and they make ropes of them, as also of the fibers of the leaves of _Palm-trees_, and of the covering of the fruit of the same tree, which is of the bigness of a Wall-nut, by putting it on a distaff, and so spinning it out. _Lastly_, They wash peoples heads, and mix sometimes with their lees (chiefly for women) an ash-coloured earth called _Nalun_, which cleanseth the head, and makes the hair grow long. They have also another earth called _Jusabar_, which the women eat frequently, so as breeding women in our country use to eat sometimes coals or other things. These their baths, are as free to strangers as _Germans_, _French_, _Italians_, &c. as to _Moors_ and _Turks_, but they must have a care not to come into those where the women are, if they will not run the hazard of their lives. But that you may know where the women are, they commonly hang a cloth over the door towards the street, that if any man should intend to go in there, when he seeth this he may find himself another entrance. Further concerning their traffick, there are in the town (because there is there a very great deposition of all sorts of merchandizes, that are brought thither from great distances) a great many merchants, chiefly _French_ and _Italians_, which have two wise, understanding, and grave Presidents, of which the one that liveth here is a _Frenchman_, and the other at _Aleppo_, a _Venetian_, called Consuls, to assist their countrymen with good counsel. They are sent thither by their government, and confirmed, and have great privileges given them of the _Turkish_ Emperor, to let the Merchants with their commodities lodge with them, and to defend them against any assault of the _Turks_ and _Moors_, that they may trade and deal without disturbance. These Consuls were still their usual habits, made of red sattin, velvet, or damask, _&c._ very richly adorned; and they bring along with them Taylors, Shoe-makers, but chiefly their Physicians, Apothecaries, Barber-Surgeons and Ministers, _&c._ and have besides them their Interpreters, skilful in the _Turkish_ and _Arabian_ language, chiefly the Consul of _Venice_, because he must stay there but three years, when they are expired the _Dogue_ sends another in his place. When the new one is arrived at _Tripoli_ he dare not go on shore, before the other gives him a visit of reception in the ship. To these two Consuls there are given two large buildings, called by them _Fondiques_, situated near two gates of the city, which lead towards the haven and the sea-shore, that they may the easier send their goods in and out. There are all day long a great many _Moors_ with their Asses, that stand waiting for an opportunity to conduct Merchants and Seamen with their goods in and out. These two houses are large, and have abundance of vaults and chambers, so that there is room enough to lodge both Merchants and their goods. With the _French_ are also lodged, those from _Genoa_, _Florence_, _St Luck_, _Germans_, _Dutchmen_, &c. as also with the _Venetians_ those of _Candia_, _Corfu_, &c. that are under their master’s jurisdiction. These _Fondiques_ have no more than one large gate, where Janisaries keep watch: When their masters, the Consuls go out, they are accompanied with a multitude of Merchants and their servants, and they are in great authority with the _Turks_ and _Moors_, even beyond the _Bashaw_ himself: They always take along with them their Janisaries, which go before with great and long cudgels, and beat the people out of the way, even the _Turks_ themselves. The Merchants have daily great conversation with the _Jews_, for they know a great many languages, and the prizes of all merchandizes, how to buy and to sell them; wherefore they always help to conclude bargains in merchandizes, pay the money and give bills of exchange, wherefore they have their brokerage. I have seen chiefly three sorts of their silver coins, _viz._ _Aspers_, _Medin_ and _Saiject_, which are very good, and thro’ all _Turky_. When great sums are paid, they do not tell the whole, but only part of it, and weigh it, and so take the rest proportionably by the same weight. Of gold coins they have only ducats which are made of fine gold, and are very limber: Besides these you hardly see any other coins but _Venetian Ducats_, _French Testons_, _Joachims Thalers_, of which they have so many, that they often do not only pay with them great sums and their bills of exchange, but turn them also into their own coin. So that there is abundance of _Jews_ throughout all _Turky_ in any trading-town, but chiefly in _Aleppo_, and in this town of _Tripoli_, where they have built a very large habitation, and a delicate synagogue. These _Jews_ have the revenues of customs of the _Grand Signior_ in their hands, so that nothing can be brought in or out, but it must go thro’ their hands, which is very troublesome to the Merchants. Those that buy any thing of them, must have a special care, that they be not cheated, for they are full of it, insomuch as they confess of themselves, that no body can get any thing by them, except he will be a greater _Harmani_ (that is cheat) than they, that dare to sell Wall-nuts for Nutmegs or Myrobolans. Concerning the merchandizes: If one will see several sorts of goods they are to be found in the _Carvatscharas_ or _Champen_, whereof I have made mention before, but chiefly in the _Batzaren_ or houses where they buy and sell, or exchanges. These exchanges are wide and long, and partly arched, partly covered with timber, that you may walk and trade there without being wetted, they have shops on both sides, which are also kept by handicrafts and tradesmen, as Shoe-makers, Taylors, Sadlers, Silk-embroiderers, Turners, Copper-smiths, Cutlers, Woollen-drapers, Grocers, Fruiterers, Cooks, and many more, which are very orderly distributed and placed in their several streets and places. They also drive a great trade in silk, and there are a great many that deal in nothing else but silk, which is convey’d thither from the adjacent places; for mount _Libanus_ is inhabited by a numberless people, that live by spinning and working of silk, but chiefly they of _Damascus_, where is such plenty of silk, that a Merchant may quickly lay out in it many thousand ducats: Because of the great abundance of white Mulberry-trees (by the natives called _Tut_) which grow there so high and large, that they have plenty of leaves to feed their silk-worms: But the Mulberries thereof are white, and they carry them about in baskets to sell to ordinary people. So there is in the _Batzars_ many silk-workers, which make all sorts of embroidery, as purses, buttons, and girdles or sashes of several colours, which they tie about their loins; these are at work before their shops, that every one may see them. When they work, or tie two threads together, they hold their work oftener with their great toe, than pin it to any thing, and the same do the Turners, (which sitting to it) hold their turning irons as well with their toes as with their fingers. Further, at a certain time of the year there is brought from _Damascus_ and other adjacent places, to these _Batzars_, so great a quantity of large and well-tasted Cibebs, a kind of Raisins, having but one or no stone, that several ship loads are sent from thence to us. These and the like goods are daily brought and found in their _Batzars_, as rare tapestry and delicately wrought silks with flowers and roses of several colours, some of which look like pure gold. But of all the tradesmen there are not so many of one sort as of them that only deal in Soap and Pot-ashes, for of these ashes (besides Soap) several ship-loads are yearly sent from thence to _Venice_, which they use for making of Glase as well as Soap. These ashes are made chiefly of a herb, called by the _Arabians_, _Schivan_, whereof there are two sorts, which amongst others I have pasted upon paper, one whereof is not unlike to our little _Kali_; it is a thick and knotty plant, with several small sprigs growing out of it, which have several full buttons at the top, and underneath small pointed leaves, just like the lesser _Kali_, as I said before, tasting somewhat sharp, the leaves thereof are underneath white, and on the other side of the colour of ashes. The other sort becometh also many stalks, which are full of knots like our Equisetum, and underneath them appears a woody and ash-coloured root. Both these herbs grow thereabout in great quantities, and are burnt into ashes upon the high mountains, in burning thereof there settleth an oily matter underneath towards the bottom, which united with the ashes is almost as hard as a stone when it is cold: at the top thereof a part of the ashes remains unmix’d and loose, therefore it is not so good as the rest. These ashes are brought down from the mountains upon Camels backs by the _Moors_, to some Merchants that drive a great trade with them, for partly they send away into foreign parts, and partly they make soap of them, some more, some less, according to every one’s capacity and pleasure. The way they make their Soap in _Syria_, I am informed, is this, _viz._ They take commonly twelve hundred weight (or twelve centners) of these ashes, which in the summer they divide into eight, and in the winter into four parts, because the Soap is sooner boiled up in winter, for the heat being then included by the outward cold is more vehement than in summer. Of this they take first one part and make it into a good sharp Lye, which they pour into a very large kettle or caldron made of stone, with a large bottom made of a copper-plate, and very thick, wherein they have before put sixteen hundred weight of Sallet-oil, and let it simper for twenty four hours, pouring daily in more Lye of another part. But before it is quite boil’d up (which in winter requireth perhaps five days, and in summer nine or ten) they take an hundred weight of quick-lime, and mixing it with the ashes, draw a Lye from it, which they put two days before it is quite enough into the caldron, more or less, according as they find it thick or thin. But if it should happen, that there should be too much of the Lye in the kettle, they have a cock coming out of the copper-plate, whereby they let out as much of the Lye as is convenient. When it is almost boil’d up, they take out, with a copper kettle that holds eight or ten pounds, the thicker part of the soap that swimmeth on the top, and pour it upon the floor, which is cover’d with lime or chalk beaten to powder; let it lie there for one day in winter, and two days in summer, and it grows so hard that they can walk over it; then they make it smooth, cut it into square pieces, and put their mark upon it. CHAP. III. _Of the ~Turks~ of high and low conditions, men and women; of their employments, offices, manners, customs, cloaths, as much as I could at ~Tripoli~, during my abode, understand, see and learn thereof._ The city of _Tripoli_ is, as well as a great many more of the adjacent towns and provinces, subject to the _Turkish_ Emperor, wherein he hath his officers, as in all other places, that they may be ruled according to his pleasure, and protected from all assaults and dangers. Such superiors are by them call’d, _Sangiacks_ or _Bashaws_, which we may render State-holders, which have several hundred horse-men under their command, more or less according to the revenues of the provinces that are committed to their care. These are brave and experienced soldiers, that lead their men out into the fields several times in the week to exercise them, the horse-men in riding, and the foot in shooting with bows and arrows, which have their several marks done upon high poles, to shoot at in their running; that if there should be occasion they may be ready to take the field presently to fight their enemies. There _Sangiachi_ have other captains and commanders under them, of which the _Soubashaws_ or Judges are the chief; these are placed by him round about in the adjacent places, to officiate for him where he cannot be present. To such places are commonly call’d the Burghers or Citizens of the same places, and they continue no longer than half a year. By them are examined all criminal matters, and they have power to examine and put to the torture all malefactors, to make them confess their crimes. They also accompany the malefactors, that are sentenced and condemn’d by the _Cadi_, to the place of execution, to see the sentence duly executed; so I have seen them often to ride along, but chiefly at one time with a poor malefactor condemn’d to die, who was carry’d on a camel’s back, ty’d with his back to a cross, with his arms extended, to the place of execution; and between the cross and his shoulders were put two burning torches, prepared with bacon, so that the grease run all over his body, and burnt it severely. The _Turks_ have also for several crimes, whereof there are a great many, their several punishments; as for thieves and murderers, the gallows; for traytors, impaling; and for them that kill a man, beheading, _&c._ and so they keep a great many servants, which they send out every where to bring to them any that are suspected to have transgressed the laws, by beating or wounding one another, which happens very seldom, by stealing, or murdering, or adultery. For any other transgressions besides these, the _Turks_ are brought before other magistrates, call’d _Cadi_, which are to understand the laws, and to judge, and to pronounce sentence after they have examin’d the witnesses: If it be for debt, they are immediately cast into prison until they pay, or find out any other means to make up the debt. But if it be for transgressing the laws, they are severely fined or else punish’d with blows. Wherefore also their _Cadi_ keep several men and spies, which they daily send out, to find out any that transgressed the laws in drinking of wine; in not going to prayers frequently; in not strictly observing their fasts, or in transgressing the laws any other ways. If they find any, they summon them before their _Cadi_, who punishes them according to their default, with a pecuniary mulct; or if they have no money to give, he sentences them to receive a certain number of blows upon the soals of their feet, and besides pay half a penny for each blow. Being that a great many of such transgressors are daily brought before him, whereof the greatest part receive blows, it causeth so miserable a howling and crying, that we might plainly hear it in the _French Fondique_, which is just over against it; and although the _Cadi_ is very much troubled with such transgressors, yet matrimonial causes take him up a great deal more time, because all that will marry, must come to him, and make their agreements and contracts, which are consign’d into his books; partly that they may have them to shew, if any differences should arise between them, (seeing that the _Turks_ and _Moors_ have several wives, and are divorced again for a small matter) and partly that they may give them copies of their contracts upon their marriages, which they write for ordinary people upon smooth and plain paper; but for others that are rich, upon a piece of white sattin, about a yard long. These their contracts they comprehend in a few words, and draw them up so short, that they scarce contain above eight or ten lines a piece, at least two inches distant from one another. For this purpose they keep several clerks, which oftener write upon their knees, than on desks or tables. These _Sangiacks_, _Soubashaws_ and _Cadi_’s, of which I have made mention before, and also their wives go very richly cloathed with fine flower’d silks, artificially made and mix’d of several colours. But these cloathes are commonly given them by those that have causes depending before them, (for they do not love to part with their own money) to promote their cause, and to be favourable to them; for they are so very covetous that, where there is nothing given them, there they do but little; for the _Bashaws_ and _Sangiachi_, which under the _Grand Signior_, rule kingdoms and principalities, know very well that they must rule but three years in the same place; for as soon as their _Sultan_ commands them, they must go to another place, perhaps far distant from that place. Wherefore they always strive after honour and riches, that they may either by gift or favour be by the court promoted to greater authority and office; or else if that cannot be obtain’d, they may at least lay up in the mean time such riches, that they may be able to maintain themselves after the same greatness as they did before. When I lived there, a new _Sangiack_ was promoted into the place of the old one, who made his entrance, follow’d by his _Saphi_’s, and was honourably received by the town. His train consisted most in horse, and archers with arms and shields very well stored; they also had drums and kettle-drums, and other musical instruments, _&c._ their sabers or scymiters were for the most part tipp’d up a great way with some gilded metal, and very smooth and shining, and so were their stirrups, that at a distance they made a great glittering. All these officers love to be look’d upon, as if they perform’d their office with great integrity, and yet they are so addicted to covetousness, which is the root of all evil, that, for gifts or bribes, they let the false depositions of those that out of spite accuse the innocent to for good. Therefore it is a very easy matter for any one, that would be revenged of his enemy, by way of a small present, to bring him into great trouble and costs. The _Soubashaws_ are of the same stamp, for they do not at all stick to punish, for lucre sake, the innocent, chiefly if they be rich and strangers; their men are very well skill’d in these affairs, to find one trifle or other against them; and because their time is also but short, therefore they make all possible speed to grow rich; and this so much the bolder and opener as they need not fear their _Sangiack_, nor _Bashaw_, for they wink at it, as being sharers of the prey, that receive their dividend weekly. In short, let one have committed never so much evil, if he giveth but money to them all is well, and he is as good again as ever he was before. Seeing that many, chiefly in law suits, are wrong’d by them, therefore higher judges, call’d _Cadileschier_, are set over them, to punish them for their rogery; these are esteem’d by the _Turks_ to be the principal teachers of the Mahometan faith and laws; they are generally grave and understanding men, before whom are brought all intricate causes and appeals to be decided, and they have power to punish these and other officers, but chiefly the _Cadi_’s, and to put them in and out, according to their behaviour, wherefore they often take their circuits from town to town, to see how the _Cadi_’s execute justice; wherefore they are very much afraid of their coming, and if they know themselves guilty of any misdemeanor, they often times run away. If they are complain’d of by the people, they are presently punish’d with many blows, put out of their places, and if the crime be great, they are after beheaded, strangled, burnt, or otherways executed; and this happeneth very often in these countries. But if one or more that were also wrong’d by the _Cadi_, could not stay till the arrival of the _Cadileschier_, to make their complaints to him, they have another way, that is, to make their complaints to the _Porte_ or the Emperor’s court, or else to go themselves and make their complaints in person, where they are speedily heard (for such causes, as I am inform’d, are heard certainly once in fifteen days) and righted. If any be poor he is maintain’d by the court until his cause is ended. Such a cause did formerly happen to an interpreter of the _Venetian_ Consul, who being very well to , a _Soubashaw_ did strive to make booty of him; but not being able to prove any thing against him, whereby he could make him punishable, he found at length a way, and got one of his servants to hide a common whore in the interpreter’s house, unknown to him, that he might have sufficient cause to accuse him. This being done, the servants of the _Cadi_ broke into the house, and searching it found this whore, and put him into prison. The interpreter, notwithstanding he pleaded his innocency, and that he was totally ignorant of the fact, could not satisfy the _Cadi_ by any means, but was condem’d by him in nine hundred ducats, which he was forc’d to pay. This troubling the interpreter, he could not brook this unjust imposition, being an experienc’d man, well skill’d in their laws, wherefore he took horse immediately, unknown to the _Cadi_, for _Constantinople_, where he made his complaints to the court himself so well, and with that success, that he was declared innocent and not guilty of the fact. But as this court usually doth severely punish those that do commit injustice, so this _Cadi_ did not escape; for within a little while after the _Turkish_ Emperor sent to him a _Chiausbashaw_, which may be compared to an executioner, with a little note, the contents whereof were to send him his head by the bearer, which frighted the gentleman very much; but yet, after, by a peculiar favour, he had taken his leave of his wife, submitted himself to it. This is the reason, that many ill intentions and designs, chiefly if one summon’d the other to appear at the court before the Emperor, are stopt and drawn back, which else would have taken effect and been gone on withal. If a man appeareth before any _Turk_ that is a person of quality, he must have especial care, that chiefly in departing he do not turn his back side towards him, for this is ed the greatest incivility and affront that can be given throughout all the _Turkish_ dominions. Nay if a servant appears before his master to ask him forgiveness of his faults, he useth peculiar ceremonies; first he submitteth himself, and sheweth his master all respect imaginable, then he taketh, with his knees bended, his master’s hands to kiss them: If his master lets him have them freely, he is in good hopes that his master will grant him his request, but if not, but draweth them back, although he maketh several profers towards them, he knoweth certainly that he is still out of favour, and that there is but small hopes of obtaining his intention. They love that one should bear a great deal of honour and respect towards them, for they know that their masters the _Sultan_’s power hath for a long time past, not been decreasing but always increasing; wherefore they take very much upon themselves, and are always richly cloathed, and ride delicate horses, well adorn’d with stately accoutrements, with embroider’d saddles, and saddle-cloths of scarlet, velvet, or other silks, the bridles and stirrups well garnish’d with silver and gold. They commonly speak in the _Turkish_ language (and so do all that lie about in garrisons) which is a very manly one, and sounds in proper pronouncing much like unto our _German_ tongue; but they also generally are expert in the _Arabian_ tongue, which is the common one there to the whole country, and goeth through many provinces; for you meet there with many _Arabians_, _Syrians_, _Jacobites_, _&c._ Christians and Heathens, to whom this speech is common. The _Turks_ have also some very fine manners and customs; they are affable, they begin their discourse, chiefly to relations and acquaintance, with a friendly salutation and kissing; but they are also lazy, and do not esteem the liberal arts and sciences, love idleness better than labour, for you shall see them spend a whole day in the game of chesse and other games, and in playing on their (_quinterns_) guittars, which have three, five, seven, and sometimes eleven strings, as I have seen them with the musicians of the _Bashaw_ of _Aleppo_ several times. They commonly play only with their fore-finger, or a piece of a quill, they walk about with them in the streets, chiefly the soldiers, all day long, and so use themselves to laziness and leachery, and contaminate themselves with all sorts of terrible and chiefly sodomitical sins, which by them, because both high and low are equally guilty thereof, are not at all punish’d. They love to wear good cloaths of light colour, but do not care they should cost them much; their upper garments, which hang down very long before, set with buttons, under which they wear other coats instead of doublets, which (commonly those of the soldiers) are made of blew cloth, somewhat shorter before than behind, with white sleeves, and without collars about their neck, and so are their shirts, which generally are wrought of cotten, and cut about their neck as wide as their cloaths. Instead of bands they wear neck-cloths, which they wrap about their nacked necks, to defend them from the violent heat of the sun. They also, chiefly in the summer, wear white and wide cotton drawers, which reach to their ancles, and are much narrower below; to them they have no cod-pieces, which they do not suffer others to wear, that they may wash, without hindrance, their private parts, feet, arms, necks or any other parts, to cleanse themselves as often as their laws shall direct them. These drawers they tie about their middle with some strings or bands about their naked body, and let their shirts hang down over them. When they have occasion to make water, they untie their drawers again, sit down and cast their cloths round about them like women, turn themselves from the south, to which they turn when they are going to pray. If they see a man make his water standing, they immediately conclude him to be a Christian, and none of their faith. They commonly sit with their legs laid one over the other, which they do every where in the east, wherefore they have neither chair nor table, but instead thereof, they have a paved place, two or three steps high, which is arch’d over head, which they keep very clean, and cover it with tapestry, or serge, or matts finely twisted with several colours, according to their ability; wherefore to save them, the _Turks_ pull off their shoes and leave them at the chamber door. Their shoes are like unto those our lackies use to wear, and like slippers easy to be put on and off, they commonly are of a white or blew colour, painted before, underneath defended with nails before, and with horseshoes behind; these are worn by young and old, men and women, rich and poor. Besides these they also wear sometimes wooden shoes, which are to be sold every where; they are about three inches high, and in the middle underneath carved out, to distinguish the soals from the heels, painted with several colours; the same wear the women, which have almost the same garments with the men, and have also drawers, which sometimes are so long that they hang out before their coats; they are commonly made of fine cotton of several colours, and laced at the sides. You very seldom see any _Turkish_ women either in the streets or in the markets to buy provision, or in their churches, where only the chiefest of them come, and that but seldom, where they have a peculiar place separated from the men. They have also in their houses secret places and corners, where they hide themselves immediately, if any body should come to see their housholds. When they go abroad, which is very seldom, you see three or four of them together with their children, which are all one man’s; for according to their law they are allow’d to take as many as they can maintain. Their faces are all cover’d with black vails, whereof some are of fine silk, and some of horse-hair, which the poorer sort wear; and over their head they put some white scarfs made of cotton, which are so broad that they not only cover their heads but their arms and shoulders, they look in them almost like our maids, when, to keep themselves from the wet, they put a table-cloth or sheet over their heads. But because the _Turks_ are very jealous, therefore their wives seldom meet in the streets or markets, but only in the hot-houses, or when they go to visit the tombs of their deceased parents or relations, which generally are out of town near the highways. When they go thither, they take along with them bread, cheese, eggs, and the like to eat there, which was call’d _Parentalia_ by the _Latins_, just as the Heathens used to do in former ages; and sometimes they leave some of their cheer behind them, that the beasts and birds may eat it after they are gone; for they believe, that such good bestow’d upon the beasts is as acceptable to God as if it were bestow’d on men. Their graves are commonly hollow cover’d at the top with great stones, which are like unto children’s bed-steads in our country, which are high at the head and feet, but hollow’d in the middle; they fill them up with earth, wherein they commonly plant fine herbs, but chiefly flags; they also put some green myrtles in little air-holes that are round the tombs; and they are of opinion, that their relations are the happier, the longer these remain green and retain their colour: And for the sake of this superstition there are in several places of the town myrtles to be sold that stand in water, that they may remain fresh, which the women buy to stick up at the graves of their relations. Their burying-places are always out of town near the highways, that any body that goeth by may be put in mind of them, and pray to God for them, which is the reason that so many chapels are built about their burying-places, that people that go by, chiefly the relations of the deceased, may go into them to pray to God in their behalf. When any of them dieth, they wash him, and put on his best cloaths; then they lay him on a bar or board, and strow him with sweet smelling herbs and flowers, leaving only his face bare, that every body may look upon him that knoweth him, as he is carry’d out. If it be a _Tschelebii_, that is, a noble person, they put his helmet and his other ornaments at his head; his friends and acquaintance, which go before and follow the corps, keep no order, but hang upon one another, as if they were fudled, and go merrily and shouting along to the grave; as also do the women, who come behind and hollow so loud that you may hear them a great way off. CHAP. IV. _A description of the plants I gather’d at ~Tripoli~._ Considering that I undertook this journey into the eastern countries, not only to see these people, and to observe their manners, _&c._ but also, and that principally, diligently to enquire and to search out the plants that were growing there; I cannot but shortly describe those I found about _Tripoli_, during my stay there, and will begin with such as grew on the sea-shores, which were _Medica marina_, _Gnaphalium marinum_, _Leucoium marinum_, _Juncus maritimus_, _Peplis_, _Scammonium Monspeliense_, which the natives call _Meudheuds_; but _Rhasis_, in his book _ad Almans._ call’d it _Coriziala_, _Brassica marina_, which spreads it’s roots above the sand for some cubits round, and has instead of round leaves rather square ones. A kind of wild white lillies by the _Latins_ and _Greeks_ call’d _Hemerocallis_, which did not only grow on the sea-shore, but also in islands thereabouts in great plenty, with a great many others, which I forbear to mention here, being common. Behind the custom-house, near the harbour, I found in the ruins of the old walls that are left of that city, _Hyoscyamus_, and hard by it in the sand an herb not unlike unto _Cantabrica secunda Caroli Clusii_, saving only the stalks and leaves which are woolly. But the _Ricinus_ groweth there above all in so great plenty, that you can hardly make your way through it; the inhabitants call it still by it’s old _Arabian_ name _Kerva_. If you turn from thence to the high-way towards your right hand, you see the _Tythimalus Paralius_, and also a kind of _Conyza Diosc._ out of one root there spring up several stalks, whereof some grow upright, but the greater part of them lie down upon the ground, and so shoot new roots, which afterwards sprout out into new stalks; it beareth long olive-leaves, which are thick, fattish, and somewhat woolly, and have a strong and equally sweet smell; for the rest, as the flowers, it is very like unto the great one. You find there also the greater and lesser _Medica_, which the _Moors_ to this day call _Fasa_. Likewise so great and many _Squills_ that the inhabitants weed them up, chiefly those that grow near their gardens, and fling them up in high heaps like stones. There also groweth _Securidaca minor_, _Tribulus terrestris_, by the inhabitants call’d _Haseck_, and a kind of _Echium_, which groweth by the way as you go to St _James_’s church, which from thence is situated upon an ascent at a mile’s distance. Hereabouts, and in other adjacent places, groweth a great quantity of sugar-canes, so that there is yearly sold a great many sugar-loaves that are made thereof. These are as high and big as our canes, and not much differing from them, but within and down towards the root, where they are best, they are full of this pleasant juice, wherefore the _Turks_ and _Moors_ buy a great many of them, being very pleasant to them to chew and eat, for they are mightily pleased with sweet-meats, whereof they have variety. Before they begin to eat or chew them, they stript off the long leaves and cut away what is tasteless, so that only the juicy and good remaineth, which is hardly two foot. Of the thus prepared canes they carry many along with them through the streets, and cut off one piece after another, skale them, and so chew and eat them openly every where in the street without shame; for they are, principally near the root, very tender, and feel as mellow between your teeth as if it were sugar itself. So the _Turks_ use themselves to gluttony, and are no more so free and courageous, to go against their enemies to fight, as they have been in former ages. The sugar canes do not grow there from seeds, neither are they propagated by the root, but by the canes themselves, whereof they lay into the ground some green pieces of two or three ts long, and that they may grow the sooner, they bore pretty large holes in between the ts; when they begin to grow, they sprout out in the ts, and grow up into great canes, and so bring in good profit. There also by the rivers are found _Anthilis Marina_, _Visnaga_, the first _Apocymum_, and _Oleander_ with purple flowers, by the inhabitants call’d _Defle_, and a delicate kind of _Scabiosa Melissa Maluca_, and if you go to the gardens, you see _Heliotropium majus_, _Convolvulus folio acuto_, _Vitis nigra_, _Phaseolus Turcicus_, with yellow flowers, which still retain the ancient name of _Lubie_, _Lysimachia lutea_, and wild vines call’d _Labruscæ_, whereon nothing groweth but only the flowers, call’d _Ocnanthe_; and also a shrub like unto the _Polygonus_ of _Carol Clusius_, which climbs up into high trees, and hang down again from the twigs; and I verily believe they are the same with _Ephedra_, whereof _Pliny_ maketh mention in the seventh chapter of his twenty sixth book. When I went farther, with an intention to consider the plants that grew in the country, first came before me some _Sycomores_, whereof chiefly _Dioscorides_ and _Theophrastus_ make mention, and tell us of two sorts; and when I call’d these things to mind, I light of one of the second sort of _Sycomores_, whereof abundance grow in _Cyprus_, wherefore these wild figg-trees might be call’d, the one the _Cyprish Sycomore_-tree, and the other the _Egyptian Sycomore_-tree, according to the places where they are most frequent and fruitful. I found a great many of them: the _Moors_ and _Arabians_ call them _Mumeitz_, they are as great and as high as the white Mulberry-trees, and have almost the same leaves, but they are only somewhat rounder, and are also whole at or about the sides; they bear fruit not unlike to our figg-trees, only they are sweeter, and have no little seeds within, and are not so good; wherefore they are not esteem’d, and are commonly sold only to the poorer sort of people; they grow in all fields and grounds, as you may see by the words of the second book of the _Chronicles_ ix. 27. _And the king made silver in ~Jerusalem~ as stones, and Cedar-trees made he as the Sycomore-trees that are in the low plains in abundance_. _Zacheus_ did climb upon such a one when he had a great mind to see our Saviour. _Essaias_ also maketh mention of them in his ninth chap. vers. 10, and _Amos_ in his seventh chap. vers. 14, where he saith of himself: _I was a herds-man, and a gatherer of Sycomore-fruit_. These two sorts are very like one another, in stem, leaves, and fruit, only as the fruit of the one comes more out of the great stems and great twigs, so that of the other does the same, but not out of the stems and twigs immediately, but out of twigs or sprouts without leaves of the length of five or six inches, whereon they grow sometimes very thick, and in a bunch together. These trees bear fruit three or four times yearly, which are small, of an ash-colour, oblong, round, like Prunes, and are found upon the trees almost all the year long. Hereabouts also grow many thorns, whereof is made mention in Scripture, by the inhabitants call’d _Hauseit_, and by the _Arabians Hausegi_, but the _Latins_ call them _Ahamnus_; and also white Poplars, still to this day call’d _Haur_ by the _Arabians_. There also groweth a great and high tree which beareth delicate leaves and flowers, pleasant to look upon, by the inhabitants call’d _Zensetacht_, but by _Rhasis_ and _Avicenna_, _Astirgar_, & _Astergir_, and _Azadaracht_, whereof you see here and there several planted in the streets, to make a pleasant shade in the summer, the fruit thereof remaineth upon them all the year long, until they put out again a-new, for they are hurtful, and kill the dogs if they eat thereof. Near the town upon the highlands, (where you see abundance of corn-fields, and abundance of pleasant Olive-trees, that reach quite up to mount _Libanus_) are found _Polium montanum_, _Pecten veneris_, _ferrum equinum_, _Chamæleon niger_, with it’s sharp pointed and black roots and leaves, very like unto the leaves of _Carlina_, whereof the stalks are of a reddish colour, a span long, and of the thickness of a finger; whereon are small prickly heads, of a blewish colour, not unlike to those of the little _Eryngium_. Another fine plant grows thereabouts, call’d _Sathar_ in their language, but when I consider it’s beautiful purple-colour’d flowers, and it’s small leaves which are something long withal, I rather judge it to be the _Hasce_ of the _Arabians_, or the true _Thyme_ of _Diosc._ which we call _Serpillum Romanum_. It hath as pleasant an acrimony as any spice can have, wherefore the inhabitants use it very much, whole or in powder, at home and abroad, with and without their meat, chiefly for to correct an ill digestion of their stomach. This herb is never found in our Apothecaries shops, they take another in it’s room, which hath lesser and greener heads, and is rather the first _Satureia_ of _Diosc._ brought from _Candia_. There are also two sorts of _Clinopodium_, whereof the lesser and tenderer (considering it’s long stalks, leaves and flowers, which grow in good order, and at equal distances one over the other) may very well be taken for the true one of the _Diosc._ There are also _Ilex minor_, _Sabina baccifera_, _Terebinthus_, and many more. In the town are found several strange plants; one called _Musa_, whereof the stalks are from nine to twelve foot high, which are smooth, and without they are inclosed in their leaves, and often quite surrounded like our reeds, of a fine shining green; at the top thereof the leaves spread themselves out, and look like a great bush of feathers, for they are very long, and so broad, that the biggest person may lie upon them with his whole body very well. These leaves have a rib in the middle, which keepeth them up streight, and so strongly, that although the wind breaketh them at the sides in several places, yet notwithstanding they remain upright. These trees bear their fruit no more than once, wherefore they are cut down, and so the root shoots out several other stalks about a foot distant from the old one, which grow up again, and bring forth fruit, which groweth on a thick stalk in great numbers; they are almost shaped like the _Citruls_, round and bended, only they are less, smooth without, invironed with a thick rind, which is first yellow, but when they are kept a few days it grows black, it is easily separated when they are new; within they are whitish, full of seeds, sweet and good to eat; but they fill mightily, and are apt to gripe: Wherefore, (as _Theophrastus_ mentioneth in the fifth chapter of his fourth book) _Alexander_ the Great forbid his army to eat them, when he went into the _Indies_. There groweth but very little of this fruit about _Tripoli_, but it is brought from the neighbouring places plentifully. We also find there another tree, not unlike unto our _Privett_, by the _Arabians_ called _Alcana_, or _Henne_, and by the _Grecians_, in their vulgar tongue _Schenna_, which they have from _Egypt_, where, but above all in _Cayro_, they grow in abundance. The _Turks_ and _Moors_ nurse these up with great care and diligence, because of their sweet-smelling flowers, and put them into earthen pots, or wooden cases or boxes, to keep them in the winter in vaults from the frost, which they cannot endure. And because they hardly begin to sprout before _August_, they water them with Soap-suds, but others lay lime about the root, to make it put forth the earlier, that it may flower the sooner, because of the pleasantness of the smell of the flowers, which is somewhat like musk: They are of a pale yellow colour, and stand in spikes of the length of a span, but not very close, so that leaves appear between them; their twigs are also of the same colour, whereof many are sent to us, to cleanse the teeth with, as it were with a brush, when they are bruised a little at the ends. They also, as I am informed, keep their leaves all winter, which leaves they powder and mix with the juice of Citrons, and stain therewith, against great holydays, the hair and nails of their children of a red colour, which colour perhaps may be seen with us on the mains and tails of _Turkish_ horses. The powder is greenish, and so common with them, that you see in their _Batzars_ whole bags full thereof standing before their shops, which come from _Ægypt_ and _Africa_, from whence whole ship-loads are sent through _Turky_, as I have seen myself in this harbour several, from whence the _Turkish_ Emperor hath yearly a great revenue. The _Arabians_ burn their _Spodium_ out of the root thereof, as _Avicenna_ remarks in his seventeenth chap. This being thus, it appeareth that there is no small difference between these two, ours and theirs; I am of opinion, that theirs (which is mentioned in the first chapter of _Solomon’s Song_) is liker to that which _Dioscor._ describeth, than our _Ligustrum_. Thereabouts is also found within and without the gardens a peculiar sort of mallows, by them called _Chethince_, which is very large, and high, and, like other trees, spreads it’s woody twigs and soft boughs, that are covered with a brownish bark; amongst the rest I saw one as big as a man’s middle, the leaves thereof are of a dark green, long, and at the sides towards the point crenated; it’s flowers are rather bigger than other mallows, of a blew colour; their seeds I did never see. Hard by I found another outlandish _Doschet_ flower, which was almost decay’d, so that it had neither leaves, flowers nor seeds: It was about three foot high, the stem and twigs were hairy, hollow within as other stalks, of a green colour, inclining somewhat to yellow, which had at top many other shoots, each of them had behind like unto other tree-stems it’s proper t. This is so juicy quite through, that it drops almost with milk, which is sharper than any spurge. I made great inquiry of them about it, but could have no certain thereof; but as it seemed to me, it is very like unto _Xabra_ and _Camarronus_ of _Rhasis_ by the _Arabians_ called _Tanaghut_ and _Sabeam_, and may be taken, according to that author’s description, for it. Farther hereabouts, chiefly in the town upon the cisterns and conduits, I found _Adiantum_, by the Apothecaries called _Capillus Veneris_, and in old walls the _Apollinaris_. I also found in the shops in their _Batzars_ two sorts of roots, whereof one was rounder, which may be the _Bulcigeni_ of the _Venetians_, which are called _Thrasi_ at _Verona_, where they grow (as the learned _Malthiolus_ testifieth) many of these are sent out of _Egypt_ to _Tripoli_, and sold there, chiefly to eat in _June_, by the name of _Habel_, _Assis_ and _Altzis_, this being true, and they being very like both in name and quality to the grains of _Altzelem_ of the _Arabians_, they must be the same, although _Rhasis_ reckoneth these amongst the fruits. The other called by them _Hakinrigi_, and _Hakeuribi_ is somewhat longer, not unlike to our _Doronicum_; there is also a great many of them to be sold; they are hard, of a sweetish taste, with a piercing bitterness, and in their bigness, and white nerves (which spread themselves under ground in the gardens round about like unto the wild _Angelica_ of _Tragus_) so like to the _Haronigi Serapionis_, and to the _Durungi_ and _Durunegi_ of _Avicenna_, according to their description, and so uniform, that they must be taken for the same. Then I found also in their shops abundance of the seeds of _Sumach_, whereof they make a red powder, to excite the appetite of the stomach. These and more strange and unknown simples I did find at _Tripolis_. But because it would be too tedious to describe them all, therefore I have only made mention of those that authors have describ’d. CHAP. V. _Which way I travell’d from ~Tripolis~ farther to the two famous cities of ~Damant~ and ~Halepo~._ After I had rested for several weeks in _Tripolis_, and had observed that city, it’s building, and pleasant situation, and moreover the manners, customs, and habits, as well of the low as high ones, I propounded to myself to travel to _Aleppo_, which is almost the biggest, and the most famous trading city of _Syria_, which lies five or six days journey towards the north-east of _Tripolis_. And when I met with some companions to travel with me, we stored ourselves with provisions, _viz._ bread, cheese, eggs, _&c._ for our journey, and so set out of _Tripolis_ the ninth of _Novemb._ _Anno 1573_. By the way we met with a great deal of rain, which commonly begins at that time of the year, and continueth almost all the winter long; this kept us so much back, that we reached not to _Damant_, which is in the mid-way from _Tripolis_ to _Aleppo_, before the fourth day. There we lodged in one of their great Champs, call’d _Carvatscharas_, where we had a chamber assign’d us, in which we found neither table nor chairs, nor bench, nor bed, only upon the floor was laid a _Stromatzo_, twisted of canes, which was to serve us instead of them all. There we bought in their _Batzar_ some victuals according to our pleasure, and staid there all night long. The town, which some take to be the old _Apamia_, is pretty big, and pretty well built; it lies in a valley between hills, so that you can see nothing of it, the castle only excepted, which lieth on the hill, and guardeth it very well, before you are just come to it. Round about it there are many orchards and kitchen-gardens, which they water out of the river _Hasce_, which is pretty large, and runs thro’ the town. The water they lift up with wheels, fix’d in the river for that purpose, that pour it into channels that carry it into the gardens, and so water them in the great heat of the sun, to refresh them. These gardens had been worth my seeing, but my fellow-travellers were in haste, and so we put on the next morning for _Aleppo_. By the way we saw very good corn-fields, vineyards, and fields planted with cotton, which is brought from thence, and sold to us under the name of the place where it grew, and also silks and other goods that are bought there at the first hand. In these countries are a great many wild asses, call’d _Onagri_, the skins of them are very strong to wear, and as they prepare them, finely frock’d on the outside as strawberries are, or like the skin of the _Sepia_, or cuttle-fish, wherefore they commonly make their scabbards for their scymiters, and sheaths of their knives thereof. Their blades are water’d on both sides very subtilly; they are made of good metal, well harden’d, and so sharp, chiefly those that are made in _Damascus_, that you may cut with them a very strong nail in pieces, without any hurt to the blade. They wear rather knives than daggers, which they tie to their girdles with finely wrought tapes, by their backs. When we went on and came to the promontory of mount _Libanus_, we saw abundance of villages by the way, which for the most part are inhabited by Christians, _viz._ _Syrians_, _Maronites_, &c. with whom we did lodge sometimes over-night; these entertain’d us very civilly, and gave us such wine to drink as grew on the mountains, than which I hardly I ever drank better. Amongst the rest of the villages we came to one call’d _Hanal_, lying high in a fruitful country, where, as I am inform’d, in former days a very fine city stood, which is so desolated, and in process of time decay’d to that degree, that in our days there is almost nothing left of it but a small village, and here and there in the fields some small ruins of old houses. We went on farther between the mountains, where we spy’d a little town upon the hills, and above it a strong castle, which it is said the _French_ did formerly build, that lieth in a very convenient place between the mountains, so that you must go just by it; but because it is haunted with evil spirits and hobgobblins, it remaineth unrepair’d and uninhabited. We left it on our left hand, and came out into a spacious corn-field well till’d, where on our left we saw the town _Sermin_ at a great distance, and near to it and about it, great woods of _Pistacio_-trees, which are gathered there, and sent to _Tripolis_, and so by the merchants to us: Some of them grow also near the high-ways, chiefly in the village of _Basilo_, where we stay’d all night. In our way we found nine or ten Champs, call’d _Caravatscharas_: these are open inns, where the caravans and travellers go in, commonly towards evening, to stay there all night; they are free to any body, but you find neither meat nor drink there, if you will have it you must bring it along with you, and must be contented to lie upon straw, if you can have it, upon the lower wall, which goes round about the sides, on purpose to give to horses, asses, and camels their food upon it. They are generally three miles distant from one another; they are large and stately, and as strong in walls as castles, commonly built four-square, and have within a large yard, and round about it are stables which are quite open, just like cloisters. Some of them have a garrison of nine or twelve Janisaries, to keep the roads clean, and to protect the travellers from assaults of the inhabitants and _Arabians_. When we had travell’d over several rough mountains, and came almost near to _Halepo_, we saw at last the city just like _Damand_, of the bigness of _Strasbourg_; at the gates we dismounted, because in _Turky_ no outlandish man hath liberty to ride thro’ a city, and so we went into it, and I went into the _French Fundique_ to take my lodgings, as all _Germans_ use to do. CHAP. VI. _Of the situation of the potent city of ~Halepo~, of the buildings thereof, and also of the delicate fruits, and fine plants that grow there within and without the gardens._ The town of _Halepo_, which is the greatest and most potent in _Syria_, anciently call’d _Nerea_, is in some places well fortify’d with ditches and walls, only they are not quite round it, so that one may (the same it is with _Tripolis_) at any time of night go in and out; neither are the gates, as used in our country, chiefly in cities of , beset with soldiers, but you will only see two or three waiting at the head-gates, where the highways go through, which are rather there to take custom, than to keep the gates, neither have they any arms. But in the middle of the city there is a castle on a high hill, which is strong, large, surrounded with walls and ditches, and well beset with a good guard. Concerning their other buildings, which are flat at the top, and cover’d with a sort of pavement, that one may walk on the tops of them, they are like unto them of _Tripolis_. Amongst the rest there is a very magnificent building, which they say hath cost a great deal of money, which hath for it’s entrance a very low and small door, so that one must bend himself very low that will go into it, but when you come in, you find there delicate large halls, high open arches, very pleasant and cool to sit underneath in the summer, water-works, orchards, and kitchen-gardens, where among the rest was one of these _Ketmy_’s: Besides these there was also some fine Mosques with steeples, which were round and small, but very high; some of them had a balcony at the top, like unto a garland, whereupon the waits are, and their priests go about at the time of prayers, to call people in. But for other stately buildings, that might be erected for the memory of some potent King or Prince, there is none. Without the city they have here and there some country-houses; among the rest one built for the _Turkish_ Emperor, at four miles distance from the city, where he used to be sometimes, chiefly when he is at war with the _Sophy_, King of _Persia_, that he may presently assist his army in case of necessity; this is very large, but not built so stately as so great a monarch deserveth. In the great garden is a chapel built by the river that runs through it upon pillars, where the _Great Sultan_ used to hold conferences with his Privy-counsellors and Visier-bashaws. It happen’d in the reign of _Solyman the Great_, as the gardiner did relate to us, that when they were assembled, to consult whether it was more profitable to him to suffer the _Jews_ in his provinces, or to root them quite out; after every one had given his opinion, and most of them were of the opinion, that they ought not to be tolerated, because of their unsufferable usury wherewith they oppressed his subjects; and after the Emperor had heard every ones sentiment, he gave them also to understand his, and that in this instance, _viz._ He bad them look upon a flower-pot, that held a quantity of fine flowers of divers colours, that was then in the room, and bid them consider whether each of them in their colour, did not set out the other the better; and that if any of them should decay, or be taken away, whether it would not somewhat spoil the beauty of the rest. After every one had heard the _Sultan_’s opinion, and did allow of it to be true; the Emperor did begin to explain this, and said, The more sorts of nations I have in my dominions under me, as _Turks_, _Moors_, _Grecians_, &c. the greater authority they bring to my kingdoms, and make them more famous. And that nothing may fall off from my greatness, I think it convenient, that all that have been together so long hitherto, may be kept and tolerated so still for the future; which pleased his council so well, that they all unanimously agreed to it, and so let it remain as it was. Without the city of _Halepo_ are abundance of quarries, where they dig great free-stones of a vast bigness, almost as white and soft as chalk, very proper for building: There are also about the town some walks or grotto’s under ground, which are above an _English_ mile long, which have the light let into them by holes made near the highway, so that a man must be very careful (chiefly at night) that he may not fall into them, or that he may not be trapann’d by the _Moors_ that live in them in great numbers. The ground about it being very chalky, it causeth to the soles of our feet, chiefly at night, although one be very well provided with strong shoes, a very considerable driness and heat, as one may also see by the _Moors_, that, for the most part go bare-foot, which causeth the soles of their feet to be so shrifled, that into some of their crevises you may almost put your little finger. Yet notwithstanding that, _Halepo_ is surrounded with rocky hills, and the valleys thereof are chalky; they have no want of corn, as barley, wheat, _&c._ but rather it is very fruitful, and their harvest beginning commonly in _April_ or _May_: But they have but few oats, and less grass or hay; for the driness is so great, and it is so sandy, and the hills are so rough and full of bushes, that they make but very little hay. Wherefore they feed their cattel with barley, and with straw, which is broken in pieces by threshing waggons, that are drawn by oxen. The valley is also full of Olive-trees, so that yearly they make several thousand hundred weight of oil for to make Soap. There is also a great quantity of tame and wild Almond-trees, of Figgs, of Quince, and white Mulberry-trees, which are very high and big: _Pistacies_-trees, which they call _Fistuc_, are hereabout very common; they have underneath very strong stems, which have outwardly an ashen-colour’d bark, and are adorned with handsome leaves of a sad green colour, like unto their _Charnubis_, and behind them grow many small Nuts like Grapes in clusters together. In the spring when they first put out, they send forth long shoots, which the _Moors_ gather in great quantity for their sallad, and dress them as we do Asparagus. There are also abundance of delicate orchards, that are filled with _Oranges_, _Citrons_, _Lemons_, _Adam_’s-_Apples_, _Sebesten_, _Peaches_, _Morelloes_, and _Pomegranates_, &c. and amongst them you find sometimes Apples and Pears, but very few, nor so many sorts, nor so big, nor so well coloured as ours. There grow many Myrtles, which bear roundish berries of the bigness of our _Sorbus_ or Services, of a blewish grey colour, very good to eat, which have white seeds of the shape of our jumping cheese-magots; they propagate them diligently, because they are beautiful, and remain long green, to put about their graves. Moreover there are many _Sumach_-trees, which they plant for their seeds sake, which is much used by them; but _Cherries_, _Amelanchier_ and _Spenleny_ I have not seen there, and very few Goosberries, or Currans; _Weychseln_ they have, but very few, wherefore they esteem them, and keep them choice, as a foreign plant, to shew them to others, and to present great persons with them; this may suffice of trees. Concerning their garden plants: those that are common, are Endives, Lettice, Keal or Coleworts, Colliflowers, _Cauloropa_, _Rauckelen_, _Apium_, _Tarcon_, whereof _Rhasis_ describeth two sorts, one with long small leaves, by us call’d Taragon, and the other with broad leaves, which I reckon to be our _Lepidium_, by the inhabitants call’d _Cozirihan_. _Ravos Serap_; or our common Hartichokes. But beyond all they plant _Colocasia_ in such plenty as we do Turneps, whereof they have also great plenty. They are also very well provided with Horseraddishes, Garlick, and Onions, which the inhabitants still call _Bassal_. Of _Pumpions_, _Citruls_, and _Cucumis anguinus_, which they call _Gette_, they plant as many as they have occasion for; but many more _Angurien_ an _Indian Muskmillion_, or Water-mellons, which they call _Batiechas_, but _Serap._ _Dullaha_, they are large, of greenish colour, sweet and pleasent to eat, and very cooling, wherefore they esteem them to be their best fruits; but chiefly those, which have more red than white within; they are very innocent and harmless, and keep so long good, that they sell them in their _Batzars_ all the winter long. Moreover, there are three sorts of those plants which the _Arabians_ call _Melanzana_, _Melongena_, and _Beudengian_, as ash-coulour’d, yellow, and flesh-colour’d, which are very like one another in their crookedness and length, and like unto the long Gourds. There are two other sorts, which are call’d _Bathleschain_, _viz._ oblong and round ones, which are much bigger, of a black colour, and so smooth and glaz’d that they give a reflection. They eat these oftener boil’d (chiefly after the way which _Averrhoës_ mention’d) than raw. Without their gardens are two other strange plants, which also (being they eat them commonly with others) may be reckon’d among the Kitchin-herbs; whereof one is call’d by them _Secacul_, which I found about the town in shady places, and among trees, and in the corn; it’s roots are of an ashen colour without, and white within, smooth, mellow or tender, of one inch thick, and one and a half long; it hath instead of fibres, little knobs like unto warts, and a sweet taste, not unlike to our Carrots in stalk, herb or head, saving only the flowers, which are yellow; the herb-women carry them strung upon strings about the streets to sell them. The other sort is also very plentiful, and is found in dry and rough places, which the inhabitants to this day, with _Serapio_, call _Hacub_, whereof he maketh mention in his 295th chapter, under the name of _Hacub Alcardeg_, whereof they cut in the spring the young shoots or sprouts, that grow round about it, boil and eat it as we do Asparagus, corruptly call’d Sparrowgrass; the whole plant is very like to our Carlina, only this hath bigger, higher and more prickly heads, whereon appear flesh-coulour’d flowers. It being that it is every way like it, and that also the root hath the same virtue, for if you steep it in water, and drink of it, it maketh you vomit and fling up; therefore I am of opinion, that without doubt it must be the true _Silybum Dioscorides_; besides this there grow also in the road and on old walls such plenty of Capers, that they are not at all esteem’d; they take these flowers before they open, and pickle them, and eat them for sauce with their meat. I had almost forgot another herb, which I found in their gardens, that beareth roundish smooth stalks about two foot high; the leaves are two and two equally distant from one another, and one above the other; they are long, crenated at the sides, like unto our Mercurialis; between them sprout out in harvest-time yellow flowers, which produce long aculeated cods, which open themselves when they are ripe; within them are six distinctions, and in each of them a little black seed placed in very good order; the herb is of a sower taste, like Sorrel, wherefore it is to every body, chiefly the _Jews_, known, who boil the leaves thereof with their meat to eat them; wherefore some take it to be _Olus Judaicum Avicennæ_, and others take it for _Corchorum Plinii_, whether it be or no I suspend my judgment. They have abundance of Pulses in these countries, which they feed upon, so that you see several in their _Batzars_ which sell nothing else but them. Among the rest you will find abundance of _Phaseoli_, or Kidney-beans, little and great ones, very white; and many sorts of _Cicer_, which they call _Cotane_, and, with _Avicenna_, _Hamos_. Whereof they have as many as we have Pease in our country, and boil them for their daily food, and oftentimes they eat them raw, chiefly if they be roasted, till the outward shell falls off; they often call for them thus dressed when they are a drinking in their coffee-houses, and have them brought to table with cheese after their meals instead of preserves or fruit, as Cibebs, Hasel-nuts, and the like, for they eat very mellow, and have a fine saltish taste. They dress the _Orobus_ after the same manner, which they call now _Ades_ and _Hades_, but whether right or no I leave to the learned; they are somewhat less and rounder, and not unlike the Cicers in their colour, only that these are reddish and white, and the other white and yellow. These put me still in mind of another strange plant, by the _Arabians_ call’d _Mas_, whose leaves and cods are pretty like our _Phaseolus_, and the cods contain little round seeds, something less than our pease, of a dark green colour, and are so smooth and shining that they reflect again. _Serapio_ maketh mention of them in his 116th chap. under the name of _Mes_. And _Avicenna_ in his 488th chapter under the name _Meisce_; and the very learned and experienced Botanist, _Carolus Clusius_, calleth it, in his _Epitome_ of the _Indian_ plants, by the name of _Mungo_. The _Turks_ love these Pulses very well, chiefly to eat them among their rice. So much I thought convenient to mention here of their Kitchen-herbs and fruits that grow in gardens and about _Aleppo_; of others that belong not to the kitchen I shall make mention hereafter. In this city of _Aleppo_ the Merchants buy great store of drugs, brought from several parts by the caravans, as _Rheubarb_, _Galbanum_, _Opoponax_, _Styrax_, _Laser_, _Sagapenum_, _Scammony_, &c. CHAP. VII. _Of the high places and authority of ~Bashaws~, what great courts they keep, and how they ister their offices; as also of their way of living, of their privileges, of their manners and conversation._ The city of _Aleppo_, which some, considering the name and situation, believe to be the town _Chalibon_ of _Ptolomæus_ situated in _Chalibonitis_, is subject unto the _Turkish_ Emperor, together with all the adjacent places, wherefore he keepeth a _Bashaw_ in it, which is to rule it, and the whole province according to his will and pleasure. Now as the _Bashaws_ are almost the chiefest and heighest under the Emperor, so they keep according to their station and dignity their courts as great as the Princes do in our country, according as they have great or small provinces. So they have under them their chief commanders, as _Sangiacks_, _Bolucs-bashaws_ and others, which are continually with them, go with them to their temples, or any other place where-ever they have a mind to go in great numbers, both on foot and on horse-back, which by their several habits are to be distinguish’d, but chiefly the _Bolusc-bashaws_, who as captains have an hundred Janisaries under them, which in costly cloaths, and high heads with feathers, run on foot like lackies by their master. They have also besides their court, as well as the Emperor himself, peculiar lodgings for their concubines, which they either have pick’d up here and there out of towns and countries, or else taken in time of war by sea and land from Christians and other nations; wherefore they keep many eunuchs to attend them constantly. They take great delight in hunting, and go often several days journeys after it; if they take wild boars, they give them to Christians, because they are by their laws forbid to eat them, which makes the _Turks_, often to mock them in the streets, crying out and calling them _Chansir quibir_, that is, great Boars or Hog-eaters. Although the _Bashaws_ are great persons, that command over cities and countries, yet they are reckon’d to be like others, but slaves to their master, that have nothing of their own that they can bequeath to their heirs or posterity after their decease, as our Princes can; because the Emperor, after their decease, taketh possession of all their visible estates, and allows only to their children an annuity; nay, if their Sultan commands them to go from one place to an inferior one, or to leave their dignity quite and clean, they must obey immediately, if they will not run themselves into greater inconveniences or dangers. This is the reason that such persons, though rich, seldom build great buildings, so that you see none in all the country, except it be a chapel, or a champ, which they build to be ’d by. They rather keep their riches in gold and silver, which can be hid, and so secretly given to their posterity. They bestow but very little upon jacks, for they are too covetous, neither have they many workmen that are able to set them. These _Bashaws_ being altogether for their own advantage, that strive to get wealth, their subjects must needs suffer very much under them, but chiefly strangers, that live there to traffick, as _Italians_, _French_, &c. whereby between them and the _Bashaws_, that mind their own and not the public good, arise often great differences, and they must have suffer’d great damage, if their sovereigns, to prevent these things, and that their subjects may deal securely, had not taken care to send them discreet and prudent men, which are call’d Consuls, endew’d with great privileges from the Grand Signior, to hear their complaints, and to protect them against any assaulters. It happen’d in my time, while I staid there, that great differences arose between the Consul of _Venice_ and the new _Bashaw_ who was sent thither instead of the deceased one, in the year 1575, the 6th of March, who came in to take possession with a great number of horse and foot. At his arrival, the Consul of _Venice_ went, accompany’d with a great number of merchants in great state, to meet him, to bid him welcome, and presented him with fourteen cloaths richly wrought of silk, desiring him to take his countrymen into protection; that they might trade and deal safely under him. The _Bashaw_ looking upon the cloaths, behaved himself very unkindly, and thinking them to be very inconsiderable, he not only refused them, but answer’d the Consul very scornfully. So it often happens that these great persons come to differ, and pursue their differences so far, that at last it must be brought before the Emperor and his court. If they find that the _Bashaw_ is in the wrong, he is immediately punish’d, not regarding his great authority, according to the default, either in money, or else, if it be a great crime, he must loose his life for it; which is the oftner done, because they depend very much upon traffick, which bringeth the Emperor in yearly a great revenue. Yet notwithstanding they are punish’d so severely, sometimes the pride and ambition of the _Bashaws_ is so great, that to uphold their greatness they will not cease to strive by any means after riches and very great wealth, which their subjects, not to speak of strangers, find daily, whom they squeeze and press, chiefly if they find them rich, to that degree, that they cannot come to any thing, nor thrive under them; moreover they draw, after the decease of their rich subjects, for the most part the greatest share of what they leave, into their own purses; so that such persons do not take pains, nor bestow any great cost to build their houses, or to till their grounds, as we do in our country. They have commonly in market-towns and villages low houses or halls, whereof many are so cover’d with hills, that you cannot see them before you are quite at them. When you come into them, you find neither chairs, nor stools, nor tables, only a couple of pieces of tapestry spread, whereon they sit after their fashion; and instead of feather-beds, whereof they make no use at all, they have mats and quilts, which they fold together in the day, and hang them up in a corner, at night they spread them out again to sleep on them. They have no occasion for sheets to cover themselves as we do, nor for any towels neither, for instead of them they use long pieces of rags, which they hang about their naked necks, or hang them at their girdles. We see sometimes in their houses, above all in the country, several strange shaped earthen vessells, which cover whole sides of the wall in their rooms, which their relations use to present them with at their wedding, which to please them, they use to put up, and to keep there, rather for their remembrance than to make any other use of them. In their kitchen they have very few utensils, perhaps a few pipkins, pans, and trenchers, for they boil all their victuals in one pot together, that their maids may not have many to cleanse, or to put up. Concerning their cloaths: They bestow not very much upon them, although they be well to , for they love money so well, that they will rather spend a whole day in contending for a penny, than pay it willingly. Wherefore a man that will travel through these countries, must have his purse well stored, and keep it very close, that no body may know it’s worth, but chiefly he must have a care of the _Jews_, who are not to be trusted, if you will escape great danger: They will not only do nothing for you without reward, but if they suspect you to have any money, they will endeavour to get it from you. Wherefore those that take a pilgrimage into the Holy Land, and go in pitiful cloaths, are not much troubled by them. The courtiers of the _Bashaws_, and amongst the rest chiefly the eunuchs and dwarfs, _&c._ whereof they have several, go in their taffety and sattin cloaths, which are long, and very well trimmed, wherewith their master furnisheth them, being gifts from others, which he distributeth among them. The Soldiers, _Spahees_, _Janisaries_, _&c._, commonly have blew woollen cloaths from the court, and they live on their pay, that is, four, five, six, seven, or eight _Medins_, (which are about three farthings apiece) more or less (according as their places are) which are paid them daily, as well in peace as in war time: If they can get any thing else, by excursions and fighting from their enemies, it is well for them. The Soldiers commonly wear white turbants on their heads, and so do all _Turks_, and put painted paper underneath them, chiefly when they go into the war, believing if they wear them they cannot be hurt nor wounded. On their turbants they commonly wear cranes feathers, that others may believe them to be valiant soldiers, and that by their number people may guess that either they have been in so many campaigns, or else killed so many _Christians_. Besides these turbants the _Janisaries_ have also hats with high crowns, called _Zarcellus_, made of white felt, which they wear instead of helmets, when they are in waiting, or go out to the war; these have before, on the forehead, a gilded sheath, set without with granats, rubies, _Turkey_-stones, and other jewels, yet of no great value, wherein they put their feathers. They and also other _Turks_ and _Moors_ let no hair grow upon their heads, but as soon as it grows they shave it again, only behind they keep a lock, which hangs down a pretty way; they let their beards grow now, which they used formerly to cut off, so that now for some years they have worn huge great mustachies. In war time they carry musquets, and in peace, chiefly when they are in waiting, their long poles. They are also allow’d to marry, and besides their wives, to keep any they take prisoners in war, or else to sell them to any body. When they are at home they are lovers of wine, and when they can come at it, that no body sees them, they will drink more without mixture than any other nation; but in time of war, when they are in expedition, they can live very sparingly, and will march all day long before they will refresh themselves. Yet to speak the truth, these and almost all Soldiers, because they are as well paid in peace as in war, are no more so ready to take the field, and to change a quiet life for a troublesome one, or a secure one for a dangerous, as they have been in former ages, being used to laziness for a great while together. Besides the power and strength of the _Turks_ is reckon’d much inferior to that of the Christians, for we are better arm’d with muskets and pikes, to keep them off at a distance, that they may not be able to come in with us to club-law, and so over-power us; for if their enemy doth not give way at their first on-set, they turn their backs and run away. But that notwithstanding all this, we gain nothing from the _Turks_, but they rather from us; the reason is, not to mention our manifold transgressions, rather our great divisions and contentions, which hinders us from going out with such an army as is necessary, and we might otherwise do. Wherefore the _Turks_ come out the bolder, to frighten and to plague us, and make use of all sorts of stratagems to amuse us, or to draw us into an ambush by pursuing them, and when they think we are almost tired, they fall upon us with a multitude of fresh men, to surround and to beat us. Nor do they value it, if they loose one regiment or another, because there is enough of them, and they know how to have in the room of the slain others again, that will be very glad to accept of it, because of their pay that they receive daily of their Prince out of his provinces. It being then so that he doth not only maintain his own provinces, but rather gains others, and enlarges his dominions daily, we ought to be very careful; for the more he increaseth the more we are in danger. Thus he taketh one town, country, or kingdom after another with his sword, as we have seen hitherto in _Europe_, not to mention any thing of _Asia_, not without great detriment and damage to all Christians. So he cometh daily the longer the nearer to us, that at length we must expect no better than _Greece_, _Thracia_, _Servia_, _Bosnia_, _Hungary_, and _Wallachia_, &c. which are brought into slavery, under which some persons of quality still groan to this day. So I found at _Aleppo_ an ancient Queen of _Wallachia_ with her sons, whereof the youngest was born after the King his father’s death, who is maintain’d by a very small allowance from the _Turkish_ Emperor. She is a very discreet woman, and well skill’d in the _Turkish_ and _Arabian_ languages. Her subjects still hope for her, that God Almighty will restore her to them again, that so their slavery may have an end. After the _Turks_ have obtained a great victory, they lift up their hands, thank and praise God, and the prophet _Mahomet_, God Almighty’s dearly beloved messenger; and pray farther, that God may send differences and quarrels among us (that are against the book _Jugilis_, as they call it, that is the book of the Gospel) that the magistrates may quarrel with the subjects, and the Clergy with the Seculars, that from thence may arise such disorders, that we may go on to transgress the laws of God still more and more; that our belief in _Messias_ may be extinguished, and that all good orders and policies may be dissolved: So that God may take from thence occasion to make them farther our punishers to afflict us. And when they see that the rich men oppress the poor, that the magistrates do not protect the just and innocent, but that the chief and heads do strive to ruin one another, then they rejoice at our misfortune and misery, and do not fear us in the least to do them any mischief (which might easily be done if we were unanimous) but rather threaten what mischief they will do us. When the _Turks_ have taken a strong town, or a whole country by the sword, that they may keep them the easier in subjection without a great garrison, pains, or danger, they demolish the places that are not very strong, and send away the nobility and chief persons, which otherwise might do them a great deal of mischief; and in the room of these they bring in _Sangiacks_, with their souldiers, to keep the strong places, and to take care of the Emperor’s revenue. So that in these places there is no nobility, that come from any ancient races, and have their own estates hereditary and descending from heir to heir: Which one may also suppose when he considereth that the law of _Mahomet_ alloweth to those that adhere to it, to have four wives at a time, besides concubines or slaves as many as they please: I will say nothing of the liberty they have to divorce them upon any small occasion, and to take others in their room; from whence flow such disorders and uncertainties, that very few children know who are their parents, and so there is but little love shewn between them as one may easily suppose. And this is no disgrace to them, but rather reputed to be an honour, because they conclude from thence that those that keep many wives, behave themselves diligently according to their laws: Wherefore they sooner trust them, prefer them before others, in places and salaries, and esteem them to be true _Tschelebiis_, that is, noblemen. Although these and other _Turks_ have several wives, that are not all equal in their birth and extraction, yet they all have in family affairs their equal share and power, and they all are equally provided for with meat, drink, cloaths, _&c._ and they have also their work and business equally among them: And that because they bring their husband no portion, but he must rather buy them from their Parents, sometimes for a considerable sum of ready money, and give them cloaths and other necessaries to boot: wherefore the matrimonial tye (which they call _Chebia_) is more in the power of the husband than the wife, so that he may marry one three times and reject her again; but farther he must not go, except he will be ed a scandalous base fellow: As you may perceive by the words of the _Turkish_ Emperour _Bajazet_, which he did send to _Temyry_, who is also called _Tamerlane_, saying, that he had better to take a wife again after he was three times divorced from her, than to go to war with him; which scornful language he might well have forborn; for _Tamerlane_ did not only beat him in a cruel and bloody battle, but took him prisoner, and carried him about in an iron cage like a wild beast of the forest. But that I may return from whence I digressed, the marriages of the _Turks_ are never look’d upon to be ratified before they are married by one of their priests. Their wives must agree together, and live peaceably and amicably, and must not resist their husbands, except he maketh inequality among them: If any should appear (which happens very often) they do not forbear to complain of their husband to the _Cadi_ or Judge. So that daily very strange transactions (which are not strange to him) come before him: If so be that the husband is convicted, and the wife absolved, they are divorced immediately in the same hour. The _Turkish_ women are pretty handsom, and well shaped, very civil in their discourses, and other behaviour. When any of them is married, and carried to her bridegroom’s house, their relations go along with her, that are invited to the wedding, and begin to make a noise immediately in the streets, and extol their voices more and more as they go along, that you may hear them a great way off. The _Turks_ that are of some condition, and rich and able men, have at their weddings several diverting shews; in the day-time they have dancing, running, actings, singing, jumping, and leaping, and dancing on the ropes, _&c._ After sun-set, and at night, they let off rockets, and fire-works of several sorts, made artificially. These are let off in publick and open places, that every one may see them, and they last often till break of day. The rope-dancers have three ropes one above the other, whereof the uppermost is the longest; upon every one of them they have their peculiar lessons, which they perform exactly and dexterously, with dancing, jumping, running, gesticulating, going upon stilts, _&c._, which is pleasant to look upon. Their children when they are married, soon forget their parents, they dare not see them again in a great while, nor do they desire to do it. When they have children born, they do not justly circumcise them on the eighth day, but let them be 8, 9, or 10 Years old, until they can make their confession: There are some, chiefly among the _Arabians_, that imitate their patriarch _Ishmael_, who was not circumcised until the thirteenth year of his age. It is commonly performed in the house of their parents. If rich mens sons are circumcised, they make a feast, and roast a whole entire bullock, into his belly they put a wether, and into his belly a pullet, into the pullet’s belly an egg, and so they roast them all together, what remaineth they give to the poor. When the children grow up, and begin to go, they cloath them in loose flying coats of fine stuff, woven of several colours, which are pleasant to look upon; and they put upon the heads of those that are not yet circumcised, coloured caps, which are wrought with flowers, and very common to be sold in their _Batzars_. After they are circumcised, they begin to wear white turbants, which are made of cotton, and rolled about their caps after a peculiar manner, and are commonly twenty yards long. They have still another strange custom, which young and old, men and women, use in these Countries, _viz._ They make a thin paste of galls and calcined copperas, (to beautify themselves, and to keep their eyes from rheum) with it they blacken their lips, and make a ring round about their eyes, in the same manner as our ring-doves have about their necks. These paintings they have had anciently, and some of them they have prepared of _Stibium_ or Antimony: Of these paintings of the eye we read in several places, chiefly (that I may not mention others) in the _23d._ Chap. of _Ezekiel_, the _40th_ verse, where the Lord says by the prophet, _And lo, they came, for whom thou didst wash thy self, paintedst thy eyes, and deckedst thy self with ornaments_. Concerning the education of their youth: They only learn in schools to read, and to write the _Arabian_ Alphabet, the characters or letters whereof are common both to the _Turks_ and _Arabians_, although their languages are very differing: Besides these, there are other schools, wherein the young men are instructed in the Emperor’s laws, and those that go on in their learning, and take it well, are soon called to high offices, as _Cadi_’s and _Cadileschiers_. But in liberal arts and sciences, such as we teach in our countries, they are not instructed, for they have not only none of these learned men, but esteem learning of these sciences a superfluity, and loss of time; they rather love old rhimes and ballads that speak of and commend the mighty deeds of their ancient Emperors, and other Champions; or other fancies that make foreign nations, or any of their enemies, ridiculous: And such things they put either themselves into rhimes, or else hear those that have been put into rhimes by others already, which they say daily with peculiar actions, out of town in pleasant greens, (where also other divertisements are performed with singing, dancing, leaping, _&c._) So that they are rather pleased with the reading of these frivolous silly writings, than to learn arts and sciences: Which you may evidently see, in that they do not esteem, nor will it of that Noble Art of Printing Books, that might inform them in any thing: Which the clerks, whereof there is a great number up and down in the cities, like very well, because they daily take a great deal of money for the writing of their prophet _Mahomet_ and others, which maketh them generally very rich, and wear greater turbants than the rest, that they may be distinguished from others. Their paper is generally smoothed and glazed, and they comprehend their letters in very few words: When they will make them up, they fold them up until they come to be no broader than an inch, the outward crevise of the paper they fill all along with wax within, and so glue it as it were to the other, or else they take any other paste made for that purpose, and so imprint their name upon it with their seal that is done over with ink, so that nothing remaineth white but the letters: These seals are generally made at _Damasco_, where the best artists live that cut in steel, and they put nothing more in it but their name. They do not make any use of paper that is writ on, although they have great quantity thereof, neither to put things up in, nor for any other use, and yet if they find any of it in the street, they do not let it lie, but take it up carefully, fold it together, and put it into the next crevise they meet with, for they are afraid that the name God may be written on it: Instead thereof the Grocers make use of great leaves of _Colocasia_, whereof they have great store. CHAP. VIII. _Of the great trading and dealing of the city of ~Aleppo~; as also of several sorts of their Meats and Drinks, of their Ceremonies, and their peculiar way of sitting down at Meals._ Having heretofore treated of the buildings and situation of that excellent town of _Aleppo_; and of the customs, manners, and offices of the _Turks_, as much as I could apprehend of it, I cannot but speak, before I leave it, of the dealings and merchandizing that are daily exercised there, which are irably great. For great caravans of pack-horses and asses, but more camels arrive there daily, from all foreign countries, _viz._ from _Natolia_, _Armenia_, _Ægypt_, and _India_, _&c._ with convoys, so that the streets are so crouded, that it is hard to by one another. Each of these nations have their peculiar _Champ_ to themselves, commonly named after their master that built it, _viz._ _Champ Agemi_, _Champ Waywoda_, _Champ Abrac_, _Sibeli_, _Mahomet_’s _Bashaw_, and which are kept for them, that they may make them their inns, and live in them, and to keep or sell their merchandizes according to their pleasure. So among the rest of the nations there are _French-men_ and _Italians_, &c. which have also there their peculiar buildings (which, as is before said, are called _Fundiques_) wherein some live together, and others (chiefly the _Italians_ that are married) live without in lodgings; they have very small habitations, and live sparingly like the _Turks_. In these _Champs_ you may meet with several sorts of strange merchandizes, before all in _Champ Agemi_, where you have all sorts of cotton-works, _viz._ handkerchiefs, long fillets, girdles, which they roll about their loins and heads, and other sorts, by the _Arabians_ called _Mossellini_ (after the country _Mussoli_, from whence they are brought, which is situated in _Mesopotamia_) by us _Muslin_; with these do the _Turkish_ gentlemen cloath themselves in summer. There is delicate tapestry, artificially wrought with all manner of colours, such as are sometimes brought over by us. From _Persia_ they bring great quantity of an unknown _Manna_ in skins, by the name of _Trunschibil_, which is gathered from a prickly shrub, called by the _Arabians_, _Agul_ and _Albagi_, which is the reason that it is mixt with small thorns and reddish chaff. This _Manna_ hath grains something bigger than our _Coriander_-seeds, so that, to all appearance, it is very like unto our _Manna_, which we gather from the _Larix_. It might also very well be taken to be the same that the _Israelites_ did eat, had not God the Almighty fed his people and maintained them miraculously and supernaturally. But that it falls upon thorns, is also attested by _Serapio_ and _Avicen._ in those chapters where they treat of _Manna_, which they call _Theceriabin_ and _Trangibin_, and that very learned and experienced Botanist _Carolus Clusius_ saith the same in his Epitome of _Indian_ plants. I found some of these shrubs that grew about _Aleppo_, which were about a cubit high, which shout out into several roundish stalks, and divide and spread themselves from the stem into several sprigs like unto a flower (part whereof were quite over-grown with _Epithymum_, as _Thymus_ used to be) and had abundance of long thin and soft prickles, from whence grew out flesh-coloured reddish flowers, that bore small red cods, very like, and of the same shape with the cods of our _Scorpioides_ (whereof I have found many at _Montpelier_) wherein are seeds of the same colour. The root thereof is pretty long, of a brown colour, it’s leaves long, like unto those of _Polygonum_, of an ash colour; those that grow at the bottom of the thorns are of a warm and dry quality. The people use the herb for a purge, they take a handful thereof and boil it in water. Besides this they have another _Manna_ like unto that, that cometh to us from _Calabria_ by the way of _Venice_, _and is the concreted Saccarine Exudation of the ~Ornus~._ Among the rest they also shew costly stones, by the _Arabians_ called _Bazaor_, which are oblong and roundish, and smooth without, and of a dark green colour. The _Persians_ take these from a peculiar sort of bucks, and use the powder against mortal and poisonous distempers. There are some that are very like unto these in form and figure, but not to be compared for goodness: Wherefore a man must have great care that he be not cheated. But there are some proofs to know whether they are good or no, which a Merchant communicated to me as infallible. Take quicklime and mixt it in powder with a little of this stone, and with water make them up into a past, when that is dry grind it, if it then remaineth white it is esteemed false, but if it turns yellow it is good, and brought from _Persia_. They also bring hither _Turkey_ stones, that grow almost only in their country, and their King, the _Sophy_, has an incredible treasure of them together: Lately so many of them were brought to us that the prices fell very much; but when the King heard of this, he immediately forbid that any should be exported in seven years time, that so they might come to their former price again, which seven years as I am informed are now expired. There are also put to sale many chains of delicate oriental pearls, which are for the greatest part taken or found in the _Persian_ seas, near to the island called _Babare_, situated not far from that great trading city of the _Turkish Batzora_, or _Balsara_. From _India_ they bring hither many delicate spices, _Cinnamon_, _Spikenard_, _Long Pepper_, _Turbith_, _Cardamoms_, _Nutmegs_, _Mace_, and _China Roots_, which the _Arabians_ make more use of than of _Guaiacum_, and delicate _China_ cups and dishes, _Indico_: and in very great quantity they bring that noble root called _Rhubarb_. And moreover, they sell several sorts of precious stones, _viz._ _Garnets_, _Rubies_, _Balasios_, _Saphires_, _Diamonds_, and the best sincerest _Musk_ in little cods. These precious stones are hid by the Merchants in the great caravans that come from _India_, and they bring them secretly, because they dare not pay custom for them, that the _Bashaws_, _Sangiacks_ and others, may not rob them of them on the high-ways, for they use to do so if they find any. I will cease to discourse any longer of these and other drugs, and several merchandises, which the Merchants convey thither from foreign places daily, and from thence to other places again, because it is none of my business to deal in them. With the spices are sometimes by the Merchants brought from the _Indies_ delicate canes, which are very long, solid, or full within, flexible and bright without, of a yellowish colour; they are almost every-where alike thick, only a little tapering; but few ts, far distant from one another, and are hardly seen in them. There are two sorts of them, great and small ones; the great and stronger ones are used by old and lame people instead of crutches to walk with, but the lesser (which are very like the former) are made into arrows and darts, for which they are very fit, the _Turks_ wind them about with silk of many sorts of colours, which they are very proud of when they make their entries. You find also in the shops another sort of canes to be sold, which are small and hollow within, and smooth without, a brownish red colour, wherewith _Turks_, _Moors_, and the _Eastern_ people write, for to write with goose quills is not in use with them; wherefore these may be esteemed to be the true _Syringas_ or _Fistularis_ of _Dioscor._ Besides these there is another bigger sort of canes, almost of the same colour, but full of ts; the Pilgrims that go to see their _Mahomet_ bring these with them from _Meccha_, and the people of that country carry them along with them on horseback instead of short pikes, chiefly the _Arabians_, for they are long, strong, and light, and yet solid or full within; with these they come running on upon their enemies, or else they (lifting it up above the middle in one of their hands) fling it at them, with such force, that they penetrate deeper with their sharp iron (wherewith they are tipt before and behind) then their arrows. _Theophrastus_ maketh peculiar mention of them in his fourth book and, the _11th_ chapter, and _Pliny_ in his sixteenth book and the _36th_ chapter. We see very few of these in our country, for the Christians are forbidden under great penalties to carry any of them (the same it is with any other arms that they make use of in their wars) out of the country, if any doth and is found out, he exposes himself to infinite troubles and dangers, as did happen to one in my time, who after a scimiter was found about him, was very highly accused, and fined seventy ducats to be paid in two days time, and if he had not paid it, they would certainly have circumcised him, and made him a _Turk_. Besides these above-mentioned _Champs_, there are a great many more without and within the city, where also all sorts of merchandizes are sold, _viz._ _Quibir_ the great, _Sougier_ the little, _Gidith_ the new, _Atich_ old, _&c._ And besides all these they have a great exchange called _Batzar_ by the inhabitants, which is in the middle of the town, and is bigger then _Friberg_ in _Bavaria_, in it there is many alleys, and each of them divided for several wares and handycraft trades; first the grocers and mercers, then those that sell tapestry and other soft woollen cloaths, and also _Turkish Machyer_, _Camlet_, _Taffety_, and other silks and cottons delicately wrought. There are also good _Cardavon_, delicate furrs of _Martins_, and chiefly _Wild Cats_, whereof abundance run about in these countries. There are also jewellers that sell all manner of jewels, precious stones, pearls, _&c._ All sorts of handy-craft tradesmen, as shoe-makers, taylors, sadlers, needle and pin-makers, painters, goldsmiths, brasiers, locksmiths, _&c._ that have their shops in the _Batzars_ where they work, but their work is chiefly that of the goldsmiths, painters and locksmiths, is so silly, that it is by no means to be compared with ours. There are also turners, fletchers that make arrows and darts, and bow makers, that have besides their shops small butts, that any body that goes by may exercise himself, or try his bow before he buyeth it. These bows are sometimes plain work, and some inlaid with ivory, buflers horns, _&c._ which maketh them of a different price. The archers wear a ring upon their right thumbs as our merchants wear their seals wherewith they draw the string on when they are going to shoot, these are made of wood, horn, or silver, and some are set with precious stones. Besides these you find in great _Batzars_ some barbar-surgeons, which, (when they have no body to trim) use to go about the streets with their instruments and a flask of leather to look out for Work; if they find any that will be trimmed they do not come back to their shops, but go to work in the streets, or in the next _Champ_ if any be near, and there begin to lather him, and shave all the hair off his head; save only one long lock which he leaves to hang down his back. There are also places where they sell slaves of both sexes, old and young, which are sold dearer or cheaper, according to their strength or handsomeness, _&c._ But in all these countries I saw neither wheel-wright nor cart-wright, because neither waggons nor carts are in use with them: Neither could I find (for all it is so great a city) a gunsmith that understood how to mend the least fault in a gun-lock. Because there is a great trade daily driven in these _Batzars_, you shall find there at all times of the day a great number of people of several nations walking up and down, which makes a crowd as if it were a fair. Amongst them you will often see drunken _Turks_ which use to push people that do not give them the way immediately, chiefly if they be Christians; but the Christians are not afraid of them for all that, but prepare themselves (when they perceive some of them to approach among the people) and stand upon their guard to be even with them, and when the _Turks_ come and push them, they make them rebound again to one side, or to one of the shop-boards. Sometimes also the _Turks_ will lean themselves backwards against the shops, and when they see a Christian go by they let him fall over their legs, and so laugh at them, but then the Christians again when they perceive this, they kick up the other leg of the _Turk_ whereon he rests and so make him fall down himself. For it is usual with the _Turks_ to try the Christians what metal they are made of, whether they have courage or no, wherefore they oftentimes before they are aware of them, assault the Christians with rough words, and if they find them to be afraid they laugh at them to boot, but if they resist them, they give over immediately, as soon as they find them in earnest (just like some dogs that sooner bark than bite) and esteem them afterwards the more for it, and call them brave people that are fit for the war. You find also in this crowd several that are in orders, called _Sacquatz_, (which commonly are pilgrims that have been at _Meccha_) that go about with skins full of water, and for charity give to any, nay, even to the Christians that desire it: (because the _Mahometans_ are forbid to drink Wine in their _Koran_.) Wherefore you see many in their peculiar habits (moved thereunto by devotion) that go all day long among the people to exercise a work of love and charity to those that are thirsty. They have in one hand a fine gilded cup whereinto they pour the water out of their skins, wherein they have commonly laid chalcedonicks, jaspirs, _&c._ Sometimes also delicate tasted fruit, to keep the water fresh, and to recreate the people. When they give you to drink out of it they reach you also a looking-glass with this onition, That you shall look your self in it, and that you are mortal and must die. For this service they desire nothing of you, but if you give them any thing they take it and thank you, and spirt into your face and beard to shew their thankfulness some fragrant water which they have in glasses, in a great pouch tip’d with many brass clasps. The _Turks_ and _Arabians_ also esteem it to be a great charity and love, if they let their marble troughs or great pots that stand every where about their doors be filled up with fresh water every day, that travellers or any that are dry may quench thirst as they by; in it hang little kettles to drink out of: If one goes to it, others that see him go also, and drink rather for company’s sake than to quench their thirst: So you find often a whole multitude about a pot. If you have a mind to eat something or to drink other liquors, there is commonly an open shop near it, where you sit down upon the ground or carpets and drink together. Among the rest they have a very good drink, by them called _Chaube_ (Coffee) that is almost as black as ink, and very good in illness, chiefly that of the stomach; of this they drink in the morning early in open places before every body, without any fear or regard out of _China_ cups, as hot as they can, they put it often to their lips but drink but little at a time, and let it go round as they sit. In this same water they take a fruit called _Bunru_, which in it’s bigness, shape, and colour, is almost like unto a bay-berry, with two thin shells surrounded, which, as they informed me, are brought from the _Indies_; but as these in themselves are, and have within them, two yellowish grains in two distinct cells, and besides, being they agree in their virtue, figure, looks, and name, with the _Buncho_ of _Avicenna_, and _Bancha_ of _Rasis ad Almans._ exactly; therefore I take them to be the same, until I am better informed by the learned. This liquor is very common among them, wherefore there are a great many of them that sell it, and others that sell the berries, every where in their _Batzars_: They esteem it as highly as we do in our Country wormwood wine, or that that is prepared with several herbs and drugs: Yet they love wine better if their law would allow them to drink it, as we have seen in the reign of the Emperor _Selymus_, when he gave them leave to drink it, that they met together daily in drinking-houses, and drunk to one another, not only two or three glasses of strong wine not mixed with water but four or five of such as came from _Venice_ to them so quickly one after another with such eagerness, as I have often seen it that they would not allow themselves to eat a morcel or two between it; and so as you may easily guess, they become to be sordid presently, and so hoggish, that they excel all other nations in it. But after _Selymus_ was dead, and his son _Amurah_ succeeded him in his right, he immediately forbad them to drink wine in the very beginning of his reign, and looked after it with such severity, that any body that did but smell of wine was imprisoned immediately, put out of his place, and a great fine put upon him according to his capacity, or for want of it, punished severely with many blows under his soals. During this prohibition it happened, that when the _Bashaw_ of _Aleppo_ had a mind to go abroad and met in the court-yard one of his men that was drunk, and perceived it by his staggering, he drew his scymeter and cut off his head, and so left him dead upon the place. But yet notwithstanding all this severity, and be it never so peremptorily forbid, they do not only not mind such prohibition, chiefly the Renegadoes, being very much used to it, but long and linger the sooner after it with that eagerness, that in the summer time they use to carry in privately, just like the ants, great quantities of wine, and lay up good stores that they may meet at night and drink together until they have their bellies full, and so rest after it all night that they might not smell of wine the next day. In that time when they were prohibited to drink wine, we Christians fared very well and bought our wine very cheap, until afterwards they had leave to drink it again: Their wines are generally red, very good and pleasant, they keep it in skins; they are brought to _Aleppo_ from several places, but chiefly from a famous town called _Nisis_, which lieth two days journey distant from it upon the borders of _Armenia_: The use of skins is still very great with them as it was in former ages, as we may see by the similitude of Christ, when in St. _Matthew_ Chap. ix. verse. 17. he says, _No man put new wine into_, &c. Seeing that the Christians have leave to drink wine, therefore they sell and buy most of it, they also plant it, and have whole villages in their possessions, with abundance of vineyards. But the _Turks_ not being allowed to drink wine by their laws do not keep or cultivate many vineyards, and if they do they press the grapes after several ways, for some they make into _Cibebs_, chiefly these people that live in and about _Damascus_, where indeed the best groweth; others boyl the juice of the grapes up to the consistence of honey, which they call _Pachmatz_, chiefly those that live at _Andeb_, a town between _Bir_ and _Nisib_. They have two sorts of this rob, one very thick, and the other somewhat thinner, the former is the best, wherefore they put it up into little barrels to send into other countries, the latter they use themselves, mix it sometimes with water and give it to drink (instead of a julep) to their servants, sometimes they put it into little cups, to dip their bread in it, as if it were honey, and so eat it. Besides these they have other sweet drinks which they prepare out of red berries called _Jujubes_, or of _Cibebs_, which, when boiled in water with a little honey, the inhabitants call _Hassap_, and others call’d still by the old name of _Berberis_, of which they bring great quantities down from mount _Libanus_. Among other liquors they have a special one called _Tscherbeth_, which boiled of honey tasteth like unto our mead; they have another made of barley or wheat, by the ancients called _Zychus_ and _Curmi_: These two last make the _Turks_ so merry and elevated, that, as our clowns do when they drink beer, they sing and play on their hautboys, cornets, and kettle-drums, which their musicians make use of every morning when the guards are relieved: All these liquors are sold in their great _Batzars_, where they have baskets full of ice and snow all the summer long, whereof they put so much into the drink that it maketh their teeth chatter and quake again. Thus much I thought convenient to mention of their liquors or drinks. Concerning their food: Their bread is nourishing and good, and so white, chiefly at _Aleppo_, that none is like it in all _Turky_: They have several sorts of it, of several shapes and mixtures, whereof some are done with yolks of eggs; some mix’d with several sorts of seeds, as of Sesanum, _Romish_ Coriander, and wild Garden Saffron, which is also strewed upon it. Meat is cheap with them and very good, by reason of the precious herbs that grow thereabouts, chiefly upon mount _Tauri_, which extendeth itself very far eastwards, from whence they have abundance of cattel, as rams, weathers, and sheep with broad and fat tails, whereof one weigheth several pounds. They have also great store of goats, which they drive daily in great numbers through that city to sell their milk, which every one that hath a mind to it drinks warm in the open streets; among them there are some that are not very big, but have ears two foot long, so that they hang down to the ground, and hinder them from feeding; when one of them is cut off, which is commonly done, they turn themselves always upon that side that the other ear may not hinder them from feeding. They have no want of beefs and buffles, for they are very common there, and the butchers kill the beasts in the fields without town, where they have their slaughter-houses; thereabouts are a great many dogs that live of the offels, and have their young ones in holes and cliffs, where they bring them up, and these become so ravenous and wild, that they run about in the night after their prey, as I am inform’d, like wolves in our country; and this may very well be, for the _Turks_ do not only not kill any dogs, but rather carry them home when they are young, and there feed them till they are grown up, and able to shift for themselves; and they believe that they do a deed of charity that is very acceptable to God Almighty; like unto the divines in the _Indies_, call’d _Banians_, which serve the birds in the same manner as these do dogs and cats. These wolves are more like to our dogs, both in shape and bigness; and so says _Pliny_, that the wolves in _Egypt_ are less and lazier than these towards the north. Being there are no inns in _Turkey_, where, as with us, travellers may lodge and have their diet, therefore there is a great many cake-shops kept in the _Batzars_, where all manner of victuals are cleanly dressed, _viz._ butchers meat, fouls, and all sorts of sauces, and broths, and soups, where every body buys what he hath a mind to, according to the capacity of his purse. Among the rest nothing is so common as rice, which they boil up to such a stifness that it crumbleth. A great many other sorts you shall see in copper basons upon their shop-boards, prepared after the same way; amongst the rest peculiarly a very common one, call’d _Bnuhourt_, made of barley and wheat, which were first broke in a mill, and perhaps dry’d, and so boil’d with or without milk, into a thick pap. _Dioscorides_, in the eighty third chapter of his second book, maketh mention of this by the name of _Crimnon_; and also _Avicen._ and _Rhasis ad Almans. in Synonymis_, calleth it _Sanguick_ and _Savick_. The _Turks_ provide themselves with good store of this, chiefly in war-time, by water and by land, that when they want provision, they may make use of it instead of bread. Besides these, they have more dishes amongst them; I one call’d _Trachan_, when it is dress’d it is so tough, that you may draw it out like glue; this they make up into little pieces, which being dry’d, will keep a good while, and is very good and pleasant food after it is boil’d; wherefore they lay up great stores of this in their strong fortifications as we do of corn, that in case of necessity they may eat instead of biskets, or other food. That such sorts of foods, by the Latinists call’d _Puls_, have been very well known to the ancients, and that in case of necessity they use to make a shift with it, _Pliny_ testifieth in his eighteenth book, and the eighth chapter. They have also all manner of poultry in great plenty, _viz._ pullen, snipes, partridges with red bills, woodcocks, _&c._ but very few fishes, because they have only a small rivulet, which is full of turtles, so that at _Aleppo_ they are very scarce; neither do they esteem them much, because most of them drink water instead of wine, which is prohibited by their law, wherefore there are but few brought thither from foreign places, as _Antiochia_, and the great river _Euphrates_, _&c._ distant from thence two or three miles. Besides this they have little by-dishes, as keal, colliflowers, carrots, turneps, french-beans, besides trees and codded fruits, and many more; but yet they are not so well skill’d in the dressing of them, as we are in our country. _Lastly_, They put also up with their Cheese, Cibebs, Almonds, dry’d Cicers, Pistacho’s, and crack’d Hasel-nuts, which, altho’ they are carry’d thither from our country, are better tasted and pleasanter than ours. They have many sorts of preserves, very well done with sugar and honey, very artificially, chiefly those they carry about to sell upon plates very well garnish’d, made up and set out with several colours and shapes, very beautiful to behold. For the rest they live very sparingly, and bring the year round with small and little expences, for they do not make so great feasts, nor have so many dishes, nor bestow so great cost as we do in our country. In these eastern countries they eat upon the plain ground, and when it is dinner-time they spread a round piece of leather, and lay about it tapestry; and sometimes cushions, whereupon they sit cross-leg’d before they begin to eat, they say grace first, then they eat and drink hastily, and every one taketh what he has a mind to, and do not talk much. The rich have fine cotton-linnen about their necks, hanging downwards, or else hanging at their silk girdles, which they use instead of napkins; their wives or women do not eat with them, but keep themselves in their peculiar apartments. After they have done, they rise altogether with a jerk, swinging themselves about, which our countrymen cannot easily imitate, till after they have been there a long while, for the limbs are numbed in sitting cross-legg’d, so that one hath a great deal to do to bring them to themselves again. At last they take up the leathern table with bread and all, which serveth them also instead of a table-cloth and bread-basket, they draw it together with a string like a purse, and hang it up in the next corner. CHAP. IX. _A short and plain relation of plants, which I gather’d during my stay at ~Aleppo~, in and round about it, not without great danger and trouble, which I glued upon paper very carefully._ Being I undertook this long journey, chiefly on purpose to see myself those fine outlandish plants, whereof authors so often make mention, growing in their native soil, and to gain a more clear and perfect knowledge of them. I was very glad to have an opportunity to stay longer than I intended, that I might the ofner go out with my friends and comrades into the fields, among the _Turks_ and _Moors_, not without great pain and danger of being knock’d on the head, to fetch in more and greater variety of plants; wherein my comrade _Hans Ulrich Krafft_, who came into these parts along with me, very often hath faithfully and honestly assisted me. But having heretofore made mention of the garden herbs and fruits, I will only in this place write of them which grow abroad without the gardens, and that with all possible shortness; and begin with the Poplar-tree, as the commonest of all, which the inhabitants still call by the ancient _Arabian_ name _Haur_; they grow very high in these countries, and abundance of them grow about the rivulet near _Aleppo_, which make very shady walks underneath in the heat of the summer. There is also a peculiar sort of Willow-trees, call’d _Safcaf_, _&c._ these are not all alike in bigness and height, and in their stems and twigs they are not very unlike unto Birch-trees, which are long, thin, weak, and of a pale yellow colour; they have soft ash-coulour’d leaves, or rather like unto the leaves of the Poplar-tree, and on their twigs here and there are shoots of a span long, like unto those of the _Cypriotish_ wild Fig-trees, which put forth in the spring tender and woolly flowers, like unto the blossoms of the Poplar-tree, only they are of a more drying quality, of a pale colour, and a fragrant smell. The inhabitants pull of these, because they bear no fruit, great quantities, and distill a very precious and sweet water out of them, very comfortable and corroborating to the heart. The _Arabians_ call these trees _Zacneb_ and _Zacnabum_; _Rhasis_ in his 353d and _Avicen._ in his 749th chapter; and after the same manner maketh _Serapio_ mention of them in his 261st chapter, by the common name of _Zucumbeth_; and _Theophrastus_ in his fourth book, and eleventh chapter, where he treats of _Elæagnus_ which this is very like unto, and may be taken for the same, although they differ in bigness, which often and easily happens according to the soil and place where they grow. Hereabouts are other small trees, which I rather take to be thorny shrubs; they are very like in leaves unto the others, and are call’d by the _Moors_, _Scisesun_. They love to grow in moist places and in hedges; from the root shoot several stems, cloathed with a smooth brown-colour’d bark; they bear at the top pretty long and strong twigs, which here and there are beset with a few prickles, whereon grow small flowers, white without and yellow within, whereof three and three sprout out between the leaves. I did not see any of their fruit, but yet I do believe that they are like unto the Olives of the _Bohemian_ Olive-tree, to which this plant is very like, which is very naturally delineated in the herbal of the learned _Matthiolus_. These trees cast forth such an odour in the spring, that any body that goes by must needs be sensible of it presently; wherefore the _Turks_ and _Moors_ cut many of their branches, and stick them up in their shops. On the banks of the above-mention’d rivulet, chiefly about the stone bridge, as you travel to _Tripoli_, grow many _Agnus Castus_’s, of the lesser sort, and on the other side in the fields, many _Pistacho_ nut-trees. Within and without the city grow also many sorts of trees, _viz._ that which _Avicen._ calleth _Azederack_, but _Rhasis_, _Astergio_; white Mulberry-trees, Date-trees, and Cypresses, by the natives call’d _Sacub_, which hereabouts grow very big and high, Turpentine-trees, _&c._ About the fences and hedges you will find wild Pomegranat-trees, with fine double flowers, wild Almond-trees, the fruit whereof the _Moors_ carry about in great plenty to sell to the poor; and near it in old decay’d brick-walls and stony places, you shall see Caper-bushes: among the rest there groweth a very strange bush, by the inhabitants call’d _Morgsani_, which is very green and thick, hath a long woody coat, whereout sprout several stalks, with round leaves, like unto Caper-leaves, only with this difference, that four of them stand together all opposite to one another like unto our beans; between them there appear small flowers, red within and white without, whereout grow long pods, like unto those of the _Sesamum_. This plant hath a very unpleasant scent, wherefore the inhabitants use it frequently to destroy worms; but what the ancients formerly call’d it, I know not, but really am of this opinion, it must be according to the description the _Ardifrigi_ of _Avicen._ and _Aadiccan_ of _Rhasis_; he that pleaseth may read more thereof in the quoted places. In these places are also found the thorny _Acacia_, by the inhabitants call’d _Shack_, and by the _Arabians_, _Shamuth_, which are very small and low, chiefly those that stand in the fields, which give as much trouble to the plowmen as the ferns and rest-harrow do here; the twigs are of an ashen colour, crooked, full of prickles, like unto those of the Rose-bush, and have very small feather’d leaves, like unto _Tragacantha_, which are almost divided like unto our female fern, the flowers of them I have not seen, but the cods that grow out of them are without brownish, in their shape thicker and rounder than our beans, spongy within, and containing two or three reddish seeds. I have, besides these, seen in shops pods of a chestnut-brown colour, sold under the name of _Cardem_, which have two or three little distinct cells or baggs, in each whereof is a reddish seed, in the figure of our male Balsam; these are brought from _Egypt_, and by some thought to be the true _Acacia Diosc._ whether it be so or no I cannot well tell, because I never saw the plant. Very near it, in untill’d places, groweth _Galega_; _Sisynrichium Theophrasti_, which is very curiously delineated in the book of _Rempert. Dodon. de herbis & floribus coron._ There is also found another fine plant, by the inhabitants call’d _Tharasalis_, which hath seven or eight waved leaves, which stand about a round stalk, almost as it is to be seen in _Sisynrichium_, only they are a great deal broader, and not so long, when the stalk thereof, which is not above a cubit long, is grown, through and above them; it gets at top a white flower, not very unlike unto the low blue Flower de Luce which blow early in the spring; it has a roundish root, like unto that of _Narcissus_, and also has many long white fibres. Not far from thence, when you get upon the hill, there groweth in the rough places others, _viz._ _Bistorta_, still by the inhabitants call’d _Zuph_, a fine sort of _Verbacum_; _Scorzonera_ with purple flowers, Saffron with small little leaves, and a delicate yellow flower; also _Arisarum_, _Homaid._ and _Arum_, call’d by them _Carsaami_, whereof there are four sorts, among the rest a strange one, with long ears, wherefore they call it in their language _Ouidae_. There also are about the rivers some _Anemones_ of several sorts and colours, very beautiful, as red, purple colour, yellow, _&c._ all which they call with a common name _Sakaick_, and give an additional name according to the colour of it, _viz._ _Schakaick achmar_, _Sakaik assar_, _Aserack_, &c. that is to say, red-yellow, of a violet colour, _&c._ which would be too long and tedious to describe all here; chiefly if I should at length relate the common ones, as, wild Rue, _Asphodelus albus_; _Rheseda Plin._ _Flos solis foliis minoribus serpilli_, wild Onions, and other innumerable more. As you come down by another way back again, nearer to the corn-fields, you find other fine herbs, as the wild new _Harmala_, a delicate sort of _Astragalus foliis hedysari minoris_, and by it another which is very like unto _Astragalus_ of _Dioscor._ so that I really believe it to be the same. There appear a great many of them upon the height; it is a low herb, with a long brownish root, as big and long as the root of horse-raddish, which puts out at the sides some strong fibres, which are almost blacker and harder to cut than the root itself; some of them go downwards, and others the greater part upwards, and bended like unto horns. These contain, together with their sweetness, also a driness; they shoot out at the top into several branches of the same colour, yet not above the length of a finger, which incline towards the earth, whereout grow nine or ten small leaves, like Lentil-leaves, not very unlike to those of _Orobus_, and distributed after the same manner. Between them sprout out purple-brown flowers, after them come long and thick and full bladders, whereof some are as big as those of the _Colutea_. All these and several other herbs have I preserved and glued to some paper, with great and peculiar care, so that they are to be seen in their natural colours so exact, as if they were green. About the river up a hill, I found a tender and fragrant herb with long and white roots, of a pretty acrimonious taste, it’s leaves were like unto our Coriander, only somewhat rounder, and not so much cut, but only a little about the edges; I found no stalks nor flowers, for it was early in the year, and about Easter, which is the time of their first springing, these they call’d _Zarneb Melchi_, and the inhabitants dig so many of these roots, that they send yearly several chests full into _Persia_, where they use them, as I am inform’d, very frequently in pains of their backs, and all other accidental pains: As far as I can see, when I look upon the leaves, I reckon it to be the third sort of _Daucus_ of _Diosc._ A little lower, as you come to the plow’d fields, I found also the second kind of _Chondrilla_ of _Diosc._ with round roots of a smooth and dark yellowish colour, perhaps at the top half an inch thick, and five or eight long, whereon at the end where it is thinnest, hangs another round root of the bigness of a Chest-nut, which are so full of milk, that they are ready to crack; at top, where it is divided into three parts, sprout out many long and small grass leaves together, which lie flat upon the ground; between them come out yellow flowers like unto those of _auricula muris_, each whereof hath it’s peculiar stalk. Not far from it, yet in rougher and stonier ground, groweth another _Chondrilla_, which is like unto that former in all parts, only the leaves thereof are broader, and more woolly, and of an ash colour, very like unto the _Holostium_ of _Montpellier_. As you go to the Grand Signior’s garden, about a small mile from the town, at the road, I found a good many plants, _viz._ _Draba Dioscorid._ call’d _Orobanche Halinu_, _Spina solstitialis_, a kind of _Carduus Mariæ_; wild Cucumbers, by them call’d _Adiural hamar_; _Xyphium_, _Peplium_, _Heliotropium tri coccum Caroli Clusii_, and also his _Paronychia Hispanica_, and his third _Lichnis_, with pale and red purple-colour’d flowers; _Coris Matth._ with yellow flowers; two delicate sorts of _Geraniums_; and upon old walls I found a little _Rauckel_ with pale-colour’d flowers, _Umbilicus Veneres_, and a great many more. I cannot leave unmention’d those that grow round about in the fields, and chiefly amongst them a _Medica_, with dissected trifoliated leaves; and many more, whereof some have long and streight, and others many bended pods, in a cluster together. I also found one with many white and hoary heads, which look’d almost like unto _Lagopodium_, and another little one with green-colour’d pods pressed together, so long and so broad as those of _Senna_, which were a great ornament to the whole plant. And also thereabouts are found many sorts of corn-flowers, quite different from ours; _Papaver erratic_, in their language call’d _Schuck_, of which they make a conserve with sugar, and use it in coughs; _Papaver corniculatum_ with stately purple flowers. I found also there _Eryngium_, with blewish tops and starr’d heads; two sorts of _Henbane_, whereof one that groweth in the fields hath red and purple-coulour’d flowers, the others which I found in the town upon the old walls had white ones, by the Latins call’d _Apollinaris_. Much thereabouts in the corn grew the less _Melampyrum_, by them call’d _Paponesck_, which at the top beareth thick, yellow flowers, very like unto the _Melampyrum Tragi_; _Item_ the second kind of wild Cumin, with yellow flowers, and long bended pods; _Poterion Matth._ by the inhabitants call’d _Megasac_, which they stick up in their chambers, to keep them from being bewitch’d. A delicate sort of _Horminum_, with small woolly and dissected leaves, a Garden-cypress with gold-colour’d flowers; _Scabiosa_, _Anchusa_, and a _Salvia_, which hath many roundish leaves, and about their square stalks grow purple-coloured bells, wherein is it’s black seed, like unto that of _Melissa Molucca_, whereof I have made mention above. In the corn also groweth _Leontopetalon_, in their language _Aslab_, with it’s brown-colour’d round root and large leaves, which are roundish and very near divided like unto those of our _Pæonia_; the stalk hath at the top, which is about a foot high, and hollow, more twiggs, whereof the point of each of them beareth several small purple and yellow flowers, which make roundish bladders, that contain one, two, and sometimes three seeds, the children use to play their tricks with them as they do with the flowers of _Papaver erraticum_ in our country. The great roots they bruise, and rub with it spots in cloaths, which, as they say, they draw out immediately. By these in the corn groweth also the true _Chrysogonum_ of _Diosc._ which is as high as the former, and also in flowers, stalks, and roundish root, which is redder within, very like it, only the stalk is slenderer, and hath more and longer by-shots, or _germina_, at the end whereof you see stately yellow flowers, so that it is thicker, and more spriggy than the other; it’s pennated leaves, whereof there are commonly four that come from the root with long foot-stalks almost as slender as a thread, lie close to the ground, as you may easily imagine, and have every one their ribs, two and two leaves growing together on each side, one after another, so that four of them stand together in a cross; they are darkish green, and at the out-side, where they are broader, very like unto Oaken leaves. Now, as these and others, that grow in these countries, are as yet very little known, so may also the following, that groweth in plow’d fields, be reckon’d among the unknown, which is very like unto the _Lycopsis_ of _Diosc._ for which, in my opinion, it ought to be taken. This plant hath a red coat, and a straight stalk about two foot high, from whence round about below spread themselves many strong and rough leaves in a circle, as if it were from one center; not unlike the wild Bugloss, they decrease a little by degrees, as they grow higher and higher; out of each of them, close to the stalk, sprout out many twigs, with their peculiar small leaves, as you see in _Echium_; between them shoot out very tender purple-coulour’d flowers, which are whole within, and divided into six small or longish leaves, almost like unto these of the _Caryophillus montanus_. In the beginning of February I have seen several sorts of Hyacinths, and the _Oriental_ one in the greatest quantity, which they call _Zumbel_ in their language. In April I saw another very delicate one, known to them by the name _Ayur_, with long and very small leaves of our _Philangium_; it groweth pretty high, and beareth at the top four stalky flowers; the leaves thereof are very like in shape and colour unto the three leaves that stand up in our Flower de Luce; the root is very like to that of a Tulip, wherof I have also seen a great number in these grounds of all sorts of colours. I have also found some Daisies like unto our own, and also another sort of them with nine or ten white Saffron-flowers, which sprout sooner in the spring in the corn, not so bare as ours, but between the leaves. The leaves are pretty thick, but narrower, longer, and narrower pointed than the before-mention’d; they also spread more about upon the ground, and come from a white coat with a brown-red skin, surrounded and divided in the middle, it is call’d _Kusan_ in their tongue, but by some others it is still call’d _Surugen_. These and a great many more strange herbs have I found, but because they were unknown to me, I forbear to mention any more of them. But yet I cannot but describe to you one more, for the taking of which I and my two comrades fell into great danger, as we often did, both of _Turks_ and _Moors_, which needs not all to be related here; this is call’d by the inhabitants _Rhasut_ and also _Rumigi_; it hath a strong yet unpleasant savour, and about four stalks of a whitish colour, and so tender towards the root, and so small as a pack-thread, whereon at each side grow seven or eight tender ash-colour’d leaves one against the other, distributed like unto those of _Osmond-royal_, only they have round ears towards the stalk, like unto the small Sage, and between the lowermost, which are a little more distant, flowers like unto our _Aristolochia_, yet a great deal bigger, of a more brownish colour, and hanging on longer stalks. The root striketh very deep, and is very like unto our _Pellitory_, of a drying quality, and somewhat hot, as the bitter taste intimates. When I was busy about this tender plant, and strove to get it out whole, which took me up the more time, because I had no proper tools by me, a _Turk_ well arm’d came galloping upon us, to see what we were doing; but when we perceived him to be fuddled, and that he earnestly set upon us, to make booty of us, each of us gave him something, according to his desire, seeing that he would not leave us without, that so we might get rid of him; then he rode very well pleased out of our sight, and we took no farther care of him. But before I could get the root quite out, he came back again with full speed upon us, so I bid my comrades to run to the next Olive-trees, and I would follow them presently; but when I saw him come pretty near me, and found I could not get the plant whole, I pull’d it up as well as I could, and so ran to my companions. But when I came to the Olive-trees, I found they were run several Olive-trees farther, which stand row by row, and found myself quite alone and destitute, and that I must defend myself behind the tree; so he came down upon me with his scymeter drawn, and fetch’d one blow after the other at me, which I still declined, running from one side of the tree to the other, so that they went into the tree and mangled it mightily. In the mean time defending myself thus unarm’d against him, I took a resolution, that if he should take hold of his bow and arrow to shoot at me, which he could not do, except he left his scymeter, to run in upon him, and struggle with him; but this fight during very long, and perhaps his anger did not give him leave to think of it, I found out another way; knowing them to be very covetous, to make myself free again with a piece of money, and to give him a small silver piece, which in their language they call _Saict_, worth about three pence or a groat, so pull’d it out, and shew’d it him, still standing behind the tree; as soon as he saw it, he gave over, and beckon’d to me to give it him so I stepp’d to him, and when I reach’d it to him, he took it. But my table-book fell out of my pocket when I pull’d out the money, upon the ground, wherein I had recorded many things, which when he saw he would have it also, but I refusing it, he grew mad, and began to renew the same game again; then I repented that I did not dismount him when I gave him the money; yet I consider’d that if I should have done him a mischief, as he deserved, yet although I had never so good a cause, I was sure I must be cast, and perhaps to come to a greater mischief and hurt; so I gave it him, and after he had received it he was pacify’d and rode away. But to come to my former purpose again: I found about the river the other _Tragium Diosc._ in the plough’d ground, and afterwards also in abundance upon the hill, but generally in moist places, near to the spring that runs down the hill; it’s root is whitish, pretty long and slender, from thence spread themselves some woody stalks, not above a little finger long, whereon grew towards the top many leaves together, which were long, and had of each side of their ribs small leaves, one opposite to the other, which were divided, just like the _Trichomanes_, only somewhat longer, about the bigness of those of _Asplenium_, and are, as they, delicately green within, but without, and against the ground, of an ash-colour, and woolly, chiefly the small ones, that are just sprouting out between the others. Out of these first-mention’d stems come first naked long stalks, upon which grow at the top violet-brown flowers close together, as if it was an ear of corn; the inhabitants call it _Secudes_, and so did the ancient _Arabians_, chiefly _Avicenna_ in the 679th chap. where he also attributeth this Virtue, that it is very proper in the bloody-flux. In their gardens the _Turks_ love to raise all sorts of flowers, wherein they take great delight, and use to put them on their turbant, so I could see the fine plants that blow one after another daily, without trouble. In _December_, I saw our violets with dark-brown and white flowers, whereof they gave me in that season several nose-gays. Then came the Tulips, Hyacinths, Narcisses, which they still name by the old name _Nergis_. Before all other I saw a rare kind with a double yellow flower, call’d _Modaph_, and a strange _Convolvulus hederæ foliis_, with great purple flowers, whereout grew seed-vessels, as you see in the new _Harmala_, with three distinct _Capsula_’s, wherein is kept it’s black seed, to which they attribute the virtue of evacuating tough slime. This is found sometimes in gardens, and by the inhabitants call’d _Hasnisca_, and the _Persians_ _Acafra_, and _Serapio_ chap. 273. _Habalnil_; the _Latins_, _Granum Indicum_, and _Carthamus Indicus_, and he that hath a mind to know more of it, let him look into the author himself, in the above-mention’d place, in the 306th chap. of _Avicenna_ and the 208th of _Rhasis_. I also found in their gardens, Balm, Basil, and a fine sort of Amaranthus, which for his colour’s sake may be call’d _Symphonia Plinii_, and therefore call’d parrots feather. I cannot forbear, before I conclude, to mention some which I found here and there in the _Batzars_, and among them a strange sort of Lillies, which as I am told grow in sunny, moory, mossy, and moist places; whereon groweth a long stalk of the same colour and thickness of ours, only a great deal broader, but broadest of all at top, where it is about three fingers broad, so that it is like unto a Spatula that is painted at one end; on this stalk grow at each side several tender leaves, which are pretty long, but very small and pointed, and at the top thereof some white flowers like unto ours. When I was thinking of this at several times, what they were call’d by the ancients, it came into my mind, that I had read of them in _Theophrastus_, _lib. 4. cap. 9._ and I really believe it to be the same. But whereas _Theophrastus_ writes in the quoted place, that they do not touch the ground, I can say nothing to it, for I never saw any of them growing. They have also some small roots to sell, call’d _Mamirani tchini_, good for eyes, as they say; they are yellowish like _Curcuma_, but a good deal longer, and thinner, and knotted, and very like unto our _Poligonatum_, and may be esteem’d the true _Mamican_, whereof _Rhasis_ maketh mention in several places. There is also among others brought a great quantity of the juice of _Scammony_, that is still very soft, it cometh in leathern bags from out of the country, and so it is sold to our Merchants in their _Fondiques_; but those that buy it must have a great care, because it is often adulterated, that they be not cheated. There is also a good deal of the juice, by the Apothecaries call’d Opium, and by the inhabitants Ofium, which the _Turks_, _Moors_, and _Persians_ and other nations take inwardly not only in war, at the time when they go to fight their enemies, to make them couragious and valiant, but also in time of peace, to drive away melancholly and care, or at least to ease it. Their religious people make also use of it, but above all the rest the _Deruis_, and take so much of it, that it maketh them presently drowsy, and without consideration, that when, after their barbarous and silly way, they cut, slash, or burn themselves, they may feel less smart or pain. If any one hath so begun to make use of it, (they take about the quantity of a large pea at a time) they cannot well leave it off again, except they have a mind to throw themselves into a sickness or other inconveniencies; for, as they confess themselves, that if they omit taking of it, they find themselves very ill in their bodies. Opium is commonly taken from the white Poppy-heads, in their language call’d _Caschasch_, wherein they cut, when they are young and tender, a spiral or winding-circle round about it from top to bottom, one under another; out of those runs some milk, which they let be there until it groweth thick, then they gather it and make it into balls, like unto our perfum’d soap-balls. Being that the _Turks_ use this Opium so commonly, it happens sometimes that they take so much of it, that it is very dangerous; wherefore they have an antidote, as I was inform’d, that is the root Aslab, whereof I have made mention before, which they give to bring them to rights again. I found also in the great _Batzars_ a sort of _Alga_ sold in their shops, which was dark-red, and therefore very useful for Dyers; it had stalks of the thickness of a finger, and was surrounded with several thin scales, or rather leaves, and round; wherefore it may be taken to be a _Saderva Serab._ and herb _Alargivan_ of _Andreas Bellunensis_, whereof he maketh mention in his Index, where he interpreteth the _Arabian_ words. For a kind of this may also be taken, because it affords a delicate purple colour, that _Alga_ that is found in the seas near _Candia_, and is describ’d by _Theophrastus_ in his fourth book and seventh chap. Lastly, among the rest, I did also enquire after the _Amomum_, and thought, because they were near unto the confines of _Armenia_, that therefore they might easily have it by the Caravans, which come daily from those parts; yet I was forc’d to run a great while after it, till at length I got a little stalk thereof in one shop; they call it by the name of _Hamama_. But of the other, so call’d by _Dioscor._ which is like unto it, and therefore may easily be taken for the right one, they had a great deal. These two small shrubs, altho’ they are very like to one another, yet for all that they may be distinguish’d by their stalks and different colours. Wherefore _Dioscor._ bids us, if we will not be imposed upon, to pick out the bigger and smoother, with it’s noble seed, and to leave the small. This stalk which I found about the length of a finger, is almost of the colour of the bark of the Cinnamon-tree, and also in it’s acrimony and good odour, altho’ it was old, still very strong. At the top had been several woody stalks, close to one another, whereon I believe had been the flowers and Seeds. But the twigs of the other sort, which are crack’d and bended, are of a brown colour, which at the top divide themselves into other less ones like a tree, whereon grow several stalks with little heads, like unto the _Masaron_, or _Marum Syriacum_ from _Crete_, wherein is no great strength nor odour. Thus much I thought convenient to mention of strange plants, chiefly of those the ancients make mention of, and so I conclude the first part of my _TRAVELS_. _End of the first Part._ [Illustration: CAROLUS JEPHSON IMPRIM] [Illustration] Dr _Leonhart Rauwolff_’s TRAVELS INTO THE Eastern Countries. Wherein is treated of his Journey from _Aleppo_ thro’ the Famous Town of _Babylonia_, to _Bagdet_; what he saw by the way, and what did befal him in going and coming by Water and by Land. With a brief of the high Mount of _Libanus_, of the strange Plants and Inhabitants thereof. PART. II. CHAP. I. _How I departed from ~Aleppo~ to the famous city of ~Bir~, and how I sailed from thence on the ~Euphrates~ to old ~Babylon~._ After I had staid a good while in _Aleppo_, and had seen and understood the trade and merchandizes of the inhabitants, together with that of all the other nations, _viz._ _Grecians_, _Armenians_, _Georgians_, _Arabians_, _Persians_, and _Indians_, which come and go daily with their caravans, and very well observed and understood their manners and customs, and had also collected a fine parcel of foreign and undescribed plants; I resolved to go farther eastward into _Mesopotamia_, _Assyria_, _Babylonia_, &c. as the ancientest and most fruitful countries that ever were, where the ancientest people, and the most potent monarchs did inhabit. But these countries lying far off, and the way that leadeth thither, ing through vast desarts and wildernesses, and therefore the voyage being so much the more difficult and dangerous to attempt and accomplish; I first look’d out for a trusty companion, to take as my assistant, and met presently with an experienced _Dutchman_ that had lived a great while in _Aleppo_, who granted my request (being as desirous to go this voyage as myself) to go along with me. We agreed presently, and began to consider which was our best way to take. But that we being strangers, might not be taken to be vagabonds or spies (they being very suspicious) from whence they might presently take occasion (as the _Turks_ use to do) to lay great _Avarias_, or unjust taxes, upon us, which the Christians that deal to these parts have often to their great loss and damage experienced; we did consider, and found, that the trading here was very great, so that they did not only deal from hence into _Armenia_, _Egypt_ and _Constantinople_, (for from thence come the caravans thro’ _Natolia_ in about a months time) but also very much into _Persia_ and _India_: Wherefore we thought best to profess ourselves Merchants, that so we might travel the more safely with other Merchants in order thereto, to buy some merchandizes that would sell in those places, and to carry them along with us. That we might put this in execution, my formerly mentioned friend _Hans Ulrich Raft_, from _Ulm_, took great pains to furnish me at my desire and request, with several fit commodities for those places upon of my patron Mr _Melchior Manlich_, which I got pack’d up immediately to go with them to the famous city _Bagdet_, situated upon the _Tygris_, where is a great staple and deposition of merchandizes that are to go farther for _Persia_ and _India_. But seeing that seldom any Merchants go from _Aleppo_ farther into these countries, so that our habits are very rarely seen there; we cloathed ourselves as is usual, in the common _Turkish_ habit (that every body might not presently look upon us as strangers); first, we had long blue _Cabans_, which are button’d before quite down, and cut out about the neck, not unlike to those of the _Armenians_; and white _Drawers_ made of cotton that hung down to our ankles, and were drawn in and tied about our bodies, and also shirts after the same fashion and without collars. We also fitted ourselves with white turbants with a blue brim, such as _Christians_ usually wear, and put on yellow shoes which were painted, before guarded with nails, and with horse-shoes behind. Besides this we put on a kind of a frock, made of a certain course stuff called _Meska_ in their language, which is common among the _Moors_. They are generally made of goats and asses hair, pretty narrow, without sleeves and short, reaching only to our knees. But these stuffs being not all alike, the finest thereof (chiefly that which is striped white and black) is taken for cloaths; and the coarser for tents and portmantles, wherein they carry their provision through the desarts, and also keep their camels and mules meat, hanging it about their necks. This puts me in mind of the plain cloathing which the ancient inhabitants of these countries, chiefly the _Israelites_, when they mourned for their deceased relations, or when they repented of their committed iniquities, and turned from them, and prayed God to forgive them their accumulated transgressions, used to put on, as we read in the 37th chapter of _Genesis_, where _Jacob_ lamented the death of his son _Joseph_; and in the book of the Prophet _Jonas_ of the _Ninevites_, who believing the Prophet’s words, denouncing their destruction within forty days, and repenting of their sins, put on sackcloth and prayed to God for forgiveness. The like we read of the King and Prophet _David_, after he had numbred his people. _Item_, in the 10th chapter of St _Luk_ and other places, that they put on sackcloth and did repent in ashes. It is therefore very probable that those were very like unto them that are still in use. When we had thus accoutred ourselves for the voyage, and provided us with all necessaries, _viz._ cloths, merchandizes, provision of biskets and drink, and did stay only for some fellow-travellers, we were still doubtful whether it were more convenient for us to go by land with _caravans_, which go from hence and _Damascus_ very strong to _Bagdet_, through great sands and desarts in fifty days, more or less, according as the weather proveth: Or, whether we should go by water, either upon the _Tygris_ or the _Euphrates_, there being good opportunity to go in company with others. But it happening that we met with some _Armenian_ Merchants servants that did live at _Aleppo_, who were also provided with goods, and had a mind to go into the same countries, we did readily embrace this opportunity, partly because they understood the _Turkish_ and _Arabian_ languages, which two are chiefly spoken in _Syria_, and partly because some of them had been four times already in the _Indies_; wherefore we put our goods to theirs, and loaded a great many camels together, to deliver them to us at _Bir_, to ship them there upon the _Euphrates_. And that we might every where in the _Turkish_ dominions, we took a from the _Bashaw_ and _Cadi_, and so we began our travels to _Bir_, distant three days journey, the 13th of _August_, _Anno 1574_. By the way we were so strange to one another, that in our new fashioned cloaths we did hardly know one another among them all. After we had the first day a rough road, and travelled through many desarts and uninhabited places, we reached at night a little village, where we encamped and pitched our tents. We put all our packs in a circle round , and without them our beasts (as it is usual in great _caravans_) to defend us from the assaults of the _Moors_ in the night. A little after midnight we heard a great _caravan_ of many camels and asses to go by, very near to us, which after it was ed, we broke also up and followed them; when the day-light appeared, we saw several plow’d fields more than the day before, and also here and there in some pleasant places many tents of the _Arabians_, which were fixed together as it were in a camp; ranged very orderly in streets. After we had that morning travelled very hard, so that our beasts under their heavy loads began to be tired in the great heat, we rested behind a little chappel to refresh ourselves and to feed our camels; in the mean time some poor women came down from the high-lands to us to gather the dung of our camels to burn it instead of wood, whereof they were in great want. When the great heat was over, and we had staid there for two hours, we went on again, and came before it was night to a little village lying in a valley, near which upon the height, the _Arabians_ had formed a great camp; we went up to them, and pitched our tents in the plain by them, and kept as abovesaid a good watch. They came quickly to us, spoke kindly to us, and their wives brought us water and good milk; but after we saw that they were very naked and hungry, and in their shape like to our _Gypsies_, we did not trust them at all, but kept a very good watch all that night. These are vagabond people, that are used to idleness from their infancy, and will rather endure hunger, heat and cold, than get any thing by their handy-work, or till the fields, or plant garden-herbs for their maintenance, although they might do it in several fruitful places in their own possession. So you find here a great number of them by the sides of these sandy desarts, that have no where any habitation, but live in their tents like as the beasts do in caves, and go like unto the _Gypsies_ from place to place, until they light on one, where they may live a great while with their cattle, and when all is eat up, want driveth them from thence to look out for another. On the 15th early before break of day, we were up in the cool of the day, with an intention to reach to _Bir_ that night, but our camels were grown so faint by reason of the excessive heat and the great burthens, that they fell down several times, wherefore we looked out for a convenient place where we might stay all night, and found at last a village near which we pitched our tents, eat some gourds and biskets, and so went to rest. Two hours before break of the day, we began our journey again, and came early in the morning to the great river called _Euphrates_, we went over with our goods and chattel, and fixed our tents before the town near the river on the other side, to stay for a barge that was to come from _Armenia_, to go from thence to _Babylon_, which is now called _Felugo_. By the way I saw no herbs of any worth, except the _Galega_, in our language called goats-rue, which grew plentifully on the dry heaths; and near to the road, the first sort of _Apocynum_, by us called dogs-bane, very like unto the great Celandine in it’s leaves and pods: I also saw whole acres of _Turkish_ corn called _Sesamo_, and others sown all with cotton, and also a kind of _Esula_, very full of milk, wherewith the fallow grounds were so filled up, that at a distance, you would have taken it for good corn. Seeing that the _Scammony_ that uses to be brought to _Aleppo_, is wont sometime to be very sharp, therefore it may very well be, that they adulterate it with this _Esula_. Near the town grew abundance of _Acacia_, called _Schack_ and _Schamuck_, as is above-mentioned, which are here in stem and fruit, greater and larger than ever I saw any where. The town _Bir_ is situated on the other side of the great river _Euphrates_ in _Mesopotamia_, near the high hill _Taurus_, just like _Tripolis_ near the _Libanus_, or our _Losanna_ on our _Alps_: It is neither big nor strong, but pretty well defended by a castle that lyeth on a high rock above the river, not easily to be taken. There is a very pleasant country round about it, and very fruitful, which (chiefly on this side the river where it is plain) is very well tilled and sown with corn, which they did just thrash out when we came, with little waggons drawn by oxen, and here and there are very good villages. But beyond the river it is more hilly, which kind of ground extends it self a great way towards the east, and divideth _Armenia_ from _Mesopotamia_. It is at the top very rough and bare; nothing but bushes and herbs to be seen there; wherefore abundance of beasts, chiefly lambs and goats, are daily brought down, which are carried over the _Euphrates_, and so driven to _Aleppo_ and other adjacent places. This river where it runs by the town is about a mile broad, and so deep that it is not easy to make a bridge over it: Yet because it hath not a swift current in that place, it is not very dangerous to sail on it, except where it enlargeth it self, as it doth in great desarts, or else where it divideth it self into several branches, so that the water-men do not know which is the best way for them to take; wherefore the Merchants that have a mind to come quicker and with less pains to _Bagdet_ with their merchandizes, carry them by land to _Orpha_, to the famous town of _Carahmet_, which lyeth six days farther towards the east, on the borders of _Assyria_ and _Media_, upon the rapid river _Tygris_, where is a great deposition of merchandizes, that are sent from thence to _Ormutz_ and the _Indies_. The _Euphrates_ is continually muddy, and therefore almost not fit to be drunk except you let it stand two or three hours, until the sand and mud is sunk down to the bottom, which sometimes is of the thickness of an inch: So that in every house where they have no wells, all along the river in towns and villages, they have several great pots which they fill out of the river, and let them stand until it be settled, but if they have occasion to drink of it before, they drink through their towels. During the time of our staying there they brought us several sorts of fishes they had caught in the river to sell, and among the rest one sort called _Geirigi_, which in their shape and scales were very like unto _Carps_, only they were not so thick in the belly, but a great deal longer and bigger, so that sometimes one of them did weigh three _Rotula_’s of their weight, which is about seventeen or eighteen of our pounds. They are very delicate and good to eat, and so cheap, that we could buy one for one _Medin_, in our money worth about three-pence. To catch these, our ship’s crew flung out oftentimes some pellets made up with _Cocculus Indic._; which fruit is named by them _Doam Samec_ and presently after some of the fish flung themselves up at the top of the water, whereupon they jumped out of the ship to catch them, and to carry them a-shoar. I saw also a peculiar sort of vultures, which were so tame that they did not only sit very thick upon the houses, but they sat down in the street before all the people without any fear; they are more of an ashen colour than ours, but for bigness, height and the rest, exactly like unto them. Besides these there was another sort of them, that were something bigger, and of a lighter colour than the former, and had some black at the ends of their wings like unto our _Storks_. They eat also carrion, and meat, and are somewhat wilder, wherefore they may be affirmed to be the very same that _Rhasis_ called _Gyuni_, and _Avicenna_, _Rachame_. During the time that we staid there, a _Bashaw_ was sent hither by the _Turkish Sultan_, with some hundred _Spahi_’s, pretty well armed, for his master did intend to make war with the _Trusci_ that so he might defend the confines of _Syria_, _Mesopotamia_, and _Armenia_, &c. from being assaulted by them, and to keep every thing secure. The _Trusci_ live on the mountain of _Libanus_, and pretend to be the off-spring of those people, that under _Godfrey de Bouillon_ did possess themselves again of the land of promise. They are since so much encreased, that they are able to bring into the field sixty thousand, most of which are very good gunners, which if occasion be, they can bring together in a short time. The _Grand Signor_, seeing that they encreased daily, so that he did fear they would be in time too great for him, to prevent this, as then the common discourse went, and to subdue them, and bring them under his yoke, did summon some _Bashaws_ and _Sangiacks_, chiefly him of _Damascus_ to bring together a great army, to fall upon them. But which way he did beat them, and how he encroached upon them, I shall (because I did for this time, during my travels, hear no more of it) relate more largely after my return. The _Spahi_’s which came with the _Bashaw_, took, because they would not be idle, their diversion in running, shooting with arrows, and in fencing, or cudgel-playing, and sometimes the country people came in with them, and played with them, but not in so many sorts of arms as the fencing-masters do in our country, _viz._ with daggers, swords or halbarts, for these are not in fashion in those countries. They take instead thereof only cudgels, with them they approach towards one another three times, yet not with such flourishes and neatness as our fencers do before they begin, for their long cloaths hinder them. In their left hand they have a buckler which is about a foot diameter round, covered with leather, and stuffed out with hair; in their right hand they have a cudgel, wherewith they strike strait at one another in the first bout, as the boys do in our country, but in the second and third bout, they strike cross-ways, chiefly in the third which is the last, which they take off cleaverly with their bucklers; and sometime they strike at one another legs, but never to hurt one another; when this is done, they turn back and march off. This manner of fencing is very common in these countries. At length after we had staid a great while, several ships did arrive from above, and ours, for which we did stay, among them. So our patron began to load, and to fit himself for our departure: And so did two more that had a mind to go in company with us. One among them belonging to a _Turk_ which was laden only with corn, to carry during the scarcity, which was occasioned by the great heat, and for want of rain to _Bagdet_. We also bought several sorts of fruits, _viz._ _Cibebs_, _Anguria_’s, Garlick and Onions, _&c._ and took also along with us some ground corn, as is usual to do in such voyages, which with Rice flower is fit to make puddings, or to bake bread of; honey and other things to serve as provision for our ship; for we were to travel a great way through many desarts and places not inhabited where nothing was to be had. For there are no inns upon this river, as upon the _Rhine_ or _Danube_, where they dress victuals for travellers against they come. And that we might have sometimes something hot to eat, we provided ourselves with several cooking vessels, as is usual in these cases, to dress our meat in. But the master of our ship still wanting both men and merchandices to load his ship withal, we were forced to stay somewhat longer, for other Merchants which came in a little time from _Aleppo_ whereof some were _Armenians_, some _Persians_, others from _Bagdet_ and _Balsora_, to us; with these also came into the ship four souldiers that were listed by the _Turks_ to go to _Bagdet_, to reinforce the confines of _Persia_: Our master also took in some of their _Jews_, which are worse than ours, and so we were warned to have a care of them. Besides all these we were forced to take in some of their religious men, which had long before begged thereabout, for they commonly live by begging, and desire you to give them something _Alla hitsi_, that is, for God’s sake, and yet if they find an opportunity they will fall upon you and rob you. They are very ill-favoured, idle and yet very hardy men, that run about all countries and often do a great deal of hurt; wherefore one must have a special care of them, chiefly upon the road. Yet for all this they have in these countries very great privileges; they pretend to great holiness and devotion, and pray often, and perswade the vulgar sort of people, that God doth hear their prayers before any others, and grants their desires, but people do not believe them so readily now, as their ancestors have done formerly wherefore they do not remain long in one place, that their roguery may not so much appear. CHAP. II. _Which way we went into the ship, and sailed to ~Racka~; and how the son of the King of ~Arabia~ with his retinue came to our ship to demand his customs. What else we saw by the way, and what we did suffer from the ~Arabians~ and their mendicants._ After our ship as well as the others was sufficiently loaden, and with all necessaries provided, we went aboard, and began our voyage in the name of God, the 30th day of _August_, _Anno 1574_ (having stay’d there and lost seventeen days), in the evening, with an intention to go that night three leagues farther. But two of our ships got into a branch of the river, whereof there are several in the very beginning: Our watermen took great pains to bring them into the right way again and stayed for them; which retarded us so long, that we were forced to stay all night at a market town called _Caffra_, which lieth a good league below, on the top of a hill, where we landed. The next morning at break of day, we got in again and in the beginning we went on very fortunately, and began to leave by degrees on our left hand the mountain _Taurus_, which extendeth its self eastward, and went more to the right, through the great desarts and sandy places of _Arabia_, where that river divideth it self into several broad branches, that the skippers knew hardly how to steer the right way. When we went on so, thinking of no danger, for the _Turkish_ ship was got already very safe through one of them, the second, which we follow’d, stuck upon the sand, by the neglect of their pilot towards the right, so that it did not only stick there but took away the stream from us, which turned their ship cross very violently, after such a manner, that we were forced, because we were too nigh, and our ship was in her full running, so that we could turn no way, to fall foul upon it. So ours drove with the stream upon theirs with that force, that we broke the two uppermost boards of their side; so the water ran in, and the ship sank deeper. Our ship, although it hath received no hurt, yet did it not go on, but stuck by the other. Whereupon we began to labour hard, remov’d the sand below, and made a way to get clear; after we had half drawn it before the other into the stream, the stream drove it so hard against the other, that also a row and an half of our side-board were broken, and if it had broken the second row quite, we had incurr’d the same mischief and damage as they. When we were in this condition, and could not otherwise think but that we must perish all together, yet our merciful God and Lord did order it so, that we did not only secure the breach, but came into the right river free and quit before the other ship, where we did land immediately. After we had recover’d ourselves a little, we did not delay to assist the other, but unloaded our ship to load theirs into it, and so to land them, which we did with all speed; in the mean time appear’d behind the trees and tamarisks at each side a good many _Arabians_, both on horse-back and foot, and came so near, that they were not afraid to attack our guards we had left with our goods, and to attempt to rob us. But when they found resistance, and heard several guns discharged on our side, they were frighted to that degree (for guns were unknown to them) that they turned their backs and run away as hard as they could drive. At last we attempted to draw out the ship together with some small goods, that were still left in it, which succeeded very well, for when we hoisted our sails and drew them on, and wrought with all our might and strength, it yielded by degrees, so that at length we got it quite off, and brought it a-shore. The loss of their marchandizes, altho’ it was but small in quantity, yet it was very great in their Silk, Stuffs of _Damasco_, Soap, Sugar, roots of _Zarneb Melchi_, which is good for the pain in the back, as is here before mention’d, Figs and Corn, which suffer’d very much; wherefore they begg’d of us, that we would be pleased to stay with them, until they had dry’d their goods and mended their ship, so that they might go along with us more safely through these desarts, which we granted them readily. During this our stay, when we were helping them, it fell out that I and one of my comrades were falsly accused by some Jews, before some of their religious men, that we were often fudling with the master of the ship, which the Jews did on purpose to make us outlandish men hated among them, for they do according to their law not easily it of drinking of wine, and to disparage us; and this his intention did succeed so well, that when their Clergymen did understand it, they became very angry with us, took our vessel of wine, flung it into the river, and drew in upon the land, where they let it run out, which did not well please the Soldiers and others, wherefore they took our part, and did give the Jews for it a very severe reprimand. But as no good deed remaineth unrewarded, and no ill one unpunish’d, so it happened here; for the chief of them, which was a _Moor_ and of the order of the _Dervis_, was the next day punish’d severely for a frivolous cause, whereof I unadvisedly was the occasion. While our goods were yet on shore, I got towards night upon the balls to stand centinel, it being my turn; so when I saw one with a mug full of water, I desired him to give me some to drink, which he was willing to do, and reached me the mug, I going to take it, trod by chance upon a fiddle of one of the _Turks_ and broke it: Although he had great occasion to be angry with me for this, yet (understanding that I had glue enough to mend it) he was presently quieted, and well contented. The next morning we sat together and mended the fiddle as well as we could; when the _Dervis_ saw us busy about the fiddle, he was very angry that we did not help to spread out the merchandizes, which we had done already before we began; so he took the fiddle, broke it and flung it into the river; then he came back, and pretended to bang us, thinking to have the same success with this as he had with the wine. But the _Turk_ seeing this, took up a good cudgel that was thrown up by the river, and struck him several times over his head and limbs, that the blood ran down his ears and face, and at length he grew so angry that he went to draw his scymeter, but before he could, we stept in between them, got them asunder, mitigated the business, and appeased them. So this saint of theirs looked very dismal in his long and lank black hair, and had besides on his body here and there several scars, _viz._ on his head and breast, and above all upon his arms, which he had cut or burnt himself, which is usual to that order, and other _Turks_ to do; which set often on their flesh burning and red glowing spangs, or instead of them linen rags, about an inch thick twisted very hard together, broad below, and pointed on the top, tapering just like unto a pyramid, which they set on fire, and let it burn out with a great deal of patience upon their bare skin, so long until it is quite consumed and brought to ashes, then they tie it up with cotton; they also do the same sometimes in rheums of the head and eyes, _&c._ to dry them up, or to turn them, and so draw them into another place. So I have seen several which have had at least twenty scars about them, but chiefly on their arms, whereof some were of the bigness of a shilling, besides wounds and scratches they had. But from whence they received this inhumane way (to wound and torment themselves) I do not know, except they had it anciently from the priests of _Baal_, who used to wound themselves with knives and lances (as we read in the 18th chapter of the 3d of the _Kings_) until the blood followed. These holy scars and tokens of their zeal, I could soon see and observe on this _Moor_, for according to his order, which is a very great one, he was to wear no clothes upon his body neither winter nor summer, only a little scarf to cover his privy withal: Instead of them they put sheep skins about them, whereon they lie also at night, and so they serve them for clothes, bed, and cover; and so they pretend by their exteriour apparel and behaviour, to great vertue and patience, as if they were dead to the world; and to a peculiar holiness, in praying, fasting, watching, _&c._ whereas they are full of roguery and knavery, so that you shall hardly find any like them. With this came also several other religious men of several orders, which were all in several distinct habits, as they are in our country; among them was a very strong well set young man, of the order of the _Geomaliers_ as they call it, which are rather secular than clergymen, they are generally _Tschelebys_, that is gentlemen and rich persons, which take great delight in travelling in their young days, under pretence of holiness, like pilgrims, at other peoples costs, through several countries and kingdoms, to see and learn, and to get experience. This had only a blue coat on that covered his body, tied about with a sash, and shoes of sheep skins, such as the _Arabians_ in the desarts use to wear. There went along with us two more; whereof one had a great ring in each ear, about the thickness of a finger, and so heavy that it stretched down his ear-laps to his very shoulders. These are of the order called the _Calendriers_, which lead a sober, and abstemious life before people, wherefore they separate themselves from the people, and walk about like hermits into desarts where-ever they can, to pray there ardently, and to cry out the hours, whereof they have five every day, as the priests do from the steeples, wherefore this man did separate himself, as often as he had an opportunity, far from us, that the beasts could rather see and hear him, than we that were in the ship. When he had done this, he came to us again, and looked so devoutly as if he had been in a rapture or extasy. The other was a _Dervis_, whereof I have made mention before, which also kept to a very strict order, for he prayed devoutly and ardently, chiefly at night after sun-set, at which time two or three more used to come to him, and among them sometimes some of our Merchants; they did stand together in a circle, and so began to pray, as I heard often, first very lowly, then by degrees louder, but when they came to the _Leila, Hillala_, &c. they were so loud, that you might hear them afar of, and then they repeated only these words very often; and every time they repeated them, they turned their head from one side to the other, as if they looked upon one another by turns, to shew their great love one to another, so they repeat these words very often, and every time quicker and quicker, until they abbreviate them at last, and say only, _Lahu Huhu_. By this pratling or jabbering and moving of their heads, they became at length so giddy and weary, that the cold sweat ran down them. But this their saint did not pronounce the words of their prayers with the rest, but struck on his breast with his fist upon his heart which gave instead thereof so strange a tune, as if he had been hallow within, much like unto the noise that a turky-cock uses to make when he is very angry, so that it would have frighted any man, chiefly if he had been alone with him; and he would, with his terrible face, rather have taken him to be an apparition than a man. These above-mentioned words he repeateth so often, and so long, until he fainteth away and falls down, and there he lieth as if he were dead. Then the others cover him, let him lie and go their ways. After he hath lain thus a good while as if he had been ravish’d in his prayers, or had seen a peculiar vision, he cometh to himself, riseth and appeareth again. All these saints, although they practice their religion after a peculiar manner, which according to their opinion, is quite suring that which is prescribed in their law, to move the people the sooner (regarding their severity in living, their great patience and frequent extasies) to believe them, that they under pretence of piety, may go on in their hoggishness, uncleanness and robberies, as they do, without any controuling: Yet because their idle hypocrisy, and great rogueries do daily appear more plainly, not without great damage to the country, therefore they are no more in so great esteem, nor have so much given them as formerly. Concerning their strange way of praying, chiefly that of the _Moors_, their own people have often told me, that because such a devotee changed his natural voice given him by God, into an unnatural one, therefore he ought rather to be ed a beast than a man, and consequently much less ought to be esteemed a divine. Thus much I thought convenient to relate here of their Mendicants that travelled with us, and now I come to my former purpose again. After we had spent four days in drying our merchandizes, and in mending our ships, we did load them again, and so set out the next Friday, being the third of _September_ about noon. All that day we saw nothing but bushes on both sides of the river, wherein were several wild beasts, but above all wild boars, till night, when we came in sight of a little village about two or three miles distant upon the ascent on our left hand, where we landed and staid all night. In that place I found nothing but a bastard camel’s hay, which was like unto the true one, but without any virtue in it. The next day our navigation proceeded very well, and at noon we came to a strong cittadel call’d _Galantza_, which is situated at this side of the river, on a hill belonging to the king of _Arabia_, with whom the _Turkish_ emperor, as I was informed, and could understand, that did not know their language well, had long and heavy wars; and could have done him, because he could not follow him through the desarts for want of water and provisions, no great hurt, if the King’s eldest son had not put himself into this castle, believing that he might be secure there from any assault from without, wherein he was mightily mistaken. For after the _Sultan_ did understand that he was there, he was resolved to take it notwithstanding all difficulties. And therefore he summoned all his forces together in the year 1570, and did assault it in three places at the same time, so long and so often, until at length he took it by storm, and so he made the King’s son his prisoner, and carried him to _Constantinople_, where he had, as they say, his head cut off the following year. This castle, being surrounded with strong walls, and having within a very high and large tower, is still, according to my apprehension, very strong, but yet it lieth in ruins, and the three open places remain unrepaired. At night we landed in a small island, which was not inhabited, and in the middle of the river we did not question but we were there very well secured from the _Arabians_, and yet notwithstanding, as soon as we had supp’d, and began to go rest, some of them came creeping along to us about midnight, rather to visit our goods than us. But because they durst not venture to go to our ships, without great danger of being discovered by our watch, they did visit them that rested on shoar, and had taken something considerable from them, if they had not been discovered immediately by them, and had retaken from them again that which they could not so readily carry over the river. The fifth day of _September_, some _Arabians_ appeared on shoar early in the morning; by and by we saw more at a great distance upon the height, and some squadrons of horse of forty or fifty strong, ride about; from whence we concluded that the King’s camp was not far off, which proved to be true. For about noon after we landed, the King’s youngest son came riding to us on a high black horse, with a retinue of about one hundred men, most of which had bows and long pikes made of reed. He was but young, about twenty-four or twenty-five years old, of a brownish colour, and had a white turbant on his head made of cotton, one end whereof hung down behind about a span long, according to their usual custom. He had on a long gown made of ordinary sheeps skins with the wooll on them, which hung down to his ankles, and so had all his courtiers, which were in their common dress so like unto one another, that one could not have discerned them, if his had not been edged with some gold lists, as we use to edge childrens coats in our country, about the neck and sleeves, and had not had long sleeves, whereon were some escutcheons to be seen. Because custom is due to the King of _Arabia_, by reason of the _Euphrates_, therefore this young prince came to demand and take it; so he went into the river, and rode first to the _Turkish_ ship, to see what goods they carried, but finding nothing but corn therein he did not stay long there, but came to ours, his servants that were on purpose ordered for that, helped him soon up into it, and placed him in the middle of it on a bale, but they themselves went about from one Merchant to another, to visit their goods, and did open now and then a chest or a bale, and took some out of them more or less, according as they liked them, so that it was a great while before they came about from Merchant to Merchant. In the mean while, they brought also into the ship a young Prince, perhaps two years old, which one carried before him on horse back after his father. He had nothing on but only a cotton shirt, and rings about his neck, wrists and legs, made of fine _Arabian_ gold. At length his servants came to me and my comrades into the poop of the ship; but before we began to shew them any of our goods, they saw my gun that was inlaid with ivory, which they took immediately, to shew it to their master, with a great deal of iration, being such a one as they had never seen their life before. The King took it presently into his hands, and was mighty well pleased with it, and said that it was outlandish-work made by the _Franks_, (by which name they call outlandish men, _French_, _German_, _Italian_, &c. because they know no divisions or distinctions of our country,) so we went both to him, and acquainted him that we were lately come from those countries, with an intention to go into the _Indies_. After the King understood this, he spoke very kindly to us, and bid his man to leave off and to search no more our goods, and enquired after several other things, and at length he told my comrade that he thought he had seen him before; which was very true, for when my comrade lived at _Aleppo_, where he had drove the Goldsmiths trade for a great while, he and others were sent to the King, who was then at a little distance from _Aleppo_, by the Consul of _Venice_, to present him in his name, with several presents, whereof some were costly and rich wrought clothes, when they came to him, and presented them to him, he took them with a great deal of kindness, and treated them very honourably, and shewed them several sorts of sport, as jumping, running, _&c._ that they might see that he had a great many brave and handy soldiers; and did dispatch them very generously again, and promised them, as my friend told me, all kindnesses, chiefly to their masters, saying, that if they should have occasion to make use of him against the _Turks_, he would faithfully assist them, and that he did not doubt at all, if they should agree together, but they might go a great way with him in these countries; nay, advance farther upon the _Turk_ in a short time, even to _Constantinople_ itself. After the before-mentioned discourse, the King went to his tents that were pitched on a plain by a hill, within two miles of us, and took some of our company along with him to discourse his father about our concerns. I would willingly have presented the King with my gun, altho’ we had to travel through many deserts, and perhaps he would have been pleased with it, but durst not do it before the _Turkish_ Soldiers, Mendicants and Jews, for I feared, that they would betray it, and accuse me before the _Bashaw_ and _Cadi_’s, which soon would have made me punishable, altho’ innocent, as they use to do to strangers; nay, sometimes those of their own nation; and besides, I did , that when the King was encamped near _Aleppo_, and some of his men did daily come into the town to buy provision, cloaths and other things, that then it was strictly forbidden to sell them any arms, bows or pikes to take along with them into the desarts. After we had staid for our friends a great while, they came so late to us, that we were hindred from going any farther that day, for it began to be late, and so we staid there all night. They told us, that the King, after they had told him that we came from _Aleppo_, would not believe them, but thought rather we came from _Saphet_, which town is within a day’s journey of _Sidon_, which the _Sultan_ had taken from him a little while before, that he might have a pretence to arrest us and our goods; and that he did so obstinately persist in this opinion, that they did really fear he would have sent some of his men with one of us to _Aleppo_, to know the certainty thereof, until they plainly demonstrated to him by their letters from whence they came; whereupon he gave them liberty to go on in their journey. But I understood afterwards, that it was only to press something more out of them, as he really did, for they were forced to give him some knives tip’d with silver that came from _Damascus_, and also some damasks. On the sixth of _September_ we were up early, and ed between great wildernesses, wherein were abundance of wild boars, that appeared sometimes in great herds: These wildernesses continued so long, that we saw nothing else the whole day but woods, ’till in the evening we came to _Cala_, a village and castle on this side of the river, which is no more but two-days journey from _Aleppo_, situated in a plain; from whence you may conjecture how crooked the river is hitherto. This castle belongeth to a great Bashaw, called _John Rolandt_, and also the fine house at _Aleppo_, as is before-mentioned. He hath very great revenues and sixty sons: Six or seven of them are Sangiacks, whereof some live at the Sultan’s court. Beyond this castle on the other side of the river, we lodged all night in the wilderness, which continued so far, that we saw nothing all the next day long, but only here and there a little cottage of the _Moors_, which generally are built upon four sticks, and covered with bushes: Within them there are so many children, that I have often ired at the number of them. They run in their first infancy to the river, and learn to swim so well, that they undertake without any fear to swim over the broad river. When we went by, the _Moors_ saluted us very often, if the distance did not hinder them, and that chiefly to learn of us where about their King was in the country. For they have so great a respect for their King, altho’ they are an idle and vagabond people, and unanimously shew him such obedience, as no other nation doth to their superiors; which also you may guess by this, that if any outlandish man hath a mind to get safely through the wilderness, or to see their King, let him but cloath himself in their habit, and take a _Moor_ along with him to shew him the way, and to be his interpreter, they will readily tell him the way to go to him; or when they see that he hath one of their own nation with him, they let him without any molestation or examination. So that those that are slaves on the confines of _Arabia_, might easily free themselves without any trouble or danger. Their wives did also often come to us, and brought us milk in great flat dishes, which they shewed us at a distance to sell; wherefore we did land sometimes and received it, and gave them biskets for it, for they have great want of corn, so that this interchanging pleased us both. We used to break biskets into this milk, and so to eat it for dinner or supper, and sometimes if it was too thick, or rather too little of it, that it might go the farther, we used to temper or mix it with water. They have also sometimes put it into oblong linen sacks, which it did hardly penetrate, and let it hang in the ship for two or three days, until it did curdle and came to be in curds, and so it used to serve us with biskets and onions for breakfast or for supper. When we did land and had time to spare, I used to look about me for some strange plants, and among the rest, I found a peculiar _Schœnanthum_, which was very like in figure unto the true one, but had not it’s virtues, and the first kind of _Rhannus_ of _Carolus Clusius_, with fat leaves like unto housleek. I found also goats rue, and a strange sort of willows, which still are called by the inhabitants by their old name _Garb_. There also were abundance of tamarisks; they were as big and high as our cherry or plum trees, wherefore these trees are discerned soon at a distance by their height; they have very tender leaves, and long purple coloured tops, as you see in the second kind of our tamarisks, so that between them and ours, there is no great matter of difference, but only in bigness and fruit, whereof I found none at that time. The _Moors_ feed their cattle for the most part, with those bushes that grow at the river side; for in the wilderness and desarts, where the ground is very sandy, lean and barren, there is but little grass or tilled ground, which occasioneth the great scarcity of bread among them, so that often they see none in a great while, and are forced to eat their other food, as fish, flesh, cheese and milk, which they take from goats, sheep, camels, _&c._ without bread; so that these poor people make a shift with a mean diet; and yet they are strong and in good health, and live to a good age. At night before it was dark, I saw another fortification at the other side in _Mesopotamia_, on a high hill called _Jabar_, belonging to the King of _Arabia_, which is very large, and hath several towers in the wall, so that as far as I could see, it was very like to that of _Aleppo_. We staid all night on this side of it, in an island where we had been robb’d again, if we had not kept a good watch so as to perceive the thieves, and to let off several guns; yet this we did not to hurt, but only to frighten them; for if we should have kill’d or wounded any of them, they would have fetch’d immediately some, according as they are in strength, it may be a thousand together to revenge their friend to fall upon us, to beat us and to plunder us, whereof they are very eager, and to take all we had. The same happened to us the next day in another uninhabited island of the river, where we would dress no victuals that night, that they might not spy us by our fire, to find us out and to fall upon us. For when we expected to keep ourselves thus quiet, and to rest in good tranquillity, they did not miss us, but came to us in a greater body than before, and that so near, that we could not only hear them, but they began to talk with us. But when we saw that they were in earnest, we rouzed up ourselves, and got into order, and spoke big to them, and bid them to offer no violence to us, for if they did, they would find greater resistance than they expected. But when we saw that this our exhortation would do no good, we were forced again to have recourse to our guns, whereof we had but three, which we let go off, which frightened them in such a manner, for they are not used to them, that they ran away and left us in quietness. But it is no wonder that the _Arabians_ are so restless, for they are full of want and nakedness, have not to fill their belly, nor to cover their body withal; besides, they have nothing else to do, and are used to idleness from their very infancy, and then because they hate to work, they are forced to wander like vagabonds from one place to another. And (if they will maintain themselves and theirs) to seek their livelihood from those that travel through their country. So several times there came two, three, or four together, swimming through the river, were it never so broad or deep, to our ship, whereof some were black and some brown, which came as naked into our ship as ever they were born into the world, to beg a piece of bread; to each of them we gave as much as would content them, so they went sometimes for a whole league along with us; and when they had eaten the bread and thanked us, they jumped into the river again and swam away. Besides these we saw daily as we went along, many more swim over the river, which commonly had some bucks-skins blown up, whereon they tried to get over the easier, for the river is so broad, that it is not easy to make a bridge over it, neither did I find any. They take their shirts (for besides them they wear no other cloaths) tie them with their leathern girdles about their heads, and therein stick their daggers (which are pretty broad and bended like unto a scythe) which hang down by their temples. The ninth day our voyage went on again chearfully, and we came pretty near the town _Racka_, which belongeth to the _Turkish_ Emperor, but it did not continue so long, for before we had dined and eaten a few fruit, _viz._ Cibels, Anguries, and _Indian_ Musk-melons, to refresh ourselves in the great heat, we incurr’d greater danger again than that we were in before, for our ship, which was a great deal bigger than either of the two, did strike upon the sand so severely, that we could not bring her off again without assistance of others, as we had done several times before, nor bring her into the right way again. So we were forced to desire the _Arabians_ our antagonists, which stood and looked upon us, rather rejoicing at our misfortunes, than pitying us, to assist us, which at length we did obtain, and so they came to help us: But because they had their daggers, and great cudgels, which they use to wear with them, we durst not trust them, but were forced to leave a small guard in the ship, but the rest of us helped them with all our force and strength, but we could not stir her, so that they went away twice and left us. At last we concluded, that we had no better way than to unload our ship, yet we durst not do it for fear of the _Arabians_, nor venture our merchandizes; so we resolved to draw her out another way, wherefore we desired the _Arabians_ a third time to assist us, and if they were in earnest to help us, we begged of them to lay down their arms, which at length, upon our promising them a good reward, they did. When they came we took also our guard to our assistance, set all hands at work, and with hard labour we brought it at length into the right stream again, so we paid the _Arabians_ and went on, and came that same night to _Racka_. CHAP. III. _Of the city of ~Racka~, and of it’s situation, and also something of the departure of the King of ~Arabia~, and of his league with the ~Turkish~ Emperor, and also of the trouble we had with the ~Custom-house Officer~ or ~Publican~._ _Racka_, a town of _Mesopotamia_, is situated in the desarts of _Arabia_ upon the great river _Euphrates_, between two ascents, so that you cannot see any thing of it before you can come near it. There is a castle by it, which is given to a _Sangiack_ by the _Turkish_ Emperor to keep it with 1200 _Spahi_’s. This town is pitifully built, and not well guarded with walls; it having been built after the Desolation of the old town, which was situated on the hight, as one may see still by the old wall, and other arches and pillars. Among the rest there is yet standing a very ancient high building, which is still very strong, and looketh very great, altho’ it is much decay’d and run to ruin, and such as one shall rarely see, so that one may conjecture, that it hath perhaps been formerly the seat and habitation of their Kings or Magistrates. Between the new and old city lieth a castle, which is also old and pretty strong, where is kept a _Turkish_ garrison, it being on the confines or limits of _Arabia_ and _Persia_, &c. to defend them and all the country from danger and incursions. The old town is besides this quite demolish’d, and even with the ground, so that here is no convenient place where the _Turks_ can exercise themselves in running, cudgel-playing, _&c._ but this, where I have often sat upon the ruin’d walls, and look’d upon them when they were a playing. To the Desolation of this town have very much contributed the _Tartars_, under their King _Haalono_, who took it in the year of our Lord, 1260, and not long after the town and castle of _Aleppo_, with the help of _Ayton_ King of _Armenia_. Some will have this to be the town of _Rhagos_, which is also called _Edessa_, whither the ancient and pious _Tobias_ did send his son from _Nineveh_ to his friend _Gabel_, to fetch the money from him which he had lent him: But because this lies a day’s journey farther from the river _Euphrates_, therefore it cannot be the same. After we had landed there, the receiver of the custom came on horseback to the shoar, and desired the master of the _Turkish_ ship to deliver his arms, lances, and bows, who absolutely deny’d it, seeing that it never had been a custom before; whereupon they fell about this into such a hot dispute, that they began to draw upon one another, and had not we timely put in between them, it would have caused a great tumult. The reason why this man behaved himself so strangely, was, because we did not go with our goods to _Carahemit_, which town is distant four days journey, and situated on the rapid river _Tygris_, to have laid there upon that river, where he would have received a great deal more custom, that also belonging to him. But the _Turk_ not mattering him, having nothing in but corn, which he would not carry, he let him alone, and came to us as strangers, thinking to make up his loss from us, and to frighten us out of it. He staid all night in the ship, and lay between us, fearing that we should hide some goods from him; and sometimes he came upon us with big words, saying, _Seeing that it was not allow’d to us outlandish men to travel in these parts, therefore he could not but take us to be spies, that came to discover, rather than for any thing else, wherefore he had reason enough to take our goods in arrest, and send us two spies as to ~Constantinople~, to make us slaves to his master the Great Sultan._ After we had heard this his unreasonable discourse, and were also sensible of his intention to cheat us, we were not presently frighten’d, but drew out our we had from the Bashaw and Cadi of _Aleppo_, and shew’d it to him. He look’d it over, and after he understood that he durst not very well act against it, he went away from us with a deal of indignation, and immediately he began to quarrel with all the Merchants of the two ships, and desired of them an unreasonable sum to pay him as toll, whereof they complain’d heavily; but he went on, and would accept of no reasonable conditions, but took away our rowers from our ships, to hinder us from going away, to squeeze us the more. But the Merchants, altho’ they saw his earnestness, they did not matter it, but sent on the 11th of _September_ one of them with a _Moor_ to _Carahemit_, to the Great Bashaw, which was the son of _Mahomet Bassa_, to complain to him of these impositions and extortions. When the toll-keeper did understand this, he follow’d them with his son immediately. But because he did not find the Bashaw, who was then in another place, call’d _Giselet_, whither our friend was forced to follow him three days journey from thence, he return’d again immediately. Although he did not speak with the Bashaw, yet he falsly told us, that it was the Bashaw’s order that we should pay him ten ducats _per cent._ Notwithstanding that, ours did not know any thing, yet they would not trust him, but had carry’d the best and greatest part of their goods out, before he came into the ship to search, and also some thereof they bury’d in the sand by night, where the _Turks_ and _Moors_ went over by day-light, and yet they could find none of these hidden goods. The next morning early the Publican came with his crue, and search’d every thing with a great deal of care, as if he had a peculiar command for it, but did not find any thing near, as you may think, what he expected. When he was thus very busy in exercising his office, our friend came in at last, and told us, that the Bashaw was very much displeased that the Publican did deal so unjustly with us, contrary to the orders and law of his master, the Grand Signior, and did keep us so long, and hinder us in our navigation. Wherefore he had writ to the Sangiack in our behalf, and ordered him on pain of death, to take all care that we might not be detain’d any longer, but to take the Publican prisoner, and to send him to _Constantinople_, to have him try’d at the court kept for that purpose every fifteenth day, and that he feared very much, that he would pay for this his misdemeanor with his life. In the mean time we were thus detained prisoners on the rivers of _Babylon_, expecting with a deal of patience the time of our deliverance, it happened, that the King of _Arabia_ broke up with his retinue from here-abouts on the 21st of day of _September_, and travelled towards the south in great numbers, to find better pastures for his beasts, as horses, asses, and camels, that they might the better subsist; for in these places there are not so many villages, towns and market-towns, where they might have their continual abode. Neither do they love farming nor trading, but are contented, if they have a great flock of cattle, and good store of grass for them, that they may keep them. So if they come to a rivulet, where a little herbage or grass groweth, they immediately erect their tents there, to stay there till want forceth them to remove, and to look out for another place. When they break up, they take along with them man, maid, beasts and all their whole substance, as I did see them remove at this very time, and come towards this town in great numbers, so that the _Turks_ kept their gates shut up for four days, until they were all ed by. On horseback they are armed with darts and bows, _&c._ and also if they ride on camels, whereof they have very a great number, chiefly when the King is moving from one place to another, as some of them did relate to me, where generally are employed 150000. I myself have once seen at one time together about the number of 3 or 4000 camels. They are strong and hardy creatures, fit to carry heavy burthens, and also to subsist without drinking in the greatest heats for three days together. They stale out between their hind legs, so that those that go in caravans behind them must have a great care, that they be not hit by them, and so become all bedaubed. Their horses are very noble, neat, and fit for business; they seldom feed them more than once a day, although they ride them very hard all day long through the wildernesses. They commonly cut off all the hair from their mains and tail, so that their tails remain very naked, and look something like the tail of a lion. They put their wives on littler asses, and also upon high camels with their children, three or four of them together in boxes, as it is the fashion in these countries. They are of a brown colour like unto our Gypsies, and almost the fourth part of them black, which difference of colour proceedeth from their travelling up and down to places where blacks are, and sometimes leaving their own there, and taking blacks in the room of them. The King of _Arabia_ is always encamped in the fields, and never cometh into a place that is shut up or enclosed; and this the less now, after the mischance of losing his son that retired into one, happened; so he goeth from place to place like unto the _Tartars_, so that often it is not known where he is. In the summer-time he goeth farther to the north, and in winter to the south, to avoid both the heat and cold, and to have better subsistance and provision for himself, his men, and cattle. So it hath happened several times, that the _Arabians_ in their march have come too near the _Turks_ dominions, and the _Turks_ again to his, from whence arose between these two great Princes such differences, that they are come to great and bloody wars. And yet for all this, as I am credibly informed, they have now both made a peculiar league and contract between them, wherein it is agreed that if the Grand _Turk_ should go to a war with his neighbours, then the _Arabian_ King will assist and defend him, wherefore the Grand Signior writes to him as his cousin and good friend, and is to pay him the sum of 60000 ducats yearly as his certain salary or retaining fee. And besides all this, the Sultan sends to the new King of _Arabia_ after the decease of the old one, a standard with his coat of arms in it, which together with other presents he sends him with usual ceremonies, to congratulate him on his happy coming to the throne, and to renew and confirm their alliances. Their religion doth contribute not a small matter to this, which (together with all their ceremonies, and all other points) is the same almost they profess in both nations: And they take as many wives as the _Turks_ do, neither do they extol or magnify one before the other, because they come from better parents, being they buy them all from them. And therefore none of them are excused, because she cometh from a greater extraction, from doing the family-business, nor hath a poor one more put upon her because she came from mean extraction. So one of the King of _Arabia_’s wives is a daughter of a man that keeps a sawing-mill at _Racka_, which by him (although of mean extraction) is as much respected as any of the rest. Her father and brothers are very good people; they came very often to us, and shewed great comion, for that we were so abused by the Publican. His mill is not drawn by horses as ours are, nor by water (for they know nothing of that) but two of them cut the wood with great hand-labour. During our staying there a young _Arabian_ gentleman, nearly related to the King of _Arabia_, came very often to us to the water-side, who was always accompanied with twenty servants with bows and darts; he had a delicate white turbant on, and a long violet coloured caban made of wool, but his servants went pretty bare, for some of them wore black caps and long indico coloured shirts with wide sleeves, which they girt up with broad leathern girdles, wherein stuck bended daggers or bayonets, as it is their usual custom. It once happened, that some of us being upon the high town-walls together, from whence we had a pleasant prospect down into the valley to the great river _Euphrates_, this same gentleman came to us again, and seated himself with his retinue overagainst us, and presented us with some dried Cicer Pease (whereof I have made mention before) and some Cibebs mixed together, which we thankfully received; and to shew our thankfulness, we presented him again with some Almonds, Figs, Nuts, and some very good sweat-meats we had brought with us from _Aleppo_, which he also received very kindly. So we all began to eat each of us part of his present, and drunk with it some water of the _Euphrates_. After we had eat them all, and we thought the time to be long, he beckon’d to one of his Musicians, and bid him to divert us with his instrument, which he pulled out presently (which about the neck looked very like unto a cittern) and we expected to hear some rarity, but when I looked upon it, and saw it had but one string that was as big as a cord of their bows, he began to play some of their tunes, but with what art and dexterity you may easily fancy. He did this for almost two hours, and according to his opinion very harmoniously, but we thought the time so long, that we were very glad when he had done. About the river I found that sort of _Acacia_ that beareth roundish and brown-coloured pods, called _Schock_ and _Scamuth_ by the _Arabians_: Some thorns called _Algul_, whereon the Manna falleth, chiefly in the county of _Corascen_, as _Avicenna_ tells us. _Chamesyces_, some strange kinds of mosses, which are very much differing in bigness: Among the rest I saw the low prickly herb, by some esteemed to be the _Tragun_ of _Dioscorides_. Below, close to the river, I found the _Herba Sacra_ of _Dioscorides_, which the learned _Carolus Clusius_ hath accurately described in his _History of Outlandish Plants_, book ii. chap. 45. and just by these, more strange ones, chiefly a delicate one growing plentifully there in the sand, which had from five to eight tender stalks, which spread themselves into others that were very full of ts, so that it crept rather on the ground than grew up; by each of them stood three or four roundish Marjoram or _Origanum_ leaves together, and above between them some star like white flowers, with six pointed leaves like unto our _Ornithogalum_, each of them on a peculiar foot-stalk, the seeds thereof I have not seen, but the roots are small and fibrous, which together with their small bitterness have a pretty exsiccating quality; and so in this respect are very like unto the _Polycemon_ of _Dioscorides_, but whether it be the same or no, I leave the learned to decide. Besides those before as we came down the river, I saw a great many large Tamarisk trees, and abundance of a certain kind of _Agnus Castus_, almost like unto the other, only a great deal less, and it had no more but three strong Claver leaves; but above all the _Galega_, called Goats-rue in our language, which in these parts groweth very high, and in so great plenty, that on the river-side I could see nothing but this for several miles together. CHAP. IV. _Of the Inhabitants of the mountains, and the great wilderness we came through to ~Deer~: Of their ancient origination, and miserable and laborious livelihood._ Upon this good and severe command of the _Bashaw_, son of _Mahomet Bashaw_, we were acquitted of our long arrest, and went away about noon on the 27th of _September_; we went again from thence through such great desarts, that for some days we saw nothing worth relating, but here and there little huts made of some erected boughs, and covered with some bushes, wherein the _Moors_ with their families live, to secure themselves from the great heat, rain and dews that are in these parts most violent, so that I ired how these miserable people could maintain themselves and so many children in these dry and sandy places where nothing was to be had. Wherefore these poor people are very naked, and so hungry that many of them if they saw us afar off, would fling themselves into the great river, and swim to us to fetch a piece of bread. And when we flung at them whole handfulls, they would snap at it just like hungry fish or ducks, and eat it: Others did gather it and put it into the crown which they make neatly of their sheets on the top of their heads, and so swim away with it. After these sandy desarts had continued a great while, we came at length out of them between high, rough and bare hills, which were so barren that there was to be seen neither plough-lands nor meadows, neither house nor stick, neither high-way nor footh-path, wherefore those people that live there, have no houses, but caves and tents, as they have in the great desarts, where because of the great heat and dryness, the soil is so barren, that they cannot subsist in a place for any considerable time, nor have villages or certain habitations: Wherefore they wander up and down, fall upon the caravans and plunder them, and make what shift they can to get a livelihood. These mountains, as I am informed, reach to the river _Jordan_, the _Dead_ and the _Red-Seas_, &c. wherein are situated mount _Sinai_, _Horeb_, &c. and the town _Petra_, which by the prophet _Isaiah_ is called _Petra of the Desarts_. The _Arabians_ that live in these desarts, and round about them, are extraordinary marks-men for bows and arrows, and to fling darts which are made of canes: They are a very numerous people, and go out in great parties every where almost: They are a very ancient nation, and come from the sons of _Ishmael_, but chiefly from his eldest son _Nebajoth_, and were anciently called the war-like _Nabathees_, and their country, the land or province of the _Nabathees_, which _Josephus_ testifieth in _Book_ i. _Chap._ 21. where he says, that the twelve sons of _Ishmael_, which he had by an _Egyptian_ wife, (his mother _Agar_, from whom they were called _Agarens_, as you may see in the first of the _Chronicles_ and the sixth verse, being also of the same country,) were possessed of all the country between the _Euphrates_ and the _Red-Seas_, and called it the province of the _Nabathees_. The _Midianites_ that bought _Joseph_ of his brethren, and carried him into _Egypt_, may also be reckoned among these. This same country is also chiefly by _Pliny_ (because thereabout are no other habitations, but tents, wherein the inhabitants, live) called _Scenitis_. From this we may conclude that the prophet _Isaiah_ in his 60th Chapter, and _David_ in the 120th _Psalm_ did speak of them, when chiefly the latter maketh mention of the tents of _Kedar_, whereby he understands a country that is inhabited by such a nation, as liveth in tents, and is derived from _Kedar_ the son of _Ishmael_, whom his father _Abraham_, as a strange child born by his maid _Agar_, did thrust out together with his mother into the desarts; his words are these, _Wo is me, that I sojourn in ~Mesheck~, that I dwell in the tents, of Kedar._ In our times these and other nations are called the _Saracens_, which have very much encreased under _Mahomet_ (who by his Mother was an _Ishmaelite_) and did spread very much; and so they were in _David_’s time a very strong nation, wherefore he prayeth very earnestly in his 83d _Psalm_, that God would punish and slay and disperse them, as enemies of his holy church. But that I may come to our former Intention again, here the _Arabians_ again asked us very often, where their King was at that time, so that our master had business enough to answer them; whereby you may observe what great respect and love they have for their King. But that they might not altogether look upon us as outlandish men, nor presently discern us to be strangers, we did sometimes when there was occasion for it, change our turbants, and let one end thereof according to their fashion hang down, which they do to make themselves a shade against the heat, that is very cruel in these countries. But yet if any body, be he who he will, doth enquire after their King, and wants to come before him, to present him with a suit of cloaths, _&c._ or to desire a from him, or if one should go about to hire one of them, to shew him the way to a certain place, or through their country which he may do for a very small price, he would soon find one or other that would be ready to do it; but among the _Turks_ there is no such obedience; for if you should desire any thing of them to do in the name of their _Sultan_, they are not willing to do it, except it would redound to their great profit. Wherefore a _Turkish_ guide to conduct you would cost you a great deal more than one of them. Besides, they also their master daily, and hardly speak of any thing but of him, his great riches, _&c._ but with such pride and greatness, chiefly when they speak of his powerfulness, and enlarging of his kingdom, as if some share of these were belonging to them, and that they must be respected for it. In this navigation through the great desarts, we two did not spend much, because the towns were at so great a distance from one another that we could not reach them, to provide our selves daily necessaries (as we do in our country on the _Danube_ and _Rhine_) or lodgings. We were necessitated to be contented with some slight food or other, and make a shift with curds, cheese, fruits, honey, _&c._ and to take any of these with some bread for a good entertainment. The honey in these parts is very good, and of a whitish colour, whereof they take in their caravans and navigations great leathern bottles full along with them; this they bring you in small cups, and put a little butter to it, and so you eat it with biskets. By this dish I often remembred St _John_ the _Baptist_, the fore-runner of our Lord, how he also did eat honey in the desarts, together with other food. Besides this when we had a mind to feast our selves, some ran, as soon as our master had landed at night, to fetch some wood, and others in the mean time made a hole in the ground on the shoar, in the nature of a furnace, to boil our meat. So every company dressed accordingly what they had a mind to, or what they had laid up in store; some boil’d rice, others ground corn _&c._ And when they had a mind to eat new bread instead, or for want of biskets, they made a paste of flower and water, and wrought it into broad cakes about the thickness of a finger, and put them in a hot place on the ground, heated on purpose by fire, and covered it with ashes and coals, and turned it several times until it was enough. These cakes were very savory and good to eat. Some of the _Arabians_ have in their tents stones or copper-plates made on purpose to bake them. On the 4th day, being the last of _September_, about noon, we came to the end of the mountains, before which without, on this side, lieth a very strong citadel, on a high hill, built three square, by the inhabitants called _Seleby_, whereof two points go downwards towards the river, and the third upward a great way on the mountain, so that in it’s situation it is very like unto _Baden_ in _Switzerland_. Although it is demolished, yet it is still very strong in it’s walls, that are to be seen at the top and on the sides, chiefly towards the hills, and the river side, to hinder the age both by water and land. There are also still standing some watch-houses without, as you come towards it near the mountains, which may hold three or four souldiers: yet it lieth still to this day in ruins, and so desolated, that nothing but birds and beast inhabit it; whereof a great many appeared on the river side, as _Herns_, _Ducks_, that were very large and of a delicate colour, and others among which were some of a white colour, called _Pelicans_ by _Aristotle_, and _Onocrotali_ by others, which are as big as _Swans_; the prophet _Zephaniah_ maketh also mention of them in his second chapter, when he prognosticated the punishment that was to come to the _Ninevites_, _Assyrians_ and _Moors_; there also appeared some quite black with long necks; whereof I did see abundance in my travels into the _Land of Promise_, and especially near _Acon_ among the rocks and crags of the sea; as far as I could discern them at a distance; they seemed to be a kind of a _Sea-Eagle_[1], that feed more upon fish than any thing else. Six miles lower, and at the other side of the _Euphrates_, lieth still another fortification, which is called _Subiau Seleby_, that is, lower _Seleby_, on a very high bank, and seeing that we sailed very near it, I could not well discover it. Of these two which way they were besieged and taken; and also of the way of government, or ruling of the Kings of _Arabia_, &c. I should have been very glad to have been a little better informed, but the language wherewith I was not well acquainted, did hinder me. And suppose I should have understood it very well, or enough to have made an enquiry after those particulars, yet I could not have done it without great danger, to have been taken for a spy; for they soon suspect outlandish men on every little occasion, which those that trade in these parts have often experienced not without great loss and danger. Beyond the mountains in the low country we saw more tilled grounds, and habitations of the _Arabians_ than we had done before, wherefore our master landed sooner than he used to do, near a village, to take in provision for our farther journey, where the people brought flesh and _Indian Melons_ to us to sell. Here it happened, that about midnight, one of the _Turkish_ souldiers went out to ease himself on the river side; and when he was busy about it, a _Moor_ came creeping along to him, and thrust him into the river before he was aware of it, and run away. The _Turk_ finding himself in the _Euphrates_, fell a crying out for help; I hearing him, standing centinel that night did not fail him, but made what haste I could, with my scymeter in my hand, followed his voice, and came to the place, although it was very dark, drew him out, and brought him into the ship, which was so kindly taken by the rest of the _Turks_, that I got mightily into their favour, and received many kindnesses of them all the way until we came to _Bagdet_, the garrison which they went to reinforce. The first of _October_ when our Voyage went on again, there came early in the morning a post of six _Arabians_ on horseback to the river side to inquire of us whither their King was gone, or where we thought they might find him; they had received letters for him from the Sultan, wherefore they must follow him until they found him. The master of our ship told them, as he did to every body that ask’d him, that we had seen him in _Mesopotamia_, which province he call’d _Amanachar_, that he was broken up with his Men to go back into _Arabia_, where they would find him. After this relation they departed, and we went on our way, and soon saw below a town to our right at a distance, call’d _Seccard_, very well situated on an ascent, belonging to the King of _Arabia_, wherefore some of the _Turks_ said, that none but _Haramiquiber_, that is, _great Thieves_, lived in it, which they do out of spight to all them that are subject to any other master than their Sultan. This town we ed by, and went directly towards _Deer_ another town, whence we were then three leagues distant, yet they do not their distances by leagues, for they know little or nothing of it, but rather reckon by days journeys, for their towns are so situated at such a distance, that they have sometimes to go through divers wildernesses, several days, more or less, before they arrive there. Before we came thither, one of the ships in our company did go too much towards one side, toward a branch of the river, that runs by the town, for it divideth itself into several branches, where it got into the mud and stuck. Our master seeing this, landed immediately, and did send his men to help them. So I got time to look about for the strange plants, and found there about the river many Tamarisk-trees, also a peculiar sort of Willow, which the inhabitants still call by it’s ancient _Arabian_ name _Garb_. These trees do not grow high, but spread very much; the twigs thereof are stronger and not so tough, as to make bands or withs as ours will; the bark is of a pale yellow colour, and so are the leaves, which are long and about two fingers broad, and at the edges round about crenated, so that they are very much differing from the rest of this kind. I found them to be of a pretty drying and astringent quality. Of their flowers and fruit, whereof _Avicenna_ maketh mention in his 126th and 686th chap. I can say nothing, because I saw none. Hereabouts the _Turk_, that would not stay until we were cleared, but went away before us, suffer’d shipwreck, and so lost a great deal of his corn, that he intended to carry to _Bagdat_, call’d _Baldac_, to sell it in the great scarcity, which was occasion’d for want of rain, for there fell none in the space of two years and an a half. And yet, as they say, if it raineth but twice or thrice a year, they have enough to supply themselves. After our men had wrought longer than an hour together with theirs, until they had emptied the ships, they came to us again to go that night to _Deer_. But there being several rocks before it, which were very dangerous to , some of their pilots, that understood the depths, came out to meet, and did help us, so that we got safe there. The town of _Deer_, which is not very big, and belongs to the Sultan, is situated on this side of the river, on an ascent, and is pretty well built with houses, (whereon stood great numbers of people when we into it, to see us) but as for the walls and ditches, they are but very slight. At our first arrival, we thought we should soon get clear for the custom with the Armin, and ship off again, but he was not in town, so that we were forced to stay three days for his coming. In the mean time we got acquaintance with the inhabitants, which were handsome, lusty and well set, and white, and more mannerly than the rest; they visited us frequently, and spoke kindly to us, so that we found a vast difference between those and the former. The Armin also, who was no less civil, we presented at his return, with a great dish fill’d up with Cibebs, and several sorts of confectures, and laid round about with soap-balls, as is the fashion in these countries; but to them that were with him and of his family, we gave some sheets of white paper, which they willingly received, and were so well pleased with it, that some of them (as the children do in our country, when we give them something that is strange or pleasing to them) smiled at it as often as they look’d on it. The country thereabouts is pretty fertile and plentiful of corn, _Indian_ millet, cotton, _&c._ and they have also between the rivers very good gardens for the kitchen, with all sorts of plants and fruits in them, _viz._ Colliflowers, Citruls, Pumpions, Cucumbers, Anguries or Water-melons, which they call _Bathiecæ_, whereof they have so many that you may buy forty great ones for one Asper, whereof three make a Medin, much about the value of our penny. There were also some Date-trees, Limon and Citron, and other trees, which I could not distinguish at a distance. CHAP. V. _Of our Voyage to the famous town ~Ana~, in which we ed again through great sandy wildernesses; for the performance thereof we must provide ourselves with victuals, and be very careful in our navigation: Some relation of the inhabitants, of their cloaths, and other things we did observe and see by the way, and what else did happen unto us._ After we had paid the custom to the Armin, who was a great deal more civil than he at _Racka_, and provided ourselves with all necessaries, we did but half load our ships, to draw them out of the branch again into the river, and then we carry’d the rest to them by boats and small ships, for the water was very low and full of mud, so that we went from thence on the fourth day of _October_ in the evening, and so staid all night, a little below _Deer_. The next morning our navigation proceeded very well till noon, when we came to a very broad and shallow place of the river, that our master did not know which way to get through. When he was thus troubled and considering, there appeared on the hight on the shoar some _Arabians_, and shewed us the course we must take, but we durst not trust them, for we had heard before that they had sunk some great stones there, and that a month before they had persuaded a ship to go that way which did not discover their cheat, until their ship after several hard knocks did split in pieces and sink. The same they would have served others, which, although they did not follow their counsel yet they came into such danger, that they could not deliver themselves out of it in a whole days time. We (thanks be to God) got sooner through than in an hour, after we had drawn our ship a little back into the deep stream to the great iration of the _Arabians_: But the other in our company did not stick much longer, yet we had more to do to get her off, because she was shorter with a hollow bottom, wherefore she was sooner turned, but could not be got out so well as ours which was flat bottom’d. In the evening very early we saw at a great distance on the other side in _Mesopotamia_, a castle in the plain called _Sere_, which the _Arabians_, as they say, have many years ago demolished, which the river _Chabu_, which is pretty large, runs by, which beginneth not much above the castle (which one may guess by it’s fresh water like unto fountain-water) and runs a little way below into the river _Euphrates_. From thence we thought to have reached _Errachaby_, a town belonging to the King of _Arabia_, but being hindred in our navigation, as is abovementioned, we landed a little above this before the night befel us, and went the next morning early to the before-mentioned town, which was pretty large, and lay about half a league from the river in a very fruitful country, where we staid until the next day to sell some goods there. Wherefore two of ours went into the town to call out some of their Merchants to trade with them. After they had spent that whole day with them, we went off the next morning early toward _Schara_, a little village which lieth on the right hand half a league distant from the river belonging to the King of _Arabia_, where we landed to pay the usual custom. All about the sides and the river, I saw a great many bushes and trees. I would fain have been at them to discern what they were, that I might have viewed them exactly, but I was forced to stay in the ship and so I missed them. From _Schara_ our navigation went on for several days very well, but chiefly through sandy desarts which were as large as any we had before ed; for they extended sometimes so far, that we could not see the end of them; and they were so dry, that you could see neither plough, land nor meadow, tree, nor bush, leaf, nor grass, nor path to go in; wherefore these may very well be called desarts, which are also called the sandy seas. First you must expect there great storms, as well as in the seas, which cause waves in the sand as well as at sea; then those that go in great caravans through them, must have their leader or pilot, by them called _Caliphi_, as well as those at sea, who knows how to direct their way by the com, as pilots do on shipboard. Then they provide themselves, because the way is very long through them, with victuals for a long time, as well as those that go by sea, wherefore they load generally the third part of their camels with provisions, chiefly with water to refresh themselves and their beasts in the great heat of the sun, for throughout all the desarts there is never a spring to be found, except one should light by chance on a cistern, which yet are also generally dry, for nothing but the rain filleth them. The _Turkish_ Emperors have ordered 30000 of these cisterns to be dug in the ground in these desarts (as I was informed when I was at _Aleppo_) and to be provided with water, that their armies when they marched from place to place in those times when they had war with the Kings of _Persia_ or _Arabia_, _&c._ might not want for water, and if one should be empty they might perhaps find some in the others. In these wildernesses I saw nothing worth speaking of, but on the 9th of _October_, some ancient turrets that stood upon the high banks on a point called _Eusy_, where, as some say, hath been formerly a famous town. Thereabouts the river taketh so large a circumference, that we went longer than half a day, before we could it. By the same river below us, we saw on the other side of it several _Arabians_ on horseback; and nothing else remarkable, but as I have told you before, some small huts of the _Moors_, who came to see us often, but chiefly at night time to pilfer something, which they are used to from their infancy. Wherefore it behoved us to have great care, and to keap a good watch, as I did find it the same night: For when it was come to my turn to stand centinel again, which I commonly did in the hindermost part of the ship on high, that I might espy the thieves the sooner if any should come, I laid down by me a good cudgel, as we all used to do every time, so I lay down and wrap’d myself up in a frize coat with hanging sleeves to it, to keep myself from the frost and dew, which are very frequent and violent there. After long watching, I began to be drowsy and fell asleep, a thief came through the water to the ship, where I was laid down very silently, and took hold of one of my sleeves that hung down, in hopes to draw out the coat gently, not knowing that I was in it: So I was sensible that somebody was there that would steal the coat, and got up, and seeing the head of the rogue, I took hold of my long cudgel to have a blow at him; but he was too nimble for me, swam back and ran away: The rest that lay by me were awakened at this, and did perceive that I had seen somebody, but did not know the particulars, so they were very glad that I had frightened away the thief, and gave me thanks for my great care and diligent watching. As the _Moors_ by night follow their robbery, so they came by daylight often with their wives to trade with us. Wherefore our master sometimes to please some Merchants did sooner land, who took all sorts of goods out with him, as soap-balls, beads of chrystal, and yellow agates, glass rings of several colours, which they wear on their hands and feet; and several other toys made of red, yellow, green and blue glass; and set in tin, brass, or lead, high shoes, which are tied with leathern straps at the top, _&c._ for these goods they truck’d with the _Moors_ for sheep’s skins, buck’s skins, cheese-curds, and several other things, and sometimes for money. These _Moors_ do not differ much in their form from our gypsies, only that these are a good deal browner. They are very nimble in their actions, but they do not much care to work; they rather spend their time in idle discourses, or begin to quarrel with one another with loud and big words, and a great clamour, but seldom are so much in earnest as to come blows. Their heads are shaved saving only the crown, where they let generally a long lock grow, like unto the _Turks_, that hangeth down behind. As to their cloathing, they wear coats made of course stuff, whole before, and without sleeves; they are pretty long before, and reach to their knees, such an one I wore on my journey, striped with white and black; underneath they have long shirts, which are cut out about the necks and reach down to their ankles; they are commonly blue, and have wide sleeves which they let fly about chiefly in their walking, when they fling their arms about to shew their pride. These shirts they gird up with broad leathern girdles so high, that you cannot see the girdle but only their bended dagger that sticks or hangs in them as we wear our swords. The archers put sometimes one of their arms out of their shirts, and so leave their breast bare at the same time, that they may shoot and fight the freer without being hindred; those that are not able to buy shoes, take instead of them necks of undressed skins, and put them about their feet with the hair outwards, and so tie or lace them up. The men wear no breeches, but the women do, and they come down to their ankles. Their faces are not veiled as the _Turkish_ womens, but else they cover themselves with broad scarfs, which more incline to blue than to white, and let them (chiefly those that wear narrow ones) hang behind in a great knot. When they have a mind to be fine, they put on their precious things, as are marbles, amber beads, glasses of several colours, _&c._ fixed to laces and hang them down their temples, which come down about a span long, and fly about from face to neck, so that in bending or moving their head, they often hurt their face, and do not a little hinder them in their actions. Those that are of greater substance, and have a mind to be richer and finer in their dress, wear silver and gold rings in one of their nostrils (as some do in one of their ears in our country) wherein are set garnets, turquois, rubies and pearls, _&c._ They also wear rings about their legs and hands, and sometimes a good many together, which in their stepping and working, slip up and down about their hands and feet, and so make a great noise. So much I thought convenient to relate of the inhabitants of these countries and desarts, as I have seen and found it. After we had ed through the great desarts, and began to come pretty near unto _Ana_, our master landed early in the evening in a very pleasant place which was about a league and a half on this side of the town where we staid all night; for the river is very dangerous to navigate because of it’s swift current and some rocks that lie between the mountains. This place was so pleasant by reason of it’s fruitful trees, _viz._ olive trees, orange, citron, limon, pomegranate, and chiefly date trees, that the like I had not seen before in my travels, and hard by it was a very thick wood of date trees, whereinto I went with some of our company, and found so great a quantity of fruit that they did not esteem them at all, and among them we found two new sorts different from them that use to be brought to us in our countries, _viz._ quite red, and yellow ones, by _Serapio_ called _Hayron_, in his 69th chapter; which although something less than ours, yet are very good, and of a delicate taste. The next morning we recommended the ship to the master, and walked (the ship being pretty well laden) to the town. By the way we found concerning fruitfulness so great a difference, that we could really say, we were come from the barren and desolated _Arabia_ (which hitherto had continued from _Dir_, nay very near from _Aleppo_) into the well cultivated and fruitful one. For just in the very entrance there appeared fields sown with cotton, which was as tender and woolly, as one could any where find: Then delicate fields of corn which grew very high, and was full ripe, and fit to be cut down: Then trees that stood round about full of fruit, so that we had a very pleasant walk to the town. In this way I saw no strange plants at all, only in the corn the _Moluchi_ of the _Arabians_, whereof I have made mention before, which is esteemed to be the _Corcorum Plinii_; and also another, which because of it’s height is easily seen; this is very like unto the _Sesamum_, only that the stalk is longer and fatter, the leaves are rougher, and the uppermost ones are cut in three different ones, which is not to be seen in the uppermost leaves of the _Sesamum_, the leaves whereof are more like unto willow leaves both in length and colour: Between the leaves that stand singly about the stalk one above the other, sprout out stately flowers, which are yellow without, and intermix’d with red veins, and of a purple brown colour within, and have a long style or pointel in the middle thereof; when these are fallen off, there grow long pods out of them, about a finger long and thin, which are hairy without, pointed towards the top, and have five distinctions within, wherein the seeds are contained (which are very like unto the sort of malva that is called _Abutilon_) and are placed in good order one above the other. I did very much enquire after this plant, but they know no other name for it, but _Lubie Endigi_, that is, _Indian_ kidney-beans: But according to my knowledge, I rather take it to be the _Trionum_, whereof _Theophrastus_ maketh mention in several places. The town _Ana_ is by the _Euphrates_ divided into two parts, or rather into two towns, whereof the one is not very big, and subject to the _Turk_, and is very well guarded with old walls, and so surrounded by the river, that you cannot go into it but by boats, but the other that lieth on this side belongeth to the King of _Arabia_, is very great, and very ill provided with walls and ditches, so that you may go in and out by night, as in all other towns belonging to him. This, and also the whole province, is called _Gimel_, and is fifteen days journey distant from _Aleppo_, and goeth down a great way the river, so that we had a good hour to go before we came to the house of our master, which was near the harbour, where our ship did lie. The houses are built with brick and stone walls, and very well done; and we could hardly see one on either side but what had a garden to it, planted with dates, lemon, citron and pomegranate trees, with delicate fruit in it. At the other side on left in _Mesopotamia_, I saw nothing but some summer houses standing about the hills. By the way before we came to _Ana_, I observed very well that some of our company (to whom I was by an outlandish man recommended) left me, and began to contrive with the master, who was born in that town, to accuse me by a second hand, that they might not be seen in it, as a spy before the magistrates, pretending that I observed all towns and places accurately, and had a mind to betray them at my opportunity; which they chiefly did to frighten me, and so to get the sooner some good booty out of me. In order whereunto, some of them went to the Sub-Bashaw, and obtained presently of him to send one of his servants with them, which came to me in the long street, having some iron chains and fetters in his hands, which he let hang down upon the ground, and led me along; so that I presently understood that they had an ill intention against me, which they intended to execute. So I went along with him to see what they would do with me; when they came to the harbour, they gave me leave to go into the ship, and to stay there until I heard more of them. So they soon agreed together, and told me, chiefly one of them that was on horseback in a long furr’d coat, that if I would be at liberty, I must pay to the Sub-Bashaw 500 ducats. When I was considering these things, and saw myself also quite left alone, and their demands so extraordinary unreasonable, and found myself in this great necessity and danger, it came into my mind, that there was another magistrate in the other town _Ana_, at the other side of the river, which was a _Turkish_ one, to whom I would make my complaint of their unjust and unreasonable imposition, to see whether I might not find help and assistance of them; wherefore I provided myself with my , and fitted myself so in cloaths that I might be able to swim, so that if they should assault me to take hold of me, I might soon make my escape over the river without any opposition or hindrance. At length, when they expected my answer, and the money, I told them my intention plainly and clearly, which put them into greater fright and fear than they had put me in before. Wherefore they gave over their unjust demands, and desired of the 500 ducats no more but a single one, which they were forced to give to the servant of the Sub-Bashaw for the pains he had taken. CHAP. VI. _Which way we travelled from ~Ana~ farther to old ~Babylon~, by some ancient towns called ~Hadidt~, ~Juppe~, ~Idt~, and saw more pleasant, fruitful and well cultivated fields on each side than before._ After the designed storm that should have befallen me was over, and I by the power of the almighty God delivered, as it hath pleased him to do with a great many more, which would be too long to relate all here, we immediately departed from thence on the 15th of _October_. A little below it we found a fruitful and well cultivated country, and some fine houses standing here and there so near together, that before we ed one we could see another, which had also their orchards and kitchen gardens, and round about them fine woods of date trees and many others, which I could not discern because it was too far off; so that we found a great alteration, and our wilderness, wherein chiefly at a distance from the river, we hardly saw a tree in a whole day, changed at the lower end of the town into a fertile soil: Wherefore our voyage was very pleasant to us, for we had also less danger to fear from the _Arabians_. But our master was very much troubled, because the river was often stopp’d up at the sides with great stones that made the river swell, for there was a great number of large and high water engines or wheels, therefore these stones were laid to lead the stream to them to make them work, for it often happened that two of them stood close together, which took up so much of the river, that we had hardly room to by them in the middle of the stream, wherefore he was forced to have great care, to find the right way where he might without danger. The reason why these water-wheels are so much in use is, because this river doth not over flow (as the river _Nilus_) to water the grounds, neither doth it rain enough here sufficiently to moisten the seeds and garden-plants, that they be not burnt by the great heat of the sun, wherefore they must look out for such means, as will supply this want. To do this they erect water-wheels (whereof three or four stand behind one another) in the river, which go night and day, and dip up water out of the river, which is emptied into peculiar canals, that are prepared on purpose, to water all the ground. But if the places lie not conveniently, or the shore be too high to erect such wheels, they make instead of them bridges and peculiar engines, that are turned by a couple of bullocks, to bring the water up, with great leathern buckets, which are wide at top and narrow at bottom. This land being so fruitful, we soon found, to our great pleasure, great quantities of delicate fruit, sold for a small matter of money, and among the rest chiefly _Indian_ musk-melons, that were very well tasted. When we came farther we had generally even ground at both sides, and not a few fields, the most part whereof were sown with _Indian_ Millet, for they sow more of this than of wheat or barley, for the land is pretty deep, wherein the corn would not grow so well. This Millet was just fit to be cut down, and in some places they had it in already. It shoots up into a high stalk about six, seven, or eight cubits high, the leaves thereof are like unto the _Indian_ corn, or sugar-reeds, which I took it for at first, and that because the inhabitants did chaw it as well as the sugar-canes, because of the sweet and pleasant juice (which is more in the upper part of the cane, whereas that of the sugar-canes, is more in the lower) which they draw out of it, untill I saw at length their white hairy tops sprout out, which are large and not unlike to the _Italian_ Millet. These are full of whitish grains each of which sticks between two broad flying leaves, of the bigness of those of the _Orabus_, yet somewhat more compressed at the sides. Hereof they bake very well-tasted bread and cakes, and some of them are rowled very thin, and laid together like unto a letter, so that they are about four inches broad, six long, and two thick; they are of an ashen colour. The inhabitants call it still at this day by it’s ancient _Arabian_ name _Dora_, whereof _Rhasis_ maketh mention. He that will may read more of it in authors. Our voyage went on very well; wherefore the Merchants began several pastimes, some did play at a play called the Eighteenth, and others played at Chess, in which two games they were very well versed; others spent their time in reading and singing. Among the rest there was a Merchant from _Balsara_, that sung out of his _Koran_ (which was put into rhymes in the common _Arabick_) several times with a loud and delicate voice; so that I took great delight in hearing him. Yet they were not so hot in their gaming or jesting, that they should therefore forget the hour of their prayers, chiefly their divines that were in orders, which used to call them out with a loud voice, at the usual hour, either in the ship, or without in the desarts, if they could have convenient time and opportunity. But among the _Persians_ I found a greater zeal and earnestness, than among the _Turks_ or _Moors_, all which nations have notwithstanding the same ceremonies in their prayers. For as they have chiefly five hours of praying, whereof three are in the day-time; _viz._ the first about noon, the second about three, and the third when the sun begins to set; the two others in the night, one in the morning an hour and half before the sun riseth, and the second after sun set when the firmament begins to look white and the stars to appear: So the _Persians_ would not be hindered, by the darkness of the night, danger of the place, inconveniency of the time, to go out, when the others were asleep, on the ground in the island where we were landed, and say their prayers with such an earnestness and devotion, as I have often seen it, that the tears run out of their eyes: I must also needs say that they keep closer and stricter to their laws than almost any other nation, which forbid them to drink wine, and command them to live in poverty, and to watch and pray continually. The eighteenth day of _October_ we came early to _Hadidt_, a pretty large, yet anciently built, town, belonging to the King of _Arabia_, which is also divided into two towns by the river _Euphrates_, like unto _Ana_, whereof the greater part lieth on this side of the river. Here the master payed for his ship two _Sayet_ (one whereof is about three pence in our country) to the customers, and so set sail again, to try whether he could reach that night to _Juppe_. And he did oftner than ever before, speak to his men to pull on (chiefly where the river in it’s breadth and depth was almost like unto the sea) so that at night pretty late we arrived at _Juppe_, a pleasant and well built town belonging to the _Turks_, and it is also divided into two parts, whereof one lieth in the middle of the river on a high ground, at the top whereof is a fortress, so that the town is pretty well defended: The other (which is rather bigger) lieth on the left in _Mesopotamia_, wherein are many fine orchards belonging to the houses, full of high date-trees, _&c._ wherefore the Merchants spent half a day there to buy dates, almonds, and figs to carry with them into the inns; the same they did at _Idt_ another great town of the _Turks_, on the right-hand of the _Euphrates_ situate on a high ground, where we arrived on the 20th of _October_ at night in very good time, and gave them instead thereof soap-balls, knives, and paper, _&c._ After which goods they have often enquired of us; and we have given them sometimes some sheets of white paper, which they received with great joy, and returned us many thanks for them. After our Merchants had sufficiently stored themselves with these goods, and our master had pay’d the duty for his two ships, he put off about noon on the 21st of _October_ and went away. About the evening we saw at this side of the river a mill, and also the next day another, whereby were several old walls, doors and arches, _&c._ whereby I conjecture that formerly there stood a town. These two mills, as I was informed, were two powder-mills that make gun-powder for the _Turkish_ Emperor, and send it to him in caravans, together with other merchandizes through the dominions of the King of _Arabia_, wherefore he must as well as other Merchants, pay duty (for that liberty) and toll or custom. The gun-powder is not made from salt-peter, as our is, but out of another juice, which they take from a tree that is reckon’d to be a kind of willow; known to the _Persians_ by the name of _Fer_, and to the _Arabians_ by _Garb_, as I have mentioned above. Besides this they take the small twigs of these trees together with the leaves, and burn them to powder, which they put into water to separate the salt from it, and so make gun-powder thereof, yet this is nothing near so strong as ours. _Pliny_ chiefly testifieth this in his 31st book and 10th chapter, where he saith that in former days they have made Niter of oak-trees, (which certainly he hath taken these to be, for they are pretty like oaks) but that it hath been given over long before now. Which is very probable, chiefly because the consumption thereof was not so great, before they found out guns, as it is now since they have been found out. Further on the water-side, on the high banks, I saw an innumerable many coloquints grow and hang down, which at a distance I could not well know, until they called them by their ancient _Arabick_ name _Handbel_, whereby they still to this day are known to the inhabitants. After we had navigated a great way several days one after another, through even grounds, and in a good road, we arrived at length on the 24th day of _October_, at night, near to _Felugo_ or _Elugo_, a little village called so, and with it the whole province. [Illustration] CHAP. VII. _Of old ~Babylon~ the metropolis of ~Chaldee~, and it’s situation, and how it is still to this day, after it’s terrible desolation to be seen, with the tower or turret, and the old ruined walls, lying in the dust._ The village _Elugo_ lyeth on the place where formerly old _Babylon_, the metropolis of _Chaldee_, did stand; the harbour lyeth a quarter of a league off, whereinto those use to go, that intend to travel by land, to the famous trading city of _Bagdet_, (which is situated farther to the east on the river _Tygris_, at a day and a half’s distance). At this harbour is the place where the old town of _Babylon_ did stand, but at this time there is not a house to be seen, whereinto we could go with our goods and stay till our departure. We were also forced to unload our merchandises into an open place, as if we had been in the midst of the desarts, and to pay toll under the open sky, which belongeth to the _Turks_. This country is so dry and barren, that it cannot be tilled, and so bare, that I should have doubted very much, whether this potent and powerful city (which once was the most stately and famous one of the world, situated in the pleasant and fruitful country of _Sinar_) did stand there if I should not have known it by it’s situation, and several ancient and delicate antiquities that still are standing hereabouts in great desolation. First by the old bridge, which was laid over the _Euphrates_ (which also is called _Sud_ by the prophet _Baruch_ in his first chapter) whereof there are some pieces and arches still remaining, and to be seen at this very day a little above where we landed. These arches are built of burnt brick, and so strong, that it is irable; and that so much the more, because all along the river as we came from _Bir_, where the river is a great deal smaller, we saw never a bridge, wherefore I say it is irable which way they could build a bridge here, where the river is at least half a league broad, and very deep besides. Near the bridge are several heaps of _Babylonian_ pitch, to pitch ships withal, which is in some places grown so hard, that you may walk over it, but in others that which hath been lately brought thither is so soft, that you may see every step you make in it. Something farther; just before the village _Elugo_, is the hill whereon the castle did stand in a plain, whereon you may still see some ruins of the fortification, which is quite demolished and uninhabited: Behind it pretty near to it, did stand the tower of _Babylon_, which the children of _Noah_ (who first inhabited these countries after the deluge) began to build up unto heaven; this we see still, and it is half a league in diameter, but it is so mightily ruined, and low, and so full of vermin that hath bored holes through it, that one may not come near it within half a mile, but only in two months in the winter, when they come not out of their holes. Among these Insects, there are chiefly some, in the _Persian_ language called _Eglo_ by the inhabitants, that are very poisonous; they are (as others told me) bigger than our lizards, and have[2] three heads, and on their back several spots of several colours, which have not only taken possession of the tower, but also of the castle (which is not very high) and the spring-well, that is just underneath it, so that they cannot live upon the hill, nor dare not drink of the water (which is wholesome for the lambs.) _This is Romance._ From this tower, at two leagues distance eastward, lieth the strong town _Traxt_, which was formerly call’d _Apamia_, mention’d by _Pliny_ in book VI. chap. 26, 27, between the _Tygris_ and _Euphrates_, those two great rivers of Paradise, whereof is made mention in the second chapter of _Genesis_; which two rivers not far below it meet together, and are there united. The town _Traxt_ is surrounded with ditches, and very well defended by two strong citadels, that lie on each side thereof, so that it is as it were, a key and doorway into the kingdom of _Persia_, to which it doth also belong, as others not far from thence, _viz._ _Orthox_, _Laigen_, which lie on the road towards _Media_; and also _Goa_, which lieth a league and an half at the other side of the _Tygris_, and _Axt_, two leagues farther still, in the way to _Persia_. The next day, being the 25th of _October_, we spent in bespeaking of camels and asses to load our goods upon, and after we were quite ready, we broke up the day following early in the morning with the whole caravan, to travel to _Bagdat_. In the beginning the ways were very rough, by the stones and ruins that lie still from thence dispersed. But after we were ed the castle and also the town of _Daniel_, the dry desarts began again, where nothing was to be seen but thorns, neither men nor beasts, neither caves nor tents, so that a man that knoweth the ways never so well, hath enough to do to find them through it, which I did often observe in our guide or Caliphi, who did several times, because there was neither way nor mark neither of men nor beasts to be found, very much doubt which way to turn himself, and so he did more than once turn sometimes toward one, than towards the other side the whole caravan. By the way we saw in the plain many large, ancient, high, and stately buildings, arches, and turrets standing in the sand, which is very fine, and lieth close together, as you find it in the valleys, here and there, whereof many were decay’d and lay in ruins; some to look upon were pretty entire, very strong, adorn’d with artificial works, so that they were very well worth being more narrowly look’d into. Thus they stand solitary and desolated, save only the steeple of _Daniel_, which is intire, built of black stones, and is inhabited still unto this day; this is in height and building something like unto our steeple of the Holy Cross church, or of St _Maurice_ in _Augsburg_; on which as it stands by itself, you may see all the ruins of the old _Babylonian_ tower, the castle-hill, together with the stately buildings, and the whole situation of the old town very exactly. After we had travell’d for twelve hours through desolate places, very hard, so that our camels and asses began to be tired under their heavy burdens, we rested and lodged ourselves near to an ascent, we and our beasts, to refresh ourselves, and so to stay there till night, and to break up again in the middle thereof, that we might come to _Bagdat_ before sun-rising. The mean while, when we were lodged there, I consider’d and view’d this ascent, and found that there was two behind one another, distinguish’d by a ditch, and extending themselves like unto two parallel walls a great way about, and that they were open in some places, where one might go through like gates; wherefore I believe that they were the walls of the old town, whereof _Pliny_ says that they were two hundred foot high, and fifty broad, that went about there, and that the places where they were open, have been anciently the gates of that town, whereof there were a hundred iron ones; and this the rather, because I saw in some places under the sand, wherewith the two ascents were almost cover’d, the old wall plainly appear. So we found ourselves to be just lodged without the walls of that formerly so famous kingly city, which now with it’s magnificent and glorious buildings, is quite desolated and lieth in the dust, so that every one that eth through it, in regard of them, hath great reason to ire with astonishment, when he considers, that this city, which hath been so glorious an one, and in which the greatest monarchs and kings that ever were (_Nimrod_, _Belus_, and after him King _Merodach_ and his posterity to _Balthasar_ the last) have had their seats and habitations, is now reduced to such a desolation and wilderness, that the very shepherds cannot abide to fix their tents there to inhabit it. So that here is a most terrible example to all impious and haughty tyrants, shewn in _Babylon_, which may be sure, that if they do not give over in time, and leave their tyranny, ceasing to persecute the innocent with war, sword, prison, and all other cruel and inhuman plagues, as these did the people of God the _Israelites_, that God the Almighty will also come upon them, and for their transgressions punish them in his anger, for God is a jealous God, that at long run, will not endure the pride of tyrants, nor leave unpunish’d the potentates that afflict his people; wherefore be sure, he will also in them the prophecies which he had utter’d by the Prophet _Isaiah_, in his thirteenth chapter, and _Jeremiah_ in the fifty first, against those insolent and haughty _Babylonians_. As I ed by, I found some thorns growing in the sand, _viz._ the Acacia, call’d _Agul_, whereon, chiefly in _Persia_, the Manna falls, whereof I have made mention before: Above all I found in great plenty some strange kinds of Cali of _Serapio_, of Coloquints. When evening fell in, and the night did approach, our mockeries that drove the asses, made themselves ready again for our journey; who kept every thing together, in good order, and were so quick in loading and unloading, that they were ready in less than a quarter of an hour. By the way I saw again several antiquities, but the night falling in I lost them; so we went on a-pace in darkness, so that we did arrive at _Bagdat_, by some call’d _Baldac_, two hours before day. In the morning, which was the twenty seventh of _October_, I and one of my comrades took our lodging at an eminent Merchant’s house, that belonged to _Aleppo_, and was lately come from the _Indies_; he received us kindly, and very readily, and kept us for four days, when we took a shop in the great camp of the _Turkish_ Bashaw, in the other town, on the other side of the _Tygris_, which we went into. [Illustration] CHAP. VIII. _Of the famous city of ~Bagdat~, called ~Baldac~; of it’s situation, strange plants, great traffic, and Merchants of several nations that live there, together with several other things I saw and did learn at my departing._ The town _Bagdat_, belonging to the _Turkish_ Emperor, is situated on the most easterly part of his dominions, on the rapid river _Tygris_, and the confines of _Persia_, in a large plain, almost like unto _Basiel_ on the _Rhine_, it is divided into two parts, which are rather bigger than _Basiel_, but nothing near so pleasant, nor so well built, for the streets thereof are pretty narrow, and many houses so miserably built that some of them are down to the first story, and others lie quite in ruins. The case is the same with the churches, which for age look black, and are so much decay’d, that you shall hardly find a whole one; whereon are still several old _Arabian_, or rather _Chaldean_ inscriptions to be seen, cut out in stone, by the means whereof many antiquities of the town might have been truly explain’d, but I could not only not read them, but could get no body that could interpret them to me. These are some buildings that are worth seeing, as the camp of the _Turkish_ Bashaw, and the great Batzar or Exchange beyond the river in the other town, and the Baths which are not to be compared with those of _Aleppo_ and _Tripoli_, for they are at the bottom and on the walls done over with pitch, which maketh them so black and dark, that even in the day time, you have but little light. There being two towns, one of them which lieth on this side is quite open, so that you may go in and out by night without any molestation; wherefore it should rather be call’d a village great than a town; but the other that lieth towards _Persia_ on the confines of _Assyria_, is very well fortifieth with walls and ditches, chiefly towards the _Tygris_, where there are also some towers, two whereof are within by the gates that lead towards the water side, to guard them, and between them are the old high walls of the town, whereon on the top are stately writings, with golden letters, each whereof is about a foot long, to be seen; the true meaning thereof I would fain have learned, but for want of understanding and interpreters, I could not obtain it, but was forced to go without it. Near unto it there is a bridge made of boats, that reacheth over the _Tygris_ into the other town, which in that place is about as broad as the _Rhine_ is at _Strasburg_, and because of it’s rapid stream so dark and dull, that it is a dismal sight to look upon it, and may easily turn a man’s head and make him giddy. This river runneth not much below the town into the _Euphrates_, and so they run mixt together into the _Persian_ gulf, by the town _Balsara_, which is six days journey distance from thence eastwards. These two towns as is said, at the river _Tygris_, were many years agone built out of the ruinated city of _Babylon_, whereof the one on the other side of the river is ed to be the town of _Seleucia_ of _Babylon_, and that on this side, which is more like unto an open village, is believed to be the town _Ctesiphonta_. _Strabo_, in book XV, doth testify this, when he writes thus of them: That _Babylon_ hath formerly been the metropolis of _Assyria_, and that after it’s devastation, the town of _Seleucia_, situated upon the _Tygris_, near which was a great village, wherein the king of the _Parthians_ did keep his residence for the winter. _Pliny_ maketh also mention thereof in his sixth book, and in the twenty sixth and twenty seventh chapter, _viz._ That the two towns of _Seleucia_ of _Babylon_, and _Ctesiphonta_, were built out of the ruins of the old city, and that the river _Tygris_ runs between them. In the town _Seleucia_, stands in a large place, the castle, which is without guarded neither with walls nor ditches, nor is quite finish’d within. Before it lie some pieces of ordnance in the road, which are so daubed with dirt, that they are almost quite covered. In it dwelleth the _Turkish_ Bashaw, who, when he understood that two strangers were come into his camp, sent for us, and had us before him by his men; along with us went freely an _Armenian_, whom we had known formerly at _Aleppo_, to assist us, and to be our interpreter, to give the Bashaw a good and sufficient of us. When we came into the room of the Bashaw, which was but very ordinary, yet spread with delicate tapestry and well adorned, and appeared with accustom’d reverences, he ask’d us, sitting in his costly yellow colour’d long gown, by one of his servants, in _French_, which he did not understand very well, from what places we came, what merchandizes we had brought with us, and whither we intended to go. After we had punctually answered him to each question, yet he was not satisfy’d, but bid us to withdraw, and stay until we heard his answer. We understood his meaning very well, that it was only to scrue a present out of us, yet we would not understand it, but shew’d him our , subscrib’d both by the Bashaw and the Cadi of _Aleppo_, to try whether that would give him content. So he took it and read it over, and look’d very diligently upon their seals, as they use to seal, after they had dipp’d it first into ink, so that all but the letter is black. When he found them right, and did not know any more to say to us, he let us go, then we made him his reverence again, and so we went backwards out of his lodgings, for if you turn your back to any one, altho’ it be a far meaner person, they take it as a great uncivility, rudeness, and disparagement. This Bashaw keeps a great garrison in the town of _Bagdat_, because it lieth on the confines of _Susiana_, _Media_, &c. which are provinces belonging to the King of _Persia_, and the Grand Signior hath nothing more towards the east of it to command. His greatest dominions are the wildernesses of the desart of _Arabia_, whereof the _Turk_ hath one part, but the other, and the biggest, belongs to the King of _Arabia_. After the Bashaw had given us leave to go, we went to our lodgings again, and bought by the way in the Batzar some provision to eat, and to boil for supper, for in these countries are no inns to be found, whereinto one may go, and find a dinner ready prepared for chance-customers, as in our country is done, except one would go into a cook’s shop, whereof there are a great many in the Batzars; but every one boileth for himself what he hath a mind to, without doors, before his lodgings, where there is a chimney for that purpose; so that in the morning, and at night when it is time to eat, you see every where in the allies of the camp several fires. When we went to eat we were forced, because in these chambers is neither table, nor stools, nor bench, to sit down on the ground, and also lie upon it all night, so that our cloaks were very useful to us, to serve us instead of a bed, chiefly in the winter, to keep us warm; yet the winter is not very severe in those countries, which you may conclude, for that our March-flowers, Narcissus’s, Hyacinths, Violets, _&c._ were here full in flowers in the month of _December_; and that the farmers went to plough at that time; wherefore I judge that their winter is like unto our spring. When we lived at _Bagdat_, I found by our catering, that the scarcity was still very considerable, and it would have been more, and have increased, if the towns that lie above it on the _Euphrates_ and _Tygris_, and chiefly _Mossel_, which formerly went by the name of _Nineveh_, had not sent them great supplies, as did also those of _Carahemit_, _&c._ which supply they have also almost always at any other time occasion for, for their cultivated grounds are chiefly in _Mesopotamia_, where they have almost none at all, so that there groweth not enough to maintain themselves; wherefore the two rivers are very necessary to them, not only to provide them with victuals, as corn, wine, fruit, _&c._ but also to bring to them all sorts of merchandizes, whereof many ship-loads are brought in daily. So that in this town there is a great deposition of merchandizes, by reason of it’s commodious situation, which are brought thither by sea as well as by land from several parts, chiefly from _Natolia_, _Syria_, _Armenia_, _Constantinople_, _Aleppo_, _Damascus_, &c. to carry them farther into the _Indies_, _Persia_, &c. So it happened that during the time I was there, on the second day of _December_, in 1574 there arrived twenty five ships with spice and other precious drugs here, which came over sea from the _Indies_, by the way of _Ormutz_ to _Balsara_, a town belonging to the Grand _Turk_, situated on the frontiers, the farthest that he hath south-eastwards, within six days journey from hence, where they load their goods into small vessels, and so bring them to _Bagdat_, which journey, as some say, taketh them up forty days. Seeing that the age both by water and land, belongeth both to the King of _Arabia_ and Sophi of _Persia_, which also have their towns and forts on their confines, which might easily be stopt up by them, yet that notwithstanding all this they may keep good correspondence with one another, they keep pigeons, chiefly at _Balsara_, which in case of necessity might soon be sent back again with letters to _Bagdat_. When loaden ships arrive at _Bagdat_, the Merchant, chiefly those that bring spice, to carry through the desarts into _Turky_, have their peculiar places in the open fields without the town _Ctesiphon_, where each of them fixeth his tents, to put his spices underneath in sacks, to keep them there safe, until they have a mind to break up in whole caravans; so that at a distance one would rather believe that Soldiers were lodged in them, than Merchants; and rather look for arms than marchandizes: And so I thought myself before I came so near that I could smell them. Some of these Merchants that came with the same ships, came directly to our camp, and among the rest a Jeweller, who brought with him several precious stones, _viz._ Diamonds, Chalcedonies, which make incomparable hafts to daggers, Rubies, Topazes, Saphires, _&c._ the two first whereof he had procured in _Camboya_, and most of the rest in the island of _Zeylan_, whereof he shew’d us several very fine ones. The Merchants bring these along with them in great caravans, and keep them very close and private, that they may not be found out, at the custom-houses and be taken away from them which the Bashaws do constantly endeavour with all their might and power. For the _Turks_ do not love that precious stones should cost them money, for they are extraordinarily covetous, wherefore you find but a few among them, but if they can have them without cost, after the aforesaid manner they love them dearly, and keep them in great esteem. In the room of them other stones are sent into the _Indies_ again, Corals, Emeralds (which are bought best in _Egypt_) Saffron, Chermes-berries, and several sorts of fruit, as Cibebs, Dates, (which are so pliable and soft that you may pack them together in great lumps as they do Tamarinds) Figs, Almonds, and many others which I cannot now , and also several sorts of silks and _Turkish_ handkerchiefs: But above all, fine horses, whereof they send abundance into the _Indies_ by the way of _Persia_, but more by the way of _Ormutz_, wherefore the King of _Portugal_ received yearly a good sum of money for custom, _viz._ forty ducats for each, which the Merchants pay very freely, because that those that import horses (as I am informed) pay but half duty for their other goods at the custom-houses, and sell them besides with good profit. Some of these horses are also sent (because of their beauty and goodness) into _Syria_, _Natolia_, and to us into _Europe_, where they are sold or presented to Princes, and other great persons of quality. They feed their horses in these countries chiefly with barly and straw, so as it is broke by their threshing waggons, which they hang about their heads in sacks, as they do also about asses, rather than give it them in mangers as we do. For want of straw they sometimes litter them with a fine loose earth, which they afterwards throw by in heaps to make it clean again to serve another time. When, among other Merchants, Christians arrive from our countries at _Ormutz_, which happen’d very seldom, all those of them that have been any ways afflicted by the _Turks_, _Arabians_, or _Jews_, must appear before some certain officers of the King of _Portugal_, appointed for that purpose, and make their complaints to them, of what hath happen’d to them, or what damage they have received; and in case they should omit any thing, they are themselves severely punish’d. If then it appeareth, that one of them hath been cheated of his money, immediately some Merchants of the same nation although innocent, and knowing nothing of it, are flung into prison, where they must remain until they have made satisfaction to the utmost farthing, and are besides severely punish’d, for an example to others that they may take warning. But if a Christian should be murdered, and they come to know of it, then three or four of them, more or less, according to the manner of fact, must suffer and lose their lives for every Christians. From thence it cometh, when Merchants of many nations are going into a ship, in order to go to the _Indies_, by the way of _Ormutz_, where they must land upon penalty of confiscation of all their goods, that when first they put off, they look strangely upon one another, and take great notice of, or mind one another much, and say very little or nothing, not making themselves known, fearing that something may be had against them; and this endureth so long, until they are gone half the way, then they begin to be acquainted. Farther I understood, that the King of _Portugal_’s governor in the _Indies_ hath already, (to make himself strong and the more able for a war) made several of the chiefest and powerfullest _Indians_ knights or noblemen, to the number of 5000; and hath sent many Jesuits to reform these countries, to propagate their religion and to institute there the _Spanish_ inquisition. The _Indians_ are lank in body, brown in their colour, well shaped, and of a very good understanding; wherefore persons of quality, and Merchants love to buy them, and chuse them for their servants, being in their business very faithful, diligent and careful, as I have known many of them. These and many more nations, as _Turks_, _Moors_, _Armenians_, _Curters_, _Medians_, &c. which every one of them have their peculiar language, are at _Bagdat_ in great numbers, but chiefly the _Persians_; so when I was there, there arrived a caravan of three hundred, with camels and horses, _&c._ with an intention to go to _Mecca_, to give _Mahomet_ a visit, which they think, after _Hali_ and _Omar_, who were his companions and did live in that city, to be a very great man. These _Persians_ have a peculiar language, so much differing, that neither _Turks_ nor _Arabians_, nor other _Oriental_ nations can understand them, and so they are forced to make them understand their meaning by signs or an interpreter, as well as I and other strangers. They also have their peculiar characters. They sit well on horse-back, and have on long and white drawers, which serve them also for boots, and are very well furnish’d with scymeters, bows and darts: Instead of spurs, they have, as it is the fashion in those parts, pointed irons, which are about an inch and a half long, and are sowed to the hind part of their shoes. They are also call’d _Red Turks_, which I believe is, because they have behind on their turbants, red marks, as cotton ribbands, _&c._ with red brims, whereby they are sooner discerned from other nations. They may also be distinguish’d by their grey woollen coats, which have commonly three pleats behind, and come hardly down to their knees. They are a strong and valiant people, of a noble countenance and mind, very civil, and in their dealings upright. They are very wary in their undertakings, which you may see by this, that before they conclude a bargain, they take up more time to consider than others do two or three, which I have several times observed. Among other merchandizes they have delicate tapestry of several colours of cotton-work, in which they are great artists, and well skill’d, but as for others, as gold and silver working, _&c._ they understand little, and a great deal less of gilding, wherefore they take any thing that is glossy for gold. They love the Christians that are artists and ingenious in these sorts of works, and shew them all civilities. But as for the _Turks_, because great and bloody wars arise often between them, they hate them very much, and call them Heretics; 1. Because they will not esteem nor receive _Hali_ and _Omar_, which they denominate _Caliphi_, as the greatest and highest Prophets or Legates of God, that have, after _Mahomet_, given more certain and better laws. Wherefore they esteem them a great deal higher; nay, worship them like Gods. 2. Because that they as circumcised men, esteem their women to be unclean, and reckon them to be that are not to be saved, and therefore exclude them out of their churches, so that they may not appear there publickly, which by the _Persians_, according to their laws and ordinances, after they have spoke some words after them, are received as bless’d ones, and itted to come to their churches. From whence arise between these two nations great quarrels and differences sometimes, but yet they do not fall upon one another, nor make incursions in time of peace, so violently on the frontiers, as they do in _Hungary_; probably that one may (because negotiation goeth farther into _Persia_, and bringeth in great custom to the Grand Signior) trade the safer into these parts. It is cheap and very good travelling through these countries into the _Indies_, and the customs and duties are very easy. Farther I understood from others, that here and there in _Persia_ live several Christians, and that most of them are of the perswasion of _Prester-John_, whom they call _Amma_; and which way they are brought to it, I am thus informed, that formerly about twelve years agone, it did happen that the King of _Persia_ made a league with _Prester-John_ against the _Turks_, which came then very hard upon him, and gave him his hands so full, that he was forced to seek for help by strangers. Now when _Prester-John_ thought it very inconvenient for him to make a league with a King that was not of his religion, he sent him a message again, that he could make no league with him, except the chiefest of the articles were, that he and his subjects would receive his religion, then he would not only do him all friendship that in him lay, but also assist him with all his might and power, which at length was agreed upon. Whereupon he did send one of his patriarchs and some of his priests, which in process of time had this effect, that now even at this day, there are above twenty towns in _Persia_ where the most of the inhabitants are addicted to the religion of _Prester-John_. They have also as I was told, several books of the holy scripture, and chiefly among the rest, some of the epistles of St _Thomas_, which they call _Ærtisch_. And besides that, their patriarch hath brought it to that , that they are no more so zealous in their superstitions; and are of opinion that circumcision is not necessary, and that so much the rather, because their enemies the _Turks_ and _Jews_ have it. And for the same reason they do not abhor the forbidden beasts, but eat pork, _&c._ nor refuse to drink wine, and that as before said, because their adversaries are forbid it by their law. So that the Christian faith doth in _Persia_ encrease daily more and more, and they begin to be christened with fire, according to their fashion, and in the name of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, whom they notwithstanding, according to their opinion, rather believe to be a creature, than the Third Person of the Trinity, and that he doth only proceed from the Father and not from the Son. But that those that are Christians may be discerned, they wear a blue cross on the inside of their left leg a little above the knee. They also ister the sacrament of the holy supper or communion, and give it as well to the young as to the old ones in both kinds; but before they go to it, they must have their feet washed, wherefore there are little rivulets led through the churches, where they sit down, and some of the chiefest of the town come to them and wash their feet, and when that is done, they give unto one another a kiss of love; then they read the words of Christ’s institution, and so go to receive it; they do not come to confession before: And they endure no images in their churches, but instead of them, they make use of harps, pipes and other instruments, wherewith they make music, but chiefly at the King’s court, at _Smarcand_ (where his best Musicians are) which town, as they say, was built by _Sem_ the son of _Noah_, and called after his name. What else is to be said concerning the points of their religion, shall be hereafter mentioned in the chapter of the _Abissines_. Farther I was informed at my return, that after the decease of _Gamach_ the King of _Persia_; that had three sons and one daughter (who was soon married to one of the chiefest of the council at court) whereof the eldest called _Alschi_ was beheaded, because he did endeavour to take away his father’s crown, the other two are still in being; the youngest of them _Balthasar_ liveth in _Parsid_ a peculiar province and town in _Persia_, which lieth on the borders of the _Indies_; and the middlemost, called _Ismael_, was lately, after his father’s decease, elected King, almost at the same time when the now reigning _Turkish_ Emperor _Amurathes_ came to the crown. This is still young, and of a tall and slim body, but very manly, and full of courage, and well skill’d in all warlike exercises, so that he dare before any of his courtiers ride wild and unbroken horse, by them called _Æcaik_, which are not easily mastered. They are brought to him a great way off out of the eastern parts; they are as I am informed, of an ashen colour, only some have white legs; in these and other exercises he hath shown his manliness from his infancy. But when he did encrease in age and in strength, the anger and displeasure he bore against the _Turks_ did increase also, and to that degree, that he resolved, during his father’s life, to be revenged of them for the wrong they had done to his ancestors. Wherefore a little while agone, he brought together a great many men in the frontier places to surprize the town of _Bagdet_ unawares, being one of the chiefest that formerly had belonged to his ancestors, together with the whole country, wherein the new Kings of _Persia_ when they first come to the government are used to be crowned. When he was thus prepared for the onsent, and nothing was wanting, some traitors ran away from his troops and acquainted the Bashaw of _Bagdet_ with his design, so the Bashaw was forced to arm himself with all speed as well as he could, that he might be able to oppose him in his designs. But when the King’s son would have put his intention into execution, the Bashaw fell upon him unawares with such a number and strength, that he could not only attempt nothing, but was beaten, and he himself taken prisoner. Besides this, the Grand _Turk_ would have had him to be beheaded, if his father had not with great earnestness taken his part, and given him for his ransom the town _Orbs_ in _Mesopotamia_. After this, the old King had enough to do to keep his son in safe custody, that he might not begin new alarms and wars against the _Turks_. Before I began my voyage in _March_, in the year 74; certain news came to _Aleppo_ that 25000 _Turks_ were killed on the confines of _Persia_ and _Arabia_; but in what place this battle was fought, and which way it was done I could not learn (for if they suffer any damage, they always keep it very close and secret) nor any ways here: Wherefore the _Turks_ at that time were a great deal harder towards the Christians, so that many suffered for their misfortunes sake: But if they had obtained the victory, as well as not, they would not have been so silent, but would have spread it abroad, and have related it to others that did not ask them, with high and big words. So great an opinion have the _Turks_ of themselves, that they really believe there is no other nation that can conquer the world so as they, although they are not be compared with the _Persians_, neither for strength, manliness, nor shape; so therefore they could effect but very little against others, if it were not for their great number, wherewith they over power them. And to speak only of the inhabitants of this town, there are so many sick and lame people in it, that you would ire to see so many lame and limping ones in the streets; yet the King of _Persia_ cannot hold out the war at length, nor keep a war at a great distance, for his revenue is not so great as to make sufficient provision for his officers and soldiers, _&c._ to pay them as well in time of peace as of war: For his subjects are freed from all taxes and impositions, according to their ancient privileges and customs. They never arm themselves for a defence, but when they are called together by their King, to defend and protect their country, house or land, wife and children, against the assault of an enemy. When I was thus enquiring from one or other, and endeavouring to inform myself and learn whether it were more commodious for us two to go by water to _Ormutz_, or by land through _Persia_ into the _Indies_, and we thought of nothing else but to begin our voyage daily to go farther; I was call’d on a sudden by a letter to come away for _Aleppo_ immediately, which troubled me very much, and that the more when I considered, that I was past the wilderness and come into the fruitful eastern countries, which would have been very well worth seeing. So after I had considered a while, I agreed with my comrade that he should go on with the voyage in hand, and that I, because besides the letter, I had others no smaller hindrances, would go back again. So I fitted him out for his voyage with all necessaries, so that two days after, he went with other merchants into the ship for _Balsara_. Not long after, I had a very mournful message, or , that the ship, wherein he went from _Balsara_ to _Ormutz_, was perished in a great storm near the Island _Baccharis_ in the _Persian_ sea, where they find good store of oriental pearls, and that he and several other merchants, and rich merchants sons from _Aleppo_ were drowned. At the same time I might have returned back again with a great caravan to _Aleppo_ but because they took the straightest way through great and sandy desarts, which lasted for fifty days journey or thereabouts, where we had but two places to pay custom in, where we could buy provision, as water and other necessaries, I resolved within myself to go by more fruitful places, and famous towns (although I went about) where I might see and learn something more; so I did stay in the great _Camp_ longer until I met with some companions. In the mean time, while I stayed there, I made my self acquainted with an eminent Merchant, that lived in _Aleppo_, and had been several times in the _Indies_; who told me, that the Jesuits had begun to set up a very severe inquisition in the _Indies_; chiefly in _Goa_, where they observed diligently those that did not take off their hats to the images (which were set up in several streets of the town) that they might put them into prison, which he did very much dislike, believing it to be very great idolatry. After he had said this, he began to talk farther to me concerning religion, and chiefly of the articles of our Christian faith; and made me immediately (when he began to be sensible that I was of the same) so fine a confession of his Christian faith, so plainly and with such grounds of scripture, that I was astonished, for I could never have believed I could have met with the fellow of him in these countries. So he began to have a great love for me, and desired me to go along with him, and to stay with him in his house, until I had an opportunity to go farther, or that I might make him a companion in his voyage into the _Indies_, that during those travels he would shew me all kindnesses he could; nay, be as careful of me, as if I were his own son. And after he understood that I was a Physician, he proferred of his own accord to recommend me to the _Bashaw_, who was then sick, and his very good friend, to be his Physician. But I having understood before, that others that had done the same, had been but very ill rewarded for the pains and care they had taken, and chiefly by those they did cure; I would not undertake it, fearing I should have the same measure, and instead of a reward have my liberty taken away from me, wherefore I thanked him for his kindness. Had it not been for this, I should have accepted of it, notwithstanding that they have no Apothecaries shops that are any thing provided, but I must have bought the ingredients from one shop-keeper or other and so collected them from several places, for I could hardly find any thing by them, saving some strange sort of turpentine nuts, whereof they have abundance, and they are as good, as _Pistachios_; wherefore the inhabitants keep them by them, and eat them as we eat small nuts in our country. I have eaten several of them, and found them of a saltish taste and of a drying quality. These are called by the _Arabians_, _Botn_, and by the _Persians_, _Terbaick_. I have chiefly seen two kinds of them, the greater and the less, and so the _Arabians_ distinguish them into _Botnquibir_ and _Sougier_. The bigger is in shape pretty like unto the pistach nut, only it is a little rounder and shorter; the lesser is with it’s hard shell of the bigness of a pea, and are shaped like unto an hart, or the _Dora_, that is, the _Indian-Hart_. A great many of them grow in _Agemia_, _Persia_, _Mesopotamia_ and _Armenia_, &c. and grow together in clusters like Grapes as the _Pistachios_ do, or rather the Berries of our _Turpentine-Trees_, for which they ought to be taken; chiefly, because the trees whereon they grow, are in their long leaves pretty like unto the _Turpentine-Tree_ whereby they are easily distinguished from the _Pistachio-Tree_ which hath roundish ones. This being so, I take the little one for the _Bell_, and the great one for the _Fael_ of _Serapio_, _Avicenna_ and _Rhasis_, which (as authors say) grow chiefly in the _Indies_: And this the rather, because authors attribute the same virtue and operation to them. So may according to this, chiefly the great nuts _Fael_ be taken for the fruit of the _Indian Turpentine-Tree_, whereof _Theophrastus_ in his fourth book and chapter five, maketh mention; all which would be too tedious to be related here at large. Besides these nuts, the before-mentioned authors (chiefly _Serapio_ in his 251st chapter) makes still mention of another sort of fruit, called by him _Sel_, and by _Avicenna_, _Scal_, which are not in hard shells, but as I saw them, quite bare, of the bigness of a _Pistachio_-nut, and of the colour of the kernel of our _Wall-nut_; they have a pretty bitterish taste, and sensibly sharp. I did find none of them in these parts by the shop-keepers, but had it only after that in the monastery of the _Minorites_ in _Jerusalem_, of one of their order, who told me also that they did grow in these countries. Of coloquints, of white gourd apples, still known to the people by the old name _Handhal_, there grow so many hereabout, that they send them to _Aleppo_, and from thence into our countries; and also the delicate round _Cyperus_ root, by the inhabitants called _Soëdt_, whereof one may find great quantities growing in mossy and wet grounds. I did also find by the shop-keepers, the white seed of _Machaleb_, which are in hard shells, which are long and pointed, and covered without with a tender skin, like unto the _Pistachio_-nut. A great quantity of them are carried from thence into _Syria_, and used to perfume soap-balls. The trees whereon they grow I did not see, yet, as I am informed, they grow hereabouts, but chiefly on the mountains that are by the way to _Persia_. They are still to this day by the inhabitants, as by _Serapio_, call’d _Nahandt_. But although there are several sorts of them, yet they all boil them (after they have been steep’d for some hours in water, to get off the thin shells, as we do with Almonds) in milk or wine into a pap, and put sugar or honey to it, chiefly to the white ones to take away their bitterness. I found farther a strange gum in great pieces, somewhat like unto Frankincense, or _Ammoniacum_, which the inhabitants chew all day long instead of _Mastich_, and they attribute the same virtues to it. Wherefore great quantities thereof are brought thither (chiefly from _Persia_) which they call _Taxa_, as I am informed from the Tree _Tax_, which are very like unto _Cypresses_ in shew and bigness, only their roots are not so long, wherefore they are the easier over-turned by the wind. According to this, I of the Trees _Thuja_, whereof _Theophrastus_ maketh mention in book v. chap. 5. and of _Thya_ of _Pliny_. I also saw without the _Batzars_ or Exchanges, very high and big _Caper-trees_; and here and there in the fields a peculiar sort of red-grass, like unto that of _Babylon_, according to the description of _Dioscorides_, and hath still retained it’s ancient _Arabian_ name _Negil_ among the inhabitants. This hath long fibrous and yellowish roots, with many joynts, and puts out by them yearly several buds, which grow into hard leaves, which are long and pointed, and at each side very sharp and cutting, like unto them of the red-grass; between them come out small stalks or holms, each whereof hath a peculiar ear at the top coming out of it’s grass sheath, which is long, thin, and it’s seeds grow in two rows, between small leaves, like unto the wild _Galengal_. This doth not only grow hereabouts, but also in several other places and provinces, where the ground is sandy, as _Susiana_, _Persia_, &c. in great quantity, and because it is by reason of it’s sharpness and cutting, very pernicious to beasts, as to bullocks, horses, _&c._ so that they die of it, therefore they have or keep the fewer of them, but instead thereof they keep buffles (which can feed upon it easier than other beasts) to eat this grass, which maketh the buffle very cheap in these countries, for I have seen one buy three of them for eight ducats (_which is in our money about 48 Shillings_) that was bigger than an _Hungarian_ bullock. Thus much I had to relate of _Bagdat_, it’s situation, trade, and strange plants, so much as I could find and see at that improper time. Being that I expected daily company to go with me to _Aleppo_ again, by the way of several towns, and not straight through the sandy wildernesses, a _Persian_ that I got acquainted withal in the mean while did inform me, that the Sophi, King of _Persia_, had several unicorns at _Samarcand_, which he kept there; and also in two islands _Alc_ and _Tylos_, which lay from _Samarcand_ nine days journey farther towards the east, near _Spaam_, some _Griffins_ (by them called _Alera_) which were sent him out of _Africa_ from _Prester-John_. They are a great deal bigger and higher, have a red coloured head, a bearded bill, and a neck over-grown with feathers, a thick body, black wings like unto an eagle, and a long tail like a lion, and feet like a dragon, they are very eager for flesh; while they are yet young, the King taketh them along with him, and goeth often thither for sport and pleasures sake; but as they grow up and strong, he hath them chained about their necks very strongly. I did believe this the sooner[3], because he could also tell me what trees and fruit grow there, and chiefly those whereof _Theophrastus_ maketh mention, and out of him _Pliny_. He also gave me an besides these of others that grow out of _Persia_ in several places, as of the tree _Palla_, which _Theophrastus_ and _Pliny_ mention, which the wise men did eat in the eastern countries, and of the _Musa_ of the _Arabians_, whereof the former bear delicate sweet-tasted, and very wholesome fruit, by them called _Wac_, which are round, reddish, and as big as the _Indian_ Melons. But whether this be the noble fruit _Mangas_, (whereof _Clusius_ maketh mention in his _History_ of _Indian Plants_, which for goodness sake is carried over sea into _Persia_) I leave to the learned to decide. But the _Musa_ (which is as aforesaid, also common in _Syria_) beareth a great deal smaller fruit, which is smooth, yellowish, and bended almost like unto citruls in shape. These are also of a sweetish taste, and therefore the pleasanter to eat; but are very unwholesome, so that _Alexander_ the Great was forced to forbid his soldiers to eat of them. The same _Persian_, did also inform me of the poisonous fruit _Persea_, which is still known to them by the name of _Sepha_; which they esteem very little; and also the _Peaches_ (called _Het_) which are not so poisonous (as some say) as the above-mentioned; for they esteem the kernels thereof to be good, wholesome physic. But yet that they are not esteemed by them, the chief reason is, that they perswade themselves, that _Nimrod_ (who was a great Magician or Necromancer) poisoned them by his black-art, and that since that time, they could not be eaten; wherefore they have not been esteemed ever since: This I thought convenient to mention, rather for the sake of those, that have a mind to travel, that if one or more of them should go into these countries, they might have occasion to make a more accurate enquiry after these things. CHAP. IX. _Which way I came in my return from ~Bagdat~ through ~Assyria~, the confines of ~Persia~, and the province of the ~Curters~, to the town ~Carcuch~, ~Capril~, &c. and at length to the river ~Tygris~, to ~Mossel~, that famous town, which was formerly call’d ~Nineveh~._ When hinder’d in my travels, for several weighty reasons, I was forced to go back again; I look’d up my goods, as I was advised by my good friend the Christian, whereof I made mention here before, and fitted myself for my journey. I got for my companions three Jews, one whereof came down the _Euphrates_ with me, the others came from _Ormutz_, for I could get no others, to travel with me to _Aleppo_. We set out on the sixteenth of _December_ in the year 1574, for _Carcuch_ distant six days journey, in the confines of _Media_, on the other side of the river _Tygris_, which is still call’d by them in their language _Hidekel_. By the way we first saw some well-till’d fields, and above us on the river _Tygris_ some villages, so that I could not but think I should meet with a country that had plenty of corn, must and honey, _&c._ as it was commended by the Arch-koob-bearer of the King of _Assyria_, and compared even with the Land of Promise, but the farther we went, the greater grew the wildernesses, so that we were forced to lodge all night in the fields. The next morning there appeared a great way off more little villages belonging to the King of _Persia_: But we went on through the desarts, and my fellow-travellers told me that they extend themselves to _Persia_ and _Media_, where we lost our way, and came in the evening into a bog which hindered us so much, that I, because their Sabbath began, whereon according to their laws they must not travel, was forced to stay there with them all night long in it, and also the next day, in great showers of rain, not without great inconveniency and trouble. During our staying there I look’d about me for some plants; but found none, because they did but first begin to sprout; but in the moist places some wild Galengal with great round roots, by the inhabitants call’d _Soëdt_, and by both _Latins_ and _Grecians_, _Cyperus_. The nineteenth day, after we were not without trouble, got out of the mire, our way extended itself still farther thro’ desolate places and desarts. I thought of _Julian_ that impious _Roman_ Emperor, and of his army, which when it went against the _Persians_, and was very numerous, over the river _Tygris_ near to _Ctesiphon_, he was by an ancient _Persian_ that was a prisoner, decoy’d into these desarts, where he was beaten and routed by the _Persians_. In this great fight when the Emperor himself was mortally wounded, he took up, as _Nicephorus_ and _Eusebius_ say, a handful of blood and flung into the air, yielded the victory and said, Then _Galilean_ (so he call’d Christ, in whom he at first believed, and afterwards deny’d and persecuted) thou hast beaten and conquer’d me. After we had lived for several days very hardly in the desarts, and spent our time in misery, we came on the twentieth by _Scherb_, a village over an ascent, into another more fruitful and well till’d country, situated on the confines of _Persia_, and for the most part inhabited by them, which we could conjecture by the common language. Now, though travelling through the confines uses commonly to be very dangerous, yet, I thank God, we met with none, so that we without any stop or hindrance reach’d that night, the twenty first of _December_, to _Schilb_, a curious village, where we rested all night and refresh’d ourselves. From thence we went on through large and fruitful vallies, but I found nothing (for it was but just at the beginning of ploughing time) that was worthy to be mention’d, for the plants did but just begin to sprout; we had by the way several villages, and so we had better opportunity to buy provision. The twenty third at night we came to one where we could buy near one hundred eggs for two pence. The next day we got up early again, and saw before us the high mountain _Tauri_, all covered with snow (which extended itself a great way from north and west to the eastward) at a great distance. We went on a-pace, and advanced to _Tauk_ early in good time, and before their Sabbath began again. This town is not very strong and lieth on a plain. We went into a camp without it, and rested there all the Sabbath. After Sun-set, when it began to grow dark, they desired of me to light a candle. I remembred then immediately, that they could not do it themselves, being forbid by law, as you may find in the thirty fifth chapter of _Exodus_, where you may see that they must kindle no fire in any of their habitations, wherefore they furnish themselves the day before with all sorts of provisions and necessaries, that they may not need to do any labour on the Sabbath, and yet may not want. When these Jews say their prayers, they use the same ceremonies as the Christians and Heathens in the eastern parts do: For first they lift up their hands, then they bow down forwards with their whole body, and at last they kneel down and kiss the ground. These Jews bragged continually of their Patriarchs, and made mention of the laws; but of the ten commandments they knew nothing, wherefore I took an occasion to repeat them before them in the _Portugal_ language, which is very much spoke in the _Indies_, as well as I could, and they did ire when they heard them, how I came to know them. But when I began to speak of Christ and his offices, they burst out into such blasphemies, that I was glad to say no more, but hold my tongue. Not far off from _Tauk_, we saw a very strong castle, near unto a wood, that is guarded by a _Turkish_ garrison: This is situated in the province of the _Curters_, which beginneth there, and lieth between _Media_ and _Mesopotamia_, all along the river _Tygris_ and reacheth to _Armenia_. These _Curters_, which are almost all _Nestorians_, speak a peculiar language, which was unknown to my fellow-travellers, wherefore they could not speak to them in the _Persian_ nor _Turkish_ language, which is spoke all along from _Bagdat_ through _Assyria_, in the confines of two potent monarchs, to that place. We were therefore forced to desire others that understood both languages, to be our interpreters through the country of the _Curters_. But whether this language did run upon that of their neighbours the _Medians_ or no, I could not certainly learn; but yet I was inform’d that the _Parthians_, _Medes_, and _Persians_, as peculiar nations, had their peculiar languages, as histories tell us, and we may also perfectly see in the _Acts of the Apostles_ the second chapter and the eight verse, where it is thus written: _And how hear we every man in our own tongue, wherein we were born? ~Parthians~ and ~Medes~, and ~Elamites~, and the dwellers in ~Mesopotamia~, &c._ All which people almost are subject unto the Sophi, the mighty King of _Persia_. The before-mention’d _Curters_ were formerly call’d _Carduchi_, and afterwards also _Cardueni_ (as chiefly _Xenophon_ testifieth) have had their peculiar policy and government. But after many changes and wars, they are at length subdued and brought under the dominion of the _Turkish_ Emperor, to whom they are still subject to this day, and he hath every where his garrisons in opposition to the Sophi. But what is farther to be said of them, chiefly concerning their religion, shall be hereafter mention’d, when I shall give you an among other Christians, of those that live in the temple of mount _Calvaria_ in _Jerusalem_. After the Sabbath of the Jews, my companions, was over, we went on again, and came the twenty sixth of _December_ to _Carcuck_, a glorious fine city lying in a plain, in a very fertile country; at four miles distance is another that lieth on an ascent, whither we also travell’d, my companions having business in both of them, and so we spent two days in them before we were ready to go on again. The twenty ninth we travell’d through large and dry heaths, and came at night to some tents, which were made of hair or hair-cloath, wrought out of goats and asses hair, and fix’d in such an order, that they made streets and allies like unto a market-town. In one of these we went to lodge with these poor people, (that were white _Moors_, and like unto the _Gypsuns_ in their shape and figure) and to stay there all night long. But whether these people are subject to the _Turkish_ Emperor, or to the King of _Persia_, or to any other, I could not find out by their cloaths, because they all wear the same hereabouts, nor could I discern any thing by their language. To us came a little after some more travellers, so that we had hardly room to lie down in. These people were very diligent and busy to get us some meat and drink, for the husband went soon out of doors to gather dry boughs and stalks of herbs, which I could not at that time discern what they were, and brought them to us to boil or dress some meat with them. The woman was not idle neither, but brought us milk and eggs to eat, so that we wanted for nothing; she made also some dough for cakes, which were about a finger thick, and about the bigness of a trencher (as is usual to do in the wilderness, and sometimes in towns also) she laid them on hot stones and kept them a turning, and at length she flung the ashes and embers over them, and so bak’d them thoroughly. They were very good to eat, and very savory. This way of baking cakes is not new, but hath been very usual among the ancients, so we find in Scripture mention made of bread bak’d among the ashes; the _Romans_ call’d it, _Panes Subcineritios_; and so we read in _Genesis_ the eighteenth chapter, of cakes made upon the hearth, which _Sarah_ made in haste when the three men came to see _Abraham_. The thirtieth we went from thence, and about noon we came to a town call’d _Presta_, which is chiefly towards the river whereon it lieth, very well fortify’d, but what the inhabitants call that river, I do not , but according to it’s situation it must be that which _Ptolomy_ call’d _Gorgus_, which runs below into the _Tyger_. In this place they make floats, which although they are not very big, nor have much wood in them, yet they have abundance of bucks and goats skins blown up, hung or fixed underneath the bottom, without doubt, by reason that they may load the more upon them, and also because the river is rapid, that they may have the less fear or danger. On these floats they carry several sorts of merchandizes, but chiefly fruit, _viz._ Figs, Almonds, Cibebs, Nuts, Corn, Wine, Soap, _&c._ a great part whereof goeth farther into the _Indies_. The last day of _December_ we travell’d on, and came through well till’d fields about night into the town _Harpel_, which is pretty large, but very pitifully built, and miserably surrounded with walls, so that it might easily be taken without any great strength or loss; there we rested again the next day being the Sabbath, and on the same day fell New-Years-Day. In the mean time I understood that the _Turkish_ Sangiack did a few days ago condemn and put to execution eight great malefactors, which made it their business to rob and to commit murder up and down on the high-way, for there are a great many of these rogues in this province, chiefly on the borders of _Armenia_, which are very mountainous, and maketh travelling very dangerous. The relations and friends of these murderers and robbers did take this very ill, that the Sangiack should execute them, and were resolved to be revenged of him one way or other. In order thereunto they combined and agreed all together, and had every thing ready, and only staid for the word to fall upon him, which would have been done accordingly, if he had not had good intelligence of this their intention, wherefore he went away _incognito_ for _Constantinople_, to complain to the _Turkish_ Emperor of this their unjust proceedings, and what they must expect for this, they will know in a short time. This Sangiack, when he found necessity of making his escape, and found that he wanted money, which is very seldom, he took up from an _Armenian_ Merchant, that was very rich, and was arrived there to buy several merchandizes, chiefly Gauls, whereof grow many in these parts, 300 ducats, which put the Merchant into great danger; for when these rebellious people came to understand it, they took it very ill of him, and threaten’d him very much, so that he was forced to stay some days longer for more company, that so he might go the safer. After we had ed him, we went from thence on the fifth of _January_ in a very handsome number, for the Merchant alone had about fifty camels and asses, which were only loaden with Gauls, with him, to carry to _Carahemit_, where he lived, and to send from thence to _Aleppo_, where they are bought by our Merchants, to be sent into our country. So we travell’d all day long and also half the night, without eating or drinking, very fast, and began to rest about midnight. After we had for the remaining part of the night hardly refreshed our beasts and ourselves with eating and drinking a little, we broke up again before day-light, to go on in our way. When we were gone a good way through fruitful and pleasant vallies, we came betimes to another river by _Ptolomy_ call’d _Caprus_, which although it is not very broad, yet it is very deep, so that we had much to do to get through, which I found not without a great detriment to my plants, which I carry’d on horse-back before me. Soon after noon a great way off before us, appear’d a great market-town, _Carcuschey_, where we arrived by night, and fix’d our camp without and pretty near to it. This is quite inhabited by _Armenians_, which we could presently find by the alteration of the language and their habit. They received us very willingly, and let us want for nothing. After we had staid with them till night, and refresh’d ourselves and our beasts, we broke up again immediately and travell’d all night, which was so dark, that we heard several caravans that met us, but could not see them, much less know how strong they were, or from whence they came. At break of day we came to another much larger river, by the inhabitants call’d _Kling_, if I do not mistake, and by _Ptolomy_, _Licus_, which hindred us very much in our day’s journey; for the river being very broad, at least a long mile, it was very hard to hit exactly the right ford, and not without great danger, which the _Curters_ knew very well, so that we were also in great fear of them. But after some were found in our company that had often forded that river formerly, we ventured it, went in, and got over, thanks be to God, very safe, only one ass which went over below us, where the stream went stronger, was drown’d, so that we arriv’d very early on the seventh of _January_, to the _Tygris_ again, and went into the famous city _Mossel_, that lieth on this side of the river, over a bridge made of boats. This is situated in the country of the _Curters_, and so we were forced still to keep our interpreter. It belongeth to the _Turkish_ Emperor, as do all the rest hereabouts. There are some very good buildings and streets in it, and it is pretty large; but very ill provided with walls and ditches, as I did observe from the top of our camp which extended to it. Besides this, I also saw just without the town a little hill, that was almost quite dug through, and inhabited by poor people, where I saw them several times creep in and out as pismires in ant-hills. In this place and thereabouts stood formerly the potent town of _Nineveh_, built by _Ashur_, which was the metropolis of _Assyria_, under the Monarch of the first monarchy, to the time of _Sennacherib_ and his sons, and was about three days journey in length. So we read that the Prophet _Jonas_, when at the command of God, he preach’d repentance to them, did go into it one day’s journey, which the people did hearken willingly unto, and did amend their lives, but they did not long remain penitent, but turn’d to their former iniquity again, wherefore their destruction and ruin was prognosticated to them by the Prophets _Nahum_ and _Zephania_, and also by the pious _Tobias_, that did live there again, which did also not long after follow. Yet was it re-built again afterwards, and did suffer very much upon changes of governments, until at length _Tamerlane_ came and took it by storm, burnt it, and reduced it to that degree, that afterwards in the same place grew Beans and _Colocasia_, _&c._ So that at this time there is nothing of any antiquities to be seen as in old _Babylon_, save only the fort that lieth upon the hill, and some few villages, which as the inhabitants say, did also belong to it in former days. This town lieth on the confines of _Armenia_, in a large plain, where they sow the greatest part of their corn, on the other side of the river; for on this side in _Mesopotamia_ it is so sandy and dry, that you would think you were in the middle of the desarts of _Arabia_. Yet there is a very large deposition of merchandizes, because of the river; wherefore several goods and fruits are brought thither from the adjacent countries, both by land and water, to ship them for _Bagdat_. Among the rest I saw abundance of small and great Turpentine-nuts, by the inhabitants call’d, as above-said, _Bont-quiber_ and _Sougier_; and also another sort of Manna as big as a double fist, which is very common here, and is brought from _Armenia_, as they told me. It is of a brown colour, a great deal bigger and firmer, and not so sweet as that of _Calabria_, yet very good and pleasant to eat. Within it are several red grains, so small that one taketh no notice of them when one eats it. It looseneth the body very well, but not so much as ours, wherefore the inhabitants eat great pieces thereof in the morning, as the country-men on the mountains of _Algaw_ eat cheese. But whether the _Arabians_ make mention thereof, if it be not the _Manna Alhagiezi_, whereof _Avicenna_ in his second book, the second treatise, and the 758th chapter maketh mention, I know not neither what it is to be reputed. The town _Mossel_, is as abovesaid, for the greatest part inhabited by _Nestorians_, which pretend to be Christians, but in reality they are worse than any other nations whatsoever, for they do almost nothing else, but rob on the high-ways, and fall upon travellers and kill them: therefore being that the roads chiefly to _Zibin_ (to which we had five days journey, and for the most part through sandy wildernesses) are very dangerous, we staid some days longer, expecting more company that we might go the surer. [Illustration] CHAP. X. _Which way we went through ~Mesopotamia~ by the way of ~Zibin~ and ~Orpha~, to ~Bir~, not without a great deal of danger; and afterwards how we ed the great river ~Euphrates~, and came at last into ~Syria~ by ~Nisib~, to the famous town of ~Aleppo~._ After our journey had been deferr’d for four days, we broke up on the eleventh of _January_ several hundred strong, and went on for the whole day without eating, with all speed until the sun-set at night, when we encamp’d on an ascent near a small village, to keep our beasts and goods safe, and to refresh ourselves and them. We watch’d all night long, and went continually three and three together, round about our camp by turns. The next day we proceeded on again in our journey with all speed, rather for a good fountain or spring’s sake, as they do in these countries in the vast desarts, than to reach a good inn, where we arrived late at night, and encamp’d near it, to stay all night to rest. A little after when we were at supper, some of the _Curters_ came to us into our camp, spoke to us kindly, and ask’d us whether we did want any thing that they could help us to, but we soon perceived them to be spies, that were sent by their companions, to see what strength we were of. But when they perceived that we were not pleased with them, they did not stay but went away, and we composed ourselves to rest, but kept a good guard as we had done the night before. About midnight when we were in our first sleep, our watch-men perceived a great number of the _Curters_ to approach, wherefore they awak’d us with a great shouting to alarm us the sooner, and to bring us into good order, and to frighten our enemies, and to drive them away. But they did not only not mind us, but made all haste they could up to us, and that so near that we could see them, although it was dark, before our camp, by their heads. But when they found us in a good order and condition to oppose them, and did hear that our gunners and archers, which were ready to let fly at them, call’d with a loud voice to them, _tahal, tahal Harami_, that is, come hither, come hither you thieves, _&c._ they halted for a little while and were so afraid of us, that they turn’d their backs and run away. Afterwards when we fear’d nor expected their assault any more, they came quickly again a second time, in a far greater number than before. They led before them one camel and several horses, which in the dark we could only discern by their heads looking against the sky, in their hands, without doubt, that we might look upon them as travellers, or else that we might not be able to discern their number. But notwithstanding all this their first assault was still in fresh memory, wherefore we did not tarry, but drew soon up in our former order again, wherein I was the left hand man in the first rank again, with my scymeter drawn, and had before armed my breast with several sheets of paper, that I had brought with me to dry my plants in, expecting their assault every moment. But when they made a halt again, fearing their skin as much as we did ours, and did neither shout nor move up towards us, one of ours provok’d them, and did shoot at the camel, and did hit it so that it gave a sign thereof, but the rest forbore to fire. So they staid a little while, and then went off a second time. So we kept awake all the rest of the night, and kept a good watch, and went on our journey again early the next morning about break of the day; and came again to wide and dry heaths, where we saw neither men nor beasts, and so we went on till noon, where we encamp’d in a large place, which was surrounded with walls and ditches pretty well, just like unto a fortress, whereof there are several in these dangerous places to be seen. When we staid there, two _Curters_ came again to us into our camp, and spoke to us, pretending that they came to demand the toll that was due there, it being their place: But our Merchants soon perceived, that they were not in a right cause, wherefore they would allow them nothing, which put these two into such a ion, that they drew their swords, and would have at us; but our friends did not stay idle neither, but took their swords away, and laid on with dry blows at them, and so flung them out of our camp. After this hubbub was over we dined, and that the rather that we might not be too much weaken’d by our hard travelling, and so be the less able to resist these robbers, for want of strength if they should fall upon us, which we were not wont to do before night, chiefly in great desarts, for there we used to get up presently after midnight, and travel all day long with all speed without eating, which I had often experimented before; wherefore I used to provide myself always with bread, and when I had a mind to eat it, I did either stay behind or go before; for no body eats openly by the way in the sight of others, except he has a mind to run a hazard, because that most of them are very hungry, and so eager at it, that they will assault one another for it, and take it away from their very mouths. After we had refresh’d ourselves and fed our beasts, which useth to be done also but once a day, we broke up with our caravan, and went on again. We quickly saw some mountains before us, where, when we approach’d them towards the evening, there appear’d sometimes, on a high one, that before the rest lieth nearer to the plain, some of them, so that we might very well presume, that there was more of them behind in _Ambuscado_, which also proved very true: For no sooner were we ’d it, but before we went up the hill, they came out from behind the mountain, in great troops on horseback, which immediately drew up into order in the fields, in two squadrons, three and three in a rank, to the number of about three hundred, almost as many as we were. They exercised their horses, which were very lank, very swiftly, turn’d sometimes on one, and then on the other hand, and come at length to us within a bow’s shot. They had most of them darts, which they play’d withal in their full speed, sometimes holding it downwards as if they would run through a deer, which was a pleasant but very dangerous sight to us. When they shew’d themselves so as if they would fall upon us instantly, we drew our caravan close together, in order to resist them. Wherefore we stood still, and tied our beasts together, and bound the fore-feet of each of them, that they could not stir; behind them stood our mockery, with their bows, and all those that were not well provided with arms and horses, either to shoot at the enemy, or else in case of necessity, if they should come too near us, to sally out, and cut off their horses with our scymeters. Near unto us our horses were drawn up into a troop, ready for their assault, to venture their success. After a whole hours delay we sent at length two of our company to them, and they sent also two of theirs to meet them to parley together; but which way they made up an agreement I know not, but they prevailed so much with them, that soon after they left us, and rode away, and we went on in our journey. After this we kept our caravan, (that is so much to say as a great many people, with loaden camels, asses, and horses) in far better order than we had done before, and came that same day a good way, to a small village, where we encamped and stay’d all night. We found no wood thereabouts, wherefore we made shift with bread instead of other victuals, and were very glad, we had it. In the mean time the inhabitants came to us, to gather the dung of our beasts as they do in several other places, chiefly in the desarts of _Arabia_, to burn it instead of wood, which they do after the following manner. They make in their tents or houses a hole about a foot and half deep, wherein they put their earthen pipkins or pots, with the meat in them closed up, so that they are in the half above the middle, three fourth parts thereof they lay about with stones, and the fourth part is left open, through which they fling in their dry’d dung, and also sometimes small twigs and straws, when they can have them, which burn immediately and give so great a heat, that the pot groweth so hot as if it stood in the middle of a lighted coal-heap, so that they boil their meat with a little fire, quicker than we do ours with a great one on our hearths; so that these poor people must make very hard shift, and do sometimes as the _Israelites_ did in the siege of _Jerusalem_, where they also in their greatest necessity did boil their meat with dung of men and beasts, as you may read in the 4th chapter of _Ezekiel_. This night, and several others before, we ed more with watching than with sleeping, so that sometimes we contemplated the constellations of the skies, which are very much observed by these nations, but chiefly by the _Arabians_, which lodge always in the open air, and have no shelter, so that by the stars they know the hour of the night, and when it is time for them to break up. They care not for beds, but rather have cloaks or tapestry wherein they wrap themselves up and keep themselves warm, so that no frost nor rain, nor dew can hurt them. The next morning we broke up (that we might not expose ourselves any farther) only after day-light, and travelled all day long without any molestation or hinderance a long way after several rough mountains: and also the next day through sandy desarts, which were deep and hindred our going on very much. When it began to be night, our beasts were almost ready to lie down under their burthens in the sand, which was very tiresome to us, and that the rather, because we saw the town _Zibin_ far off before us, at four miles distance, but at length we got out of this bad road, into green meadows, to very clear springs, which run over in several places to water them: so that we began to make more speed, and came the same night yet very late into the town. It is a fine place subject unto the _Turkish_ Emperor not very big, lying on ascent, very well surrounded and fortified with walls and ditches. It is full of conduits or springs, but chiefly in the great _Camp_, where we rested for five days to stay for more company. There live abundance of _Armenians_ in it, for it lieth in the confines of the greater _Armenia_, and so we were no more in so great danger as we were in the country of the _Curters_. During my staying there, the abovementioned rich _Armenian_ Merchant, and also an eminent _Turkish_ gentleman (which were very kind to me upon the road) desired me several times (having heard from the _Jews_ that I was a Physician) that I would be pleased to go along with them to _Carahemit_, which town was four days distant at the other side of the _Tygris_, to cure some of their relations that were not well, they proffered me good entertainment, and to recommend me to the young Bashaw son of _Mahomet_ Bashaw, who was also sick at that time, and to bring me into good business; which I would have done with all my heart, and nothing could have pleased me better, than to have served the _Armenian_ for his kindness. Yet because I was sent for to come to _Aleppo_, and could not but be as good as my word, wherein I had also no small interest, I was obliged to leave that journey, and to strive with all speed and diligence to get thither. Now as this Bashaw is among the rest (except the Visir-Bashaws, whereof there are four or five, which are always at court about the _Turkish_ Emperor, as being his Privy Council) the chiefest in _Turky_, so he hath larger and more fruitful territories than he of _Bagdet_, or any other, to govern, _viz._ _Assyria_, _Mesopotamia_, and a large part of the greater _Armenia_, and of the province of the _Curters_, _&c._ all which border upon the dominions of the Sophi King of _Persia_. After we had refreshed our selves during this time, very well, and other companies had ed us, we broke up on the 20th towards night, and went away. By the way we saw several plough’d fields and villages, and we could speak better with the people, for they understood the _Armenian_, _Turkish_, or _Arabian_ languages, which are generally used in these countries. So our travels went on with great speed, so that we reached on the 21st late, the town of _Hochan_, where the _Jews_ rested and kept their Sabbath. Here we received the news that _Solyman_ the _Turkish_ Emperor was deceased. The 23d we got up early again, and went the next way to _Orpha_, another town, to which we had five days journey. From thence, the nearer we came to the mount _Tauri_, which separateth _Armenia_ from _Mesopotamia_, towards the south, the worse grew the roads, which we found very sufficiently the next day, for when we came farther into the mountains, the ways were so full of stones that we were hindered very much. Going thus on, after it had snowed a little, which I have never seen but twice in these countries, it happened, that one of the _Jews_ horses which was empty, was frightened at something, and flung itself over and over. The _Jew_ hearing this noise, looked back, and seeing me stand by it, he grew angry with me, as if I had done it, and began to handle his bow and arrows to shoot at me, when I found him in earnest, and ed how I lost my wine in the ship, when we went down the river, I did not delay, but went to hinder him, took him by his leg, and flung him off his horse, before he could take his aim at me; so we fell a boxing one another so long, until at length I tripped up his heels. When the other two saw that we spoiled thus the figure of the snow, and that I was too hard for him, and had given him several hard blows, they came immediately to separate us, and to make peace again between us; I seeing that they did not come to wrong me, and also considering that we were to travel together still farther, took their council, and was friends with him again, and so we went on in our way. At night we came to another village again, in a narrow valley lying at the bottom of a great ascent, near which we found a great stable wherein we went; this was cut quite into the hill, and so was that wherein we loged the night before, so that you could see nothing of if, but only the entrance, for they are commonly so in these hilly countries under ground, that the caravans may safely rest there and defend themselves from cold in the winter. This stable (being 25 paces long and 20 broad, and all through equally high) was cut out of a rock. About midnight, when we were in our first sleep, one of the Grand Signior’s Chiaus, or Chamber messengers, knocked at the door of the stable, who was come back from _Bagdet_ in six days to this place, to look about for some fresh horses, because he had tired his own, and could not have others by the way, as in our country where posts are ordered. So he went in, took away from one Mockeri or Carrier, three pack horses, and two more from the _Jew_, that I had contention with before, for these messengers of the chamber have great privileges, and in case of necessity, where-ever they see horses in city or country, they may take them leaving theirs in the room thereof: They value one no more than another, except Merchants and strangers, whom they excuse before others to incourage trade; those that they come to, must deliver up their horses without any reluctancy, except they have a mind to be soundly bang’d, as one of our friends was that did not open the gates immediately, or else to fare worse. When this Chiaus believed he had got very good horses, he soon found his mistake, for the _Jew_’s horses had galled backs, wherefore he let him have them again for a small recompence, which was a child’s coat made of delicate _Indian_ stuff. When our journey was thus stopp’d, chiefly because of the Mockeri, or Carrier, until he could procure himself other horses in the room thereof, at least for that day; we rose the earlier the next day, and traversed several rough mountains, and went through narrow vallies that day, until at night we came to a village inhabited by _Armenians_. These are good hearted Christians, which have great comion on their fellow Christians, and love to entertain and to be kind to strangers, which I have very often experienced, but chiefly in this village, where one of the _Armenians_ took me and the _Jews_ into his house, and would fain have kept us also the next day. Being at leisure, I would fain have conferred and discoursed with him concerning our Christian faith, and so was he willing; but being that we could not understand one another, and the _Jews_ were in this case by no means proper interpreters, we were forced to have patience by silence, and to look at one another. About that time they kept Lent, which I could perceive by their small sort of diet, for they did eat nothing but leguminous food and bread and water. After he had set before us some boiled eggs at night, and I being hungry, fell on them, not imagining that they kept such strictness and difference in their diet, he ired that I did not refuse to eat the eggs, and asked me by one of the _Jews_, whether I did not know that it was not allowed to Christians to eat eggs and the like victuals in Lent; at this I would fain have answered him, that it became Christians to keep Lent rather with soberness and abstinency, than with distinctions and differences of foods. But I not understanding the language, only answered him briefly, that our Lent was not yet begun, nor would until three weeks hence begin, which did content him presently. The 28th we went on our journey again, and came right among the high mountains, which were very rough, and full of bushes; we got out of them before night, and lodged our selves in the next village, which lieth on an ascent in the plain, where we also staid the next day being the Sabbath. By the way, when the _Jews_ were in fear of having their horses taken away, as was done some days before, they often gave them to me to lead them, as if they were mine, hoping to carry them off the easier, so that although they were my guides, yet I was their safe-guard. After we had past the great and rough mountains, and were come into a very fruitful valley, which extendeth itself for a small days journey to _Orpha_, there appeared presently on each side several villages, and afterwards, the costly city against us with the castle situated on the hill, very pleasantly. Into this we got on the thirtieth at night very early, and went to lodge in the large and very well built camp, and staid there for 3 or 4 days. This town is very pleasant, pretty big with fortifications well provided. It was formerly, together with the whole country, belonging to the Kings of _Persia_, but now it is as well as the greatest part of the country, brought under the subjection of the _Turkish_ Emperor. _Orpha_ is a town of very good trade; they deal in tapestry of several sorts, some whereof are made there, and sent out to us; there is also a great deposition of merchandizes, which are brought thither from _Aleppo_, _Damascus_, _Constantinople_, and other places, to go to _Carahemit_, five days journey distant from hence, and so to be carried farther into _Media_, _Persia_, the _Indies_, _&c._ yet all these goods are brought thither in caravans by land, because there is no navigable river belonging to it. Some say that this town was anciently called _Haran_ and _Charras_, from whence the Patriarch _Abraham_ departed with his wife _Sarah_, and his brother’s son _Lot_, according to the command of God, _Gen._ chap. xii. and went forth to go into the land of _Canaan_ which the Lord had promised to give him, and there is a plentiful well still to this day called _Abraham_’s well, where the servant of _Abraham_, whom he sent into _Mesopotamia_ to the town of _Nahor_, to fetch a wife for his son _Isaac_, from his own kindred, did first see _Rebecca_, when she gave him and his camels some water to drink out of this well. And so did afterwards the Patriarch _Jacob_ when he fled from his brother _Esau_ at this same well, make himself known to _Rachel_ the daughter of _Laban_ his mother’s brother, when he removed the stone from the head of the well, and so let her sheep drink. The water of this fountain hath a more whitish troubledness than others. I have drunk of it several times out of the conduit that runs from thence into the middle of the great camp, and it hath a peculiar pleasantness, and a pleasant sweetness in it’s taste. To the same did also come the son of the pious _Tobias_, conducted by the angel _Raphael_, whom his father sent to _Rages_, now called _Edessa_, as is above-mentioned, to call in a debt from _Gabel_, as you may read in the 11th chapter of his book, when they returned by the way of _Haran_, which is half way to _Nineveh_. After the _Jews_ had done their business there with good success, we went on in our travels again, and came again into the high and rough mountains, where we spent also the next day with great trouble and hardship, until we came again to the great river _Euphrates_ into the town _Bir_, whereof I have made mention before. And although we had no more but two half days journey to _Aleppo_, yet the _Jews_, my fellow travellers, had business in the famous town _Nisib_, which is situated on this side the river on the borders of the lesser _Armenia_, so that we were bound to go thither; so we put out again on the 6th of _February_ after their sabbath, and went through very fruitful and well cultivated corn fields to _Andeb_, towards evening. It is a pretty big town, but not very strong. It lieth on two small hills very pleasantly, so that you may see it plainly and distinctly, as soon as you come from out of the valley by the lake into the fields. Yet notwithstanding that it is so pleasantly situated, and looketh so stately at a distance, it is but pitifully built when you come within it. In former ages this town hath been several times besieged by the Kings of _Persia_, by whom it was taken at last, and kept so long, until the _Roman_ Emperor _Galienus Odenatus Palmyrenus_, took it from King _Sapor_, together with the town _Orpha_, and laid it to the _Roman_ empire again. But in these our times, to our grief, it is brought again, together with all the country, under the _Ottoman_ slavery. The inhabitants have very little trade, they live for the most part upon their estates, by cultivating their grounds, and chiefly from the fruits of vineyards and orchards, which are planted with pomegranates and figs, _&c._ so thick (that from the great quantity of trees they may have the more fruit) that you would at a distance, rather take them to be woods of wild trees, than of fruitful ones. So they send yearly many sorts of fruits, but chiefly _Cibebs_, into the eastern countries, by great caravans, whereof I have met many. After we had staid here, and I had lost a whole day, for their business sake, we broke up again directly for _Aleppo_, and having ed for several miles through rough, bad, hilly ways, we came at length into a plain, delicate and fruitful country, so fruitful of wine and corn, that on all my journey I have seen none like unto it. This did almost extend itself to _Aleppo_, where we arrived early, with the help of the Almighty God, in very good health, on the 10th day of _February_. At my arrival, because my comrade _Hans Ulrich Krafft_, with the rest, were not there, then present, presently some _French_ Merchants, which I had cured of several distempers before my departure, came to me, and carried me home with him, desiring me to live with them until my business, which caused me to come back, were done, wherein really they did me a very great kindness. For I having very well torn my cloaths, which never came from my back in half a year’s time, I had there an opportunity to rest myself and to procure myself some new ones. _I thank the Almighty God for his many mercies and favours bestowed on me, and the assistance he graciously afforded me in this voyage, returning him praise, honour and glory, ~&c.~_ CHAP. XI. _Of the ~Turkish~ Physicians and Apothecaries; of my comrade ~Hans Ulrich Krafft~ of ~Ulm~’s hard Imprisonment. Of the great danger that I was in, in the towns of ~Aleppo~ and ~Tripoli~. Of the murdering of some Merchants, and what else did happen when I was there._ At my return to _Aleppo_, where my business obliged me to stay a while, I came to understand, that during my absence, several _Italians_ and _French-men_ were in their sickness but very slightly served by the _Jews_ their Physicians; wherefore I did not only soon recover my former acquaintance and practice by them, but might have also stept into great business with the _Turks_; for I was presently so well known, that I had much to do to excuse my self with discretion to get off of them, that I might escape their anger and displeasure, which I must have got, if I had served them never so faithfully, which I knew several had before me found by experience. Wherefore at the instance of several good friends, I only cured two great persons, whereof one was a _Georgian_, and at that time _Sangiack_ of _Jerusalem_, which were very well pleased with me, and requited me accordingly. The Physicians generally in these parts, agree before hand for the cure with their patients for a certainty, according to the condition of the patient and his distemper, and have security for their money, but yet it is not paid to them before the patient is cured. They have a great many Physicians, but they are very unskilful, chiefly the _Turks_, which know none but their own language, and so cannot read the authors of Physick that have writ in another language as the _Jews_ can. But seeing that the _Jews_ are very much addicted to covetousness, they endeavour rather to promote their own interest than that of their patients; so that the _Turks_ are but slightly provided with Physicians, and therefore rather die like flies, than take advice of their Physicians, chiefly of the _Jews_, which are not contented with a small reward; to this add also that the _Turks_ never put any confidence in the _Jews_, and esteem their counsel but little; and besides, they believe that God hath already pre-ordained every one his death, so that he that is born to be drown’d cannot be hang’d. And besides all this, the _Jews_ do not stick close to them in time of necessity, but fly presently, and first of all in time of sickness (which certainly happens once in seven years, if not in five or sooner) just like hirelings, as they have sufficiently experienced in the last plague in the year 72, with the loss of several persons of worth and quality; chiefly among the rest a _Turkish_ Pay-Master, by them called _Daftedar_, and another eminent _Turk_, and their own sons, which both of them (although this proferr’d to lay 3000 duckets, and the other 10000 into the hands of a third person) yet were neglected and left by their Physicians and died. It is very much in use among them, that if any body doth find himself not well, another puts his arms cross before him, and so graspeth him about his back, and lifteth him up, and sets him down again, and shaketh him several times, just as they use to do sacks with corn, to make them lie the closer, and to hold the more. As the Physicians are, so are also the Apothecaries, where you find nothing of any great compositions, nor purging electuaries, as _Elect. Diacatholicon_, _Diaphœnicon_, _&c._ although they have the best ingredients thereof, for we have them all sent from them, except they be sent to them from _Marseilles_ or _Venice_, _&c._ If you have occasion for any herbs, roots, or seeds, _&c._ you must go yourself, not without great trouble and loss of time, and find them either in the fields, or else at the Grocers and other shop-keepers. Among the rest of the things they had, I soon knew the Rob Ribes by it’s antient name and pleasent sourish taste, whereof they make a great quantity in this place, and send it farther into other countries, but chiefly to the _Turkish_ Emperor; wherefore in the _Easter_ week they had already gathered several sacks full of the stalks of the true Ribes of the _Arabians_, (which are hairy almost, two foot long, and of the thickness of an inch, of a greenish colour, and underneath, as also _Serapio_ mentioneth, reddish) from the mount _Libanus_, and brought it to the _Cadi_ to make _Rob_ of it for him. I saw them lie in his court-yard, and several of them were given me to taste, and to take away with me. What herbs I found at my return else, because there are but a few of them, therefore I have put them among the rest here above in a peculiar chapter. I saw there several strange birds, and among others, some of a delicate green and blue colour, which were about the bigness of our nut-crackers, by them called _Sucuruck_, and by others _Alsecrach_. I also found their _Alhabari_, which are not unlike our Peacocks, and almost as big, and could not fly much. Of four footed beasts, I saw several, and among them some civet cats, which were brought thither in caravans from remote parts, and the _Indies_. In the _Fundique_ of the Consul of the _Venetians_, I saw a very sharp sighted one like unto a _Lynx_, exactly of the shape of a cat, so that it was not easily distinguished from it, save only in it’s bigness, for it is much higher and slimmer. This is a very wild and fierce beast, so that his keeper himself was afraid of it. It once got loose, and got through the yard below into an Apothecaries shop, wherein he had just then put a great many glasses that were sent him from _Venice_, whereof it broke the greatest part before it could be taken again. When I was there, a young _Rhinoceros_ was carried through the town to _Constantinople_. It came from the most eastern parts, and had killed above 20 men before they could take it. They also lead daily some Lions about the town in small chains, which have small bells before, that every body may take the sooner notice of them; they are so tame, that their keepers sometimes wrestle with them in open places, neither do they easily grow wild, except they should see sheep, then their keepers have enough to do to keep them off and to appease them. Without in the fields in high and bushy places, are sometimes found Camelions, which are somewhat bigger than our green Lizards, but a great deal leaner and higher upon their legs; they walk very slowly and lazily, they live a great while without meat like the Serpents, and are a very ugly creature. If we put it upon a coloured, red, yellow, or black cloth, it hath by degrees changed it’s natural green colour into the same that the cloth was of. Having ended my business I had, and in the mean time received a letter from my comrades that were at _Tripoli_, I parted from thence according to their desire, and came on the 5th of _May_, _Anno 75_, to them in _Tripoli_. After some days, arrived also with some goods, one of their chiefest Carriers, which they call Mockeri, which swore to me by his head, that is, he affirmed upon his faith and reputation, that the Sub-Bashaw of _Aleppo_, when he was departing from thence, had sent his Bailiffs to my lodging to apprehend me, and to fling me into the publick _Turkish_ gaol, because they were very well assured that when I was on the hills (where they had seen me look for plants) I had observed the situation of the town, and all the country very diligently, that I might, when I should have an opportunity, betray them to their enemies, and shew them the best way to take it. But all this was contrived that they might have an opportunity to take an _Avaria_ on me, as the Merchants call it there in these countries, that is to say, they would accuse me falsly to make me punishable, that they might get a sum of money out of me. And the Carrier also really believed, for as much as he heard of them, that they would not have let me come off for less than 200 _Saraffi_ or ducats, one whereof maketh two of their gilders. _Thanks be to our Lord God, who hath delivered me from their unjust accusations and contrivances, and brought me safe to this place._ At my arrival at _Tripoli_, when I expected to live securely and quietly, and thought that I was ed all danger, I fell, notwithstanding all this into another; for when my comrades, and with them also _Hans Ulrich Krafft_ (yet without any transgression) were flung into the _Turkish_ gaol, by the contrivances of some _Turks_, the same rogues had also a mind to contrive something against me, to bring me in also. But the _French_ Vice-Consul, _Andrew Bianchi_, who was my very good patron, took my part, insomuch that he did recover my liberty by the _Turks_, in spite of my accs, and not only got me licence to walk freely without molestation in and about the city where-ever I pleased, but did also procure me a free and safe access to my comrades, to see them in prison as often as I pleased. Into the prison wherein they were kept, I must always go through three small and low doors, which the keepers did always very freely and without any grumbling open unto me, to go in or out, and sometimes I have staid there all night with them. I was always in very great hopes that God Almighty would have ordered it so, that their adversaries might have agreed with them, so that I and my dear friend, whom I loved as my own brother, _Hans Ulrich Krafft_, might have been returned home again with joy. But it pleased God to order it otherways, for the differences grew the longer the more difficult, and were so long produced, that these young gentlemen, particularly _Hans Ulrich_, was kept there in this hard imprisonment very near three years. To tell all that he suffered and indured there, would be too long here; only this I cannot omit to tell you, that he did endure and conquer all these troubles and adversities (as I did see myself) with such a courage, patience and good conduct, that notwithstanding all these, although he was almost left quite comfortless, he was rather fit to comfort others than to be comforted. When I went thus in and out to them, I observed very well that the _Turks_ have very great comion on poor distressed prisoners, and are very free to give them alms; and a man used to come in daily with bread or boiled meat, as rice, and other sorts of boiled corn, chiefly on feast days after the afternoons lecture was over, and when he distributed them, he did also always as he went by, fling in for each of them a little loaf (very like unto them they bake in lent in our country) into their apartment before them upon the ground, wherewith they must make shift, except they could live on their own means, or get something by their hand labour, whereof there was a good many that did, to maintain themselves. These alms, the _Turks_ give rather freely, without being ask’d for it, for they believe that God is better pleased with that which they give freely, than that which is begged of them. Wherefore they have very few or no beggars in their towns, which beg alms as they do in our country. During my stay at _Tripoli_, I did at the request of the Consul, live in his Fundique, who entertained me very honourably, that I might give attendance; and if any of the Merchants or Seamen should happen to be sick, I might use my best endeavour to cure them. So I did in the space of three months cure only in our Fundique, above forty men of all sorts of distempers, _viz._ malignant fevers, violent gripings of the guts, _&c._ which generally befell them that were lately arrived, and were not yet acquainted with the air and diet of the country. There happened in these days, a miserable cruel case, that some (among whom were five _Italians_ and one _Frenchman_) did arrive at _Tripoli_, which made themselves soon ready to go from thence farther to _Aleppo_, with their merchandizes to sell there. Upon the road they left their caravan too far behind them, and met with some horsemen which spoke to them, and desired them that they would halt at the command of their master the Sub-Bashaw, and dismount, and go into the next camp (which I found very desolate and ruined when I went by formerly) to stay there until he came to them, which would not be long, for he had something to say to them; the Merchants obeyed them readily, fearing that if they should not, they would be punished severely by the Sub-Bashaw for their disobedience. After they were gone into the camp, the murderers immediately fell upon them, shooting and striking at them, until they killed them all at last, then they buried them in the ground, mounted their horses and rode away. After these murderers thought they were very secure, one of these rogues, which were said to be _Arabians_, met one of the Mockeri, or Carriers, of the same caravan, he knew the horse immediately, and perceiving it to be bloody, his heart gave him that it was not right, wherefore he made haste up to him, and thrust his bended bayonet into his side, and took him prisoner, and carried him to _Aleppo_, where he was, as I did hear afterwards, having confessed the fact when he was upon the torture, executed for it. They did also seek for the rest, but did apprehend none of them in the time of my staying. The Sultan else taketh great care to keep the roads safe and free from highwaymen, that trading may go on without hindrance. Yet sometimes there are some of the great ones, and men of note, that put others upon it for gain’s sake, so that one must be very careful in these countries. It is not long ago when we had news, that not far off the Christians had taken some ships from the _Turks_ and carried them off, and also formerly in the beginning of _July_ of the last year, they lost some more, and as, I am informed, among them were four great ones, three fly-boats, and two other that were taken by six gallies of the Christians, which made the _Turks_ mightily discontented; wherefore the Emperor sends out many gallies into several places, chiefly to _Rhodes_, to cross the seas up and down to keep them clear from pirates, and to hinder them from making incursions or descents upon him. These come sometimes into this port, but our Merchants and the Masters of our ships do not care for their arrival, for they are forced to present them with cloths, woollen cloaths, money, _&c._ if they will remain in favour with them. [Illustration] CHAP. XII. _Of the large and high mount of ~Libanus~, it’s inhabitants and strange plants that are found there._ When I staid with the Consul at _Tripoli_, and had not a few of his in cure in his Fundique, some others of other nations did sometimes between whiles desire my assistance and advice, and among the rest an eminent Patriarch of the _Maronites_, which reckon themselves to be Christians, and are called so from the heretick _Maro_ to this day. This did live in the mount of _Libanus_, and was carried down, although he had a whole day’s journey to _Tripoli_, and was afflicted with that painful distemper the gout very severely, to be cured by me. After some days, when he was pretty well recovered again, so that he intended to return home; he spoke to some of us in our Fundique, that we would be pleased to conduct him up the hill home again; which was agreed unto very readily, considering that this mountain is the most famous in all the country of _Syria_, whereof the holy Scripture maketh several times mention, speaking of it’s great heighth and famous rivers (of which _Jordan_ is one), of it’s sweet smelling plants, and pleasantly tasted fruits; and also because there is a great many strange plants to be found. So we rode along with the Patriarch (who had no little reason to be afraid of the _Turks_ clandestine assault) with all possible diligence, and came immediately from the town upon the heights of the promontories of the mount _Libanus_, which were very fruitful at the top, and had many pleasant plain fields, which extended themselves for three leagues to the high mount, so that this was a very pleasant road, where we saw sometimes on one side delicate vineyards, then on the other, fruitful fields sowed with barley, white _Indian_ millet, _&c._ After this we came to pleasant woods, where sweet singing birds let themselves be heard, and recreated us; sometimes we saw some hares and some deer, so that we could not but fancy that we went through thick and dark woods. When we came out of them, and were very near unto the mountain, there lay some small villages before it, and we went to one of them, and very near unto it, in a green shady place, we sat down, and refreshed our selves with some victuals, which we had taken along with us before we began to go up the mountain. The Patriarch was very merry with us, and presented us with some _Venice_ bottles of his wine, whereof we drank a good deal, for it was so pleasant that I must confess that I never in all my life drank any like it. Soon after we broke up again, with an intention to reach his monastery that night, called _Our Lady_’s, which lieth on the middle of the mountain as we travelled towards the top thereof; in the beginning we came into a narrow and rough valley, which had on both sides very steep walls, wherewith it was inclosed of a vast height, chiefly at our left hand, and yet towards the top, there were several caves within them, wherein Christians live, whereof we saw a great many that appeared so near to the edges as they went about, that we that travelled underneath, had much to do to keep us from being giddy. In that place (where from the height one may plainly see the whole neighbourhood to the very seas, as if it was a Specula, such as the ancients used to have) is always a strong watch kept by the inhabitants of these mountains (because they are not under the jurisdiction of the _Turks_, as others are, nor in any league with them) to hinder the _Turks_ from making incursions upon them. When we went farther, and got over some little hills, we came out of this narrow place into wide meadows, pastures, corn fields, and to some fruitful vineyards; then again into narrow and deep rocky roads where we had enough to do to climb over; and afterwards again into pleasant groves, by delightful rivulets that arose from springs that made so sweet a noise, that those mountains are therefore ired and commended, chiefly by King _Solomon_ in the 4th chapter of his Song, verse 15. in comparison, where he mentioneth the streams from _Lebanon_, which make _Damascus_ one of the most pleasant and delicious places in the world. On this mount grow here and there, besides ordinary trees and bushes, thick shrubby vines, _Zizipha alba_ & _ratila_, Poplars, two kinds of Dwarf-cedars with pointed and obtuse leaves, _Eupatorium Mesuæ_, _Absinthium Ponticum_, _Elæagni Math._ by the inhabitants called _Seisesun_; and wild horn beams, a peculiar sort of willows, _Phyllireas_, _Styrax_-trees, the fragrant Gum whereof is to be found in apothecaries shops; but chiefly, and in the greatest number were the Maple-trees, which are large, big, high, and expand themselves very much with their branches. After we had rested ourselves, and were a little refreshed underneath these, our labour began again, to climb up these high and steep steps. When we were thus a climbing, some country people, that we saw up so high before, came out of their caves down to us, with mugs full of wine, which they presented first to their master the Patriarch that was on horseback, receiving him with a great deal of reverence (bowing themselves down to his feet) and loving kindness, and afterwards they did detain us also, and presented each of us with a mug of wine to bid us welcome, which I and the rest received very willingly, but having pretty well heated myself with going, I at that time loved spring water with bread dipt in it very well, I only tasted a little of it. After we were got up these stairs, a great many more came running to present their master with chickens, pullets and other poultry, which his man took and carried up with them. Then the ways were pretty good and much straighter, so that we went on apace, until at length we came to the monastery, which we could not see before we came just upon it. Just before it without is a most incomparable copious spring, that floweth with delicate water, which is worthy to be often visited. This monastry, which is not extraordinary built, lieth towards the left, almost in the middle of the mountain, under a great rock, which doth so cover and preserve it, that it cannot easily receive any harm from above. At our arrival the Monks came immediately, whereof I saw no more than ten, and received us very kindly, and shew’d us presently our lodging, which because they had no chambers to spare, was an arch’d chapel, that we might know whither to repair: Yet we kept more upon the top of the house, which was like others, cover’d with plaister, which was the delicatest and pleasantest place of all the buildings, where we could see the situation of the snowy hill towards the east above the Cedars, which was a very pleasant sight, and also below us several other hills, whereon they feed their cattle, together with the deep and dark valley: and, the monastry being but small, so that they had not much room in it, we also supp’d there in the open air with the Patriarch and some of his Fraternity, on a long table. They treated us very well, and gave us some white wine to drink, which was better than that we drunk on the hill, in _Venice_ glasses, the like whereof is not to be found, neither in _Candia_ nor _Cyprus_. But they feed, according to their order, only upon plain food as beans, and _French_ beans, and the like leguminous fruit, _&c._ At night when they conducted us to our lodging to go to rest, they shew’d us instead of beds some straw mats and tapestry, spread upon the ground in their church on which we were to lie, and so we did and rested that night. In the morning they came very early before break of day into the church, when we were still very sleepy, to do their office, and began immediately to ring two bells, which made underneath the rock such a resounding noise, that it stupify’d us, and made us (chiefly because some of us had heard none in two years time, and were full of sleep and but half awake) so dull, that we did not for a good while know where we were, until we came a little to ourselves again. Afterwards I heard them with attention for a good while, and did look into their books which were written with _Arabian_ letters; but what religion they were of, I shall tell you hereafter, when I shall make mention of other Christians. At break of day we made ourselves ready to go farther up the hill, to the height thereof where the Cedars stand, to see them, so that we might come to the monastery again. Along with us went two Monks to shew us the way; they conducted us back again to the rich springs of water, to the stairs, which were very rough, and so steep that we were often forced to hold ourselves by the bushes, which we could reach at both sides; but chiefly when we turned on a sudden, of which turnings they had very many. So we got up higher and higher, with a great deal of labour, until we came to a little chapel standing just at the top of the stairs on the hill. Near to this chapel is a small village, which we went through, and saw spacious fields well cultivated, so that the inhabitants of these mountains, could have no want of corn, wine, flesh or oyl, _&c._ although their neighbours should not supply them for years with any thing; and besides, their lands are so well secured on the height, and so lock’d up, as if they were surrounded with high walls and deep ditches; and moreover they are a very stout and warlike people, very well provided with bows and guns, _&c._ so that their neighbours cannot easily hurt nor do any mischief to them; and they are also soon alarm’d, which we found, when these two Monks did immediately raise twelve men well arm’d, in the farthermost village towards the snowy hill, to conduct us safe up to the Cedars of the highest mount, that their neighbours the _Trusci_ might not hurt us. But as I understood afterwards the _Trusci_ are in confederacy with the inhabitants of mount _Libanus_, so that they need not to fear any harm from them. But they rather did it to frighten us, to get a good recompence from us that they might rejoice, and treat us the better, as Christians, on our return. So these twelve went before us and conducted us up to another, but very barren and rough plain, where we found ourselves to be upon the highest point of the mountain, and saw nothing higher but only a small hill before us, all cover’d over with snow, at the bottom whereof the high Cedar-trees were standing, some whereof King _Solomon_ ordered to be cut down to be employ’d for the use of the building of the temple of _Jerusalem_. And although this hill hath in former ages been quite cover’d over with Cedars, yet they are since so decreased, that I could tell no more but twenty four, that stood round about in a circle, and two others, the branches whereof are quite decay’d with age. I also went about in this place to look out for some young ones, but could find none at all. These trees are green all the year long, have strong stems that are several fathoms about, and are as high as our Fir-trees. They have very large twigs that bend the tree, and make it lean that way, which somewhat spoileth their straightness. Branches grow up straight, as also do the cones thereof, which are large and round, and extend themselves a great length, in so delicate and pleasant order and evenness, as if they were trimm’d, and made even with a great deal of diligence, so that at a distance, you may see the tops of them very even to one another. So that one may immediately see at a great distance, a great difference between these and other Fir-trees. They are else very like unto the Larch-trees chiefly in their leaves, which are small, and all close together, but stand farther asunder upon small brown shoots, which in their length and bigness are like unto them of the _Muscus terrestris_. After we had rested awhile underneath the Cedars, and began to be coldish in this windy, snowy, and cold place, we began to return to the monastry again. By the way I saw about the river three sorts of _Tragacantha_, one whereof I took according to it’s shape to be that of the learned _Carolus Clusius_, which is very like unto the true _Tragacantha_. The second is somewhat lower than the first, else it is very like unto it, only it beareth yellow flowers, each whereof groweth by itself in round yellowish bags, and several of them stand one above the other on long stalks. The third is almost of the same height, and hath more brown colour’d strong stalks, with white woolly heads of _Poterius_, whereon you see purple coloured flowers. I found also by them another plant, which to be brief, considering it’s brown colour’d flexible twigs, and longish fat leaves, is very like unto the _Chamælea_, of a very sharp taste, I think to be the first kind of _Sanamunda_ of _Carolus Clusius_. Besides these I saw hereabouts two thorny shrubs, one whereof was, with it’s red colour’d grapes (setting the leaves aside as far as I ) very like unto our _Oxyacantha_. The other, which was full of thorns, and had small red purple colour’d flowers, was like unto the first kind of _Scorpius_ of _Carolus Clusius_. Among the bushes I saw the _Scorzonera_ with yellow flowers, and also a pretty sort of Tulips with yellow stripes, and not far from it the true _Ribes_ of the _Arabians_, which I found in autumn at an ill time, without flowers or seeds, only with two leaves, as if it was just sprung up. The leaves thereof are rough and round, as big very near as those of _Petasites_, call’d Butterburn in our language, which grow upon short yet thick stalks, which are also full of a pleasant sowrish juice, as well as their stalks, whereof chiefly the true _Rob Ribes_ is prepared, as I have seen it myself, and _Serapio_ testifieth. This loveth moist grounds, hath a strong brown colour’d root, which is pretty long, wrinkly, bended, and of a very unpleasant taste. On the height of the mount I saw more plants, some whereof I had not time to mind, and others that are not yet known, wherefore I omit, for shortness sake, to say more of them. The mountain is very high, so that it may be seen in _Cyprus_ about 200 _Italian_ miles off; wherefore the day breaketh later at _Tripoli_, and, not until the morning sun appeareth before it: And moreover you find there snow all summer long, which they bring down from the mountains, into the Batzars or Exchanges to sell, to cool their drink with it, chiefly in the dog-days, and fling it in by handfuls. Yet when we were at the top, we could not see far about, being hindered by some hills. After we were come down from the mountains into the little village again, our conductors brought us into a pleasant garden where their wives came to us, who brought to us several yet strange sorts of milk-meats to eat, and very good wine to drink; so we sat down in the grass according to their fashion, to eat and drink, and to make merry, and spoke to them in the common _Arabian_ country language, and what we could not speak out, we made them understand by signs. After we had dined, we return’d them many thanks, for all their kindnesses and good cheer, and so we went away. By the way we saw more plants, _viz._ the _Alyssum_ of _Dioscorides_; a delicate kind of _Cynoglossum_. And also near the stairs some wild Fir-trees, _Polium Montanum_, _Marrubium Creticum Lobelii_, as I judged according to it’s shape. A delicate yellow _Jacea_ with scaly heads, and prickles like unto the _Spina Solstitialis_, which is low, yet it hath a long and strong root, cover’d with a gray and hairy rind, like unto the _Victorialis_, the leaves are jagg’d or laciniated, of an ashen colour and hairy, as also the two before-mention’d; and another kind of _Jacea_, with purple colour’d flowers, which is very like unto the yellow one of _Lobelius_ (which I have also found in _Provence_ in __ near _Aix_) saving only the prickles that are about the heads. Just before we came quite down, I found two kinds of _Linaria_, one whereof, that is of a pretty bitter taste, puts forth long and slender stalks from the root, closely surrounded with a great number of _Linaria_ leaves, and hath at top one, two, or three long scaly heads, from whence issue small purple colour’d flowers; the other groweth also in leaves and stalks almost like unto the first, only they are smaller and tenderer, and hath quite to the top abundance of light and small purple colour’d flowers round about it as the blue one of our gardens. At length after a long travelling and climbing, we came just when the night broke in, down to the monastry again; after supper we went strait to rest, that we might be up early again to go for _Tripoli_. After break of the day when we had taken our leave of the Patriarch and his brethren, and made ourselves ready for our journey, we came strait away. By the way we saw several of _Arbores Judæ_, with their red colour’d husks; and also in the rock a fine _Gnaphalium_, with ash-colour’d roundish mouse-ear leaves, and snow white double flowers. As we went on, and were almost come to the house that stood upon the height, whereof we made mention before, these inhabitants came down again, got before us, stopt us, and would not let us until we had drank with them. Then we went on again, and I found in the deep and dark valley the right _Medium Dioscoridis_, and _Mindium Rhasis_, which I did spie immediately among the bushes, by it’s height and spacious purple colour’d flower. This plant is very like unto the _Viola Mariana_, of the learned _Rempert Dodonus_, very stately, so that no great difference can be found but only in the leaves, which in this are more carved, like unto those of _Plantain_, and in the flowers which are more open, and spread themselves with their long and narrow leaves, whereof each hath eight, into a round circle; the seeds I saw not because they were not yet ripe, yet I found a greater austerity in the root than in the seed vessels. Not far off, I also saw in the valley a strange plant, which was of the height of a cubit, and had whitish and wolly leaves, like unto our _Mullein_, only they are less, and grow quite to the stalk, as those of _Tabaco_, or of _Hyosciamus Peruvianus_ of _Rempert Dodon._, at the top thereof grow fine purple colour’d and white double flowers which stand close together, as those of the yellow _Amaranth_, or in the little _Auricula Muris_ of _Fuchsius_, so that according to all this, having also fragrant roots, and like unto those of black Hellebore, which broke, because I pull’d it up in haste, as I judged by that part thereof which still was left to them, I clearly take it to be the true _Baccharis_ of _Dioscor._ In the valley farther down towards the water, grew also the _Oleander_, and the _Apocynum Repens_, which climbeth upon the trees that stand nigh it, and covereth them so that it hangeth down again at the sides, like the _Ephedra_ of _Pliny_. After we came out before the mountain, there appeareth the _Italian Spondylium_, _Visnagia_, _&c._ there we went into the next village, and look’d after the victuals we had left, to refresh ourselves. When we came from thence I found the black _Chamælion_ with it’s handsome blue colour’d tops; _Origanum_, _Onites_, _Lycium_ call’d also _Zaroa_ by the inhabitants; the second _Acacia_ with trefoil leaves, and when we came near to _Tripoli_, to the old and high rivulet, between the mountains, I found the second _Tragoriganum_ of _Carol. Clusius_, _Ceterach_ and low St _John_’s _Wort_, a fine _Chamædrys_, &c. but above all, a thorn-bush, about the hight of a cubit, very thick of twigs and stalks, so that some of them lie on the ground; the stalks, whereof many grow out of a root of a drying quality, and somewhat bitter, are surrounded with a tender gray rind, underneath which is another reddish one to be found. It’s long tender leaves that grow one against the other, which are of the colour of ashes underneath, and green above, are very like unto the leaves of our _Sanguisorba_; between them at the top or the crown sprout out many thorns, the biggest whereof divide themselves at the top into other less ones in very good order, so that some point down, and some upwards, and others towards the sides, and some thereof sprout out farther before the rest, which sprout out early in the spring, and bear small greenish colour’d starry flowers; from underneath them grow out small soft berries of a whitish colour, and some reddish, which are so close together, and stand in their ranks, at the top whereof the flower is still plainly to be seen, like unto our currans. The seeds thereof I have raised in the famous garden of the generous and eminent _Hans Heinrich Herwarts_, Alderman of this place, very easily, and they grew up until they were ready to blow; but as other outlandish plants do seldom endure our climate, so did this also die the next winter; it is call’d by the inhabitants _Bellen_, but I am of opinion according to it’s shape, for of it’s virtue and use I can say nothing, because I never try’d it, that it is the _Hippophië_ of _Dioscor._ so long until others give me a better instruction. Not far from hence I found on the height, near to the town in a rough place, another fine plant, not unlike unto our _Gingidium_, only that it hath less fenil leaves and beareth a roundish seed, with many smooth wings hanging round about it, which close themselves almost into a knot together, with it’s tender leaves, which sprout out underneath the crown, like unto the black coriander; which induced me to inquire after it more narrowly what to call it, and being I found that it had a small white root, tender leaves, and a bitterer taste than our wild parsnip, and also in the middle of the crown a blewish knob, I cannot judge it but to be the true _Gingidium_ of _Dioscor._ From thence we soon went down the stairs again, and came by some _Turkish_ burying places, and some wild figg-trees, by them call’d _Mumeitz_, whereof a great many are growing in these grounds, into the town of _Tripoli_. Soon after an honest and skilful _Botanist_ to whom I came to enquire after plants, told me that a great many more were to be found thereabouts. Wherefore I went out again to look for them, and to get them also. So I found first upon the height near the vineyards a _Cassia Monspeliensium_, which he call’d _Mackmudi_ and _Macmisi_, and the berries thereof _Habel Mickeness_. But whether this is to be taken for the _Avacsium Rhasis_, or no, I cannot certainly affirm. This is so common in these places that they make brooms of it’s twigs. Moreover I found in the vineyards another stately, fine and strange plant, which was about two cubits high, and had whitish, woolly, and long, sharp pointed leaves, which are set round with small prickles about the edges, and had on each side towards the stalk little ears, as our sorrel and spinage have; it is of a bitter taste, and at top thereof on long stalks grow many smooth hands which in their bigness and flowers are very like unto the yellow _Jacea_. But that I may not be too tedious, it being not my intention to treat here of every one at length, I will mention but one more before I conclude, which I found just at the spouts where in rainy weather the water runs down from the mount _Libanus_; which is the true white _Beheen_ of the _Arabians_, and is still to this day call’d _Behmen-ahied_, as the red is call’d _Behmen-ackmar_, which also doth not stand far off, as my friend, that experienced Botanist, hath informed me. But because I was daily ready to go on ship board, to come home again, I had not time to obtain it; this was at that time almost decay’d, yet I found still some green leaves, about it, so that by all appearance it doth endure the winter, and so shoots out in new by degrees, which grow up yearly again instead of the old ones, these put forth long, great and pointed leaves, as big, sharp and as thick as a leaf of a pear-tree; they have partly underneath on the stalks four much less, which stand two and two against one another; and one also finds out a few of them on round stalks, many whereof grow out of the same root, about the height of a cubit, where the uppermost stick quite close to it, as you may see on the _Smyrnum Creticum_; on the top it puts forth oblong scaly yellow buttons, each of them on their peculiar stalk from whence issue flowers of the same colour; it hath a very long root, which at the top shoots out great branches, that grow so thick, that in time they may be separated and transplanted; but else they have but very few fibres, so that they rather are smooth, and also almost as tough and pliable as liquorish root, to which it is very like in it’s bigness and colour, only it is somewhat whiter, and not so strait. But why _Avicenna_ maketh mention also of it’s wrinckles, I am of opinion that he rather speaketh of the greater sort, which is more wrinkly and rougher, and also for above a span long, seem to be shrunk of age and turn’d woody, or decay’d and dry’d up, although within they are still juicy, limber, and have kept their natural colour. I was also inform’d of others, _viz._ of the _Costus Syriacus_, which they still know by the name of _Chast_, and is found about _Antiochia_: And not far off from thence is also found the _Nux vomica_ as some esteem them, by the inhabitants call’d _Cutschula_; which together with a great many other famous ones I might have obtained, if I could have had a true, faithful and experienced guide; but for want of such a one, and also because I could stay no longer, I was forced to leave them behind, to be hereafter found out by such that shall undertake the like journeys. [Illustration] CHAP. XIII. _Cunning and deceitful stratagems of the ~Grand Turk~ against the inhabitants of mount ~Libanus~, the ~Trusci~, and ~Maronites~: And how he made war with them, and what damage they sustained by it._ Having here before made mention of the _Maronites_ and _Trusci_ their neighbours and allies, I cannot but must also go farther, and briefly relate, how the _Turk_ did make war against them, (as to whom they are not yet quite subjected) during the time of my staying in these countries. But from whence this war did first arise, and had it’s beginning, I was thus inform’d, that it broke out about one of their governours, which lived then for a little time at _Damascus_. For when the Grand Signior observed that these people did daily grow in number and strength, he consider’d that if he should let them go on so, and neglect to curb them in time, they might probably after a while grow too potent for him; wherefore he thought it requisite to study and make it his business to find out ways and means to subdue them, and to reduce them under his power. In order thereunto, he apprehended the governour that lived then in _Damascus_, and put him into prison, and at length took away his life unjustly, under pretence as if he had endeavour’d to raise a rebellion; not doubting but that when he had removed their head, he might the easier subdue and reduce the people. But when the _Trusci_ and _Maronites_ understood this cruel and abominable fact, not without grief and trouble, they were not only not at all discouraged from resisting so great and formidable an enemy, but rather took new courage that was promoted by the great anger this detestable fact put them into, so that they united themselves the firmer, and did unanimously resolve to oppose him with all their might and power, and to stand by their antient liberty; and accordingly they began immediately to arm themselves, to fortify their villages, and chiefly their es, and to provide themselves with guns, bows, and arrows, and all other things necessary for their defence, so that in case of necessity they might be ready to resist their enemies, being such a kind that kept neither faith nor promise, which they had often experienced to their great grief and losses. So that in all probability it was like to be a war, which also broke out with great violence within a little time after. But because I went for _Bagdat_ at the same time, where in former years the potent Caliphi did reside, I did hear no more of it in all my journey until at my return, when my comrade _Hans Ulrich Krafft_ of _Ulm_, then prisoner in _Tripoli_, did relate it to me, so as it was reported to him by credible hands; who told me that the _Trusci_ are very numerous, that they were divided into several regiments, of several colours, and that those that live in the middle of the high mountains were the most numerous of them all, that they live in a country that is very well secured and surrounded, so that they need not, nor will not be subject either to the _Turks_ or any other potentate. They are warlike people, for the generality good gunners, that make their own guns and any other sorts of arms, _&c._ they have plenty of corn, oil, wine, good meat and good fruit, so that they need not any assistance of strangers. They chiefly deal in silk, whereof they wind (from silkworms) about one hundred rotulas in a year (which is about 450 C. weight) to send from thence into other countries. These have their white colours, and their confederates that live on the outward hill towards the sea, at _Baruti_ near _Tripoli_, have red ones, and have also their colonel whom they call _Ermin Mackfur_, who also those that belong unto the white colours acknowledge to be theirs, as well as their own, who was lately murder’d. This because he could not entrench himself as well as the other _Trusci_ on the hill, agreed with the Great Sultan, and made peace upon this , that if he would let him live peaceably and quietly, he would help him to protect the country, and pay unto him yearly the accustom’d tribute, but if the Grand Signior would not be pleased with this proffer, he would and assist them. The Emperor accepted of this, and did not only make this _Ermin Mackfur_ Lord of all _Baruti_ and _Scide_, call’d _Sidon_, but did also procure him a great and plentiful yearly revenue out of these countries; thinking thus to oblige him, to help him with his _Trusci_ to subdue the others, not doubting but that he might easily overcome these, when once the other on the mountains were kill’d. But they would not get up the hill, but did profer to the _Turks_, that if their men and the _Moors_ should go up, they would be ready in the valley about _Baruti_, to cut off all that should fall into their hands. This answer they gave to the Sultan, only for fashion’s sake, for no _Truscus_ killeth the other. When the Sultan saw that they would not bite one another, and that he was not like to obtain any great matter from the Colonel, he did notwithstanding send up the Bashaw of _Damascus_ with six other Bashaws and seventeen Sangiacks, about 200,000 strong, both foot and horse well arm’d, to subdue the before mention’d _Trusci_ which were about 60,000 strong, to burn, demolish and destroy their towns, villages, houses and plantations. After they were come up to the ascent two days journey from _Damascus_, they found the roads so steep that no body could them on horseback, for there was nothing to be seen but rough and sharp pointed rocks. So they agreed to dismount, and to go up to them on foot, and so they took presently six or seven villages, whereof there is said to be twenty seven in all, but they found nothing in them but some women and children and very few men (the rest were got upon the hills where they had entrench’d themselves) which were all cut in pieces, and the villages burnt. The _Turks_ and _Moors_ thought themselves obliged, according to their Emperors command to go on farther, so they endeavour’d and got up higher, but could not do any more harm to the _Trusci_, being hinder’d by the bad ways; but on the contrary the _Trusci_ met them sometimes and poured their shot upon them from all sides, before they were aware of it, so that they were but in an ill condition. Then when the _Turks_ would pursue these men, they were too quick for them, as being born and bred in these mountains; so they did only laugh at them, and bid them kiss their breeches; so the _Turks_, partly for want of provision, partly being tired by the steep roads, were sometimes forced, not without great damage and loss of their men, to retire again to take better measures. Sometimes also the _Trusci_ would stand between the rocks cover’d and when they found any of their enemies appear, chiefly those that endeavour’d to climb up the rocks, they would all of a sudden shoot among them as among a flock of pigeons, so that many of them did precipitate themselves and broke their necks. They would also sometimes decoy the _Turks_ into a good road and after eight or ten thousand of them were ed, they would with six thousand _Trusci_ fall in the rear of them, to drive them up higher, where others soon did appear that came down upon them; so they surrounded them sometimes and received them so warmly, that but very few of them came back again to tell what was become of the rest. After this war had continued for about two months, the Bashaw at last was forced to make a shameful retreat with the remainder of his forces, and that so much the sooner because the winter began to approach, so that it was impossible to endure the frost and snow, which occasion’d many to die, and the chiefest of them came home sick. The _Trusci_ pretend to be Christians, and the posterity of those that some years ago by might and strength recover’d the Holy Land; so that still to this day they have a great affection for Christians, which those that travel among them to buy silks can testify, whom they treat and entertain very civilly with good meat and good wine, yet refuse to take any money for it; and say, that what God hath given them they are bound to distribute among us Christians. But they hate _Mahometans_ and Jews, and keep very good intelligence with the Christians of this country. Yet they themselves are neither Christians, _Turks_, _Moors_ nor Jews; for they do not go to mass, nor any other publick worship of God; they cry out sometimes to heaven that God would be pleased to protect them. They also believe according to the opinion of _Pythagoras_, that the souls of the deceased according to their merits, transmigrate from one body into another; that the soul of a pious man goeth into a new born child, and that of an ill man into the body of a dog or other wild beast; chiefly if he hath lived very ill. As they believe so they live also. Among them they marry to their nearest relations, the brother to his sister, the son to his mother, the father to the daughter, and they lie all together a night, but they will not marry into a strange family. The father or the mother says, seeing that God hath given me this child as a seed unto me, why should I throw it away upon a stranger; or else, I have a garden, and God giveth me flowers in it, is it not reasonable that I should enjoy them rather than a stranger? _&c._ they make use of a great many of these and the like expressions. They also keep a yearly feast with their wives which then they change one with the other as they please. Else they are not given to stealing, killing or any such like crimes, because they want for nothing, but if any be taken that hath transgressed he is executed immediately. So they live in peace together, and care not for any other Monarch. _End of the second Part._ [Illustration: CAROLUS JEPHSON IMPRIM] [Illustration] Dr _Leonhart Rauwolff_’s TRAVELS INTO THE Eastern Countries. Wherein is chiefly treated of the Land of Promise, the city of _Jerusalem_, and also of several opinions, beliefs and Errors of the _Turks_ and _Christians_. PART. III. CHAP. I. _A short description of his departure from ~Tripoli~, a town of ~Phœnicia~ in ~Syria~, and how he went from thence to ~Joppa~._ After my return to _Tripoli_, when I found myself near to the confines of _Canaan_, the land of promise, promised and given to the _Israelites_ by the Lord of _Zebaoth_, and considered, that our long before promised _Messias_, Lord and Saviour of the _Gentiles_ was there, according to the prophecies of the prophets born in _Bethlehem_ of the virgin _Mary_, and by the _Jews_ suffered the shameful death of crucifixion at _Jerusalem_ on the mount of _Calvaria_, and afterwards was laid in the new tomb of _Joseph_ of _Arimathea_, that was cut out of a rock, _&c._ I found in me a great desire to see these and other the like holy places: Not that I thought still to find there _Christ_ our Lord, as the two young men _Peter_ and _John_ and the three _Maries_ did, but to exercise my outward senses in the contemplation thereof, that I might the more fervently consider with my inward ones his bitter ion, death, resurrection and ascension, and to appropriate to myself, and to apprehend the better, and to make my own, by faith and firm confidence, _Christ_ our Lord himself together with his heavenly gifts and treasures, as he has manifested himself in the holy scriptures; wherefore I was fully resolved to look out for fellow travellers to accompany me in this journey before I returned home again. I staid not long in quest of company, but quickly met four Pilgrims that came out of the Low Countries that had the same intention; there also came to us a _Grecian_ Monk of the order of the _Carmelites_ whom I knew before when he lived with his master, that I cured of a very dangerous distemper, and desired to go in company with us. So we agreed together, and bespoke a small _Turkish_ vessel with eight oars, by them called _Caramusala_ whereof there were many in the harbour, that wait constantly for travellers, goods and provision, to be carried into the neighbouring towns and provinces, _viz._ to _Antiochia_, _Caramania_, anciently called _Cilicia_, _Cyprus_, _Baruthi_, _Caramania_, or quite into _Egypt_. We bought some biskets, cibets, eggs, cheese, pompions, which the _Arabians_ call _Batticas_, _Margeropfel_, oranges, good wine, _&c._ which we had occasion of for our journey, of which as much as would last us eight days; for the ship-masters do not willingly land, chiefly with Pilgrims, because of the great customs the roguish _Turks_ demand unjustly from us Christians every where, until we arrive at our designed stations. After we had thus fitted ourselves, and got a good wind, we went aboard the ship on the seventh of _September_, in the year 1575, and put off, and came before night to the point _Capugio_, to the village _Aniffe_, anciently called _Neuphrus_, which was in former ages very well fortified, as still appeareth by some remainders to this day. This village is pretty big, but every where open, that one might easily take it with a handful of men; it is situated on the foot of mount _Libanus_, which is very high there, and reacheth unto the sea. It is chiefly inhabited by _Maronites_, as are also many more villages of this mountain, chiefly those that lie in vallies towards _Aleppo_, where I have inned many times when I went through it, and was very kindly received; they keep very good wine by them, which the _Turks_ know very well, and come there very often for it, altho they are forbidden (by the laws of their Mahometan Koran) to satisfy their desire. These _Maronites_ are Christians, and speak the _Arabian_ language, and have their Patriarchs, which are first chosen by the people, and then confirmed by the Pope. After we had went on from thence very well all night long, all along the steep mountainous shore, and had made the utmost point of the promontory of _Baruthi_, we saw in the morning a far off, that famous town lying behind it, where formerly great commerce has been drove, well fortified with strong towers towards the sea, and surrounded with fruitful orchards and vineyards. In this, and also in more adjacent towns and villages, live a very warlike people, called _Trusci_, very nimble and expert in shooting with guns and bows, and call themselves the posterity of the ancient _Frenchmen_, which took and possessed many years agone, under _Godfrid_ and _Baldwin_, _Jerusalem_, and all the Land of Promise. They are still a free people to this day, and not subject unto the Great Sultan as others are; wherefore he hath many times attempted to bring them under his yoak. And in order thereunto he did send in the year 1574 last past, a great army consisting of two hundred thousand horse and foot to subdue them; but what harm he did them I have already mentioned in the preceding part of this Journal. They are very willing to accommodate and serve outlandish Christians, as _Germans_, _Frenchmen_ and _Italians_, whereof they make no difference, and to take them up into their habitations, and to shew them all civility and kindness; nay, and what is more, to assist them according to their utmost power against the common enemy of Christendom, as we have formerly found indeed before _Cyprus_ was taken by the _Turks_; for after they were informed that some _Italian_ gallies were to arrive to make an incursion into the adjacent towns and places, chiefly to plunder _Tripoli_, they raised seven thousand men very well armed to help them, and to come to their assistance, some of which did then appear and shew themselves on the frontiers; but finding that their gallies did not arrive, they also returned home again, and left their design unaccomplished. The _Trusci_ have a head called _Ermin Mackfur_, that is, a judicious man, and a very experienced soldier, whom they acknowledge to be their supreme governor, and are obedient to him; he liveth in a castle on the bottom of the mountain not far from the town we went by; he taketh great pains, chiefly now after the _Turkish_ war, and maketh great provision to keep the country in peace and security. He also keepeth good correspondence with the neighbouring people, chiefly the _Maronites_, that have lived long before in these mountains, with whom he hath lately renewed the old confederacy again, as I know very well, and their Patriarch himself was with him, before I was called to cure him of his distemper. He also leaveth no stone unturned to get in with others, and to make them his confederates; so that he hath already secured to himself the _Syrians_, which are also Christians, yet not without gross errors, by paying to them a yearly pension. These speak also _Arabick_, and are very like unto them in shape, manners, fashion and cloaths; and I found two of them among our seamen, that confirmed this to me. After we had gone on a great while, and were ed by the point of the promontary of _Barnti_, which extendeth itself far into the sea, our ship-master, who was a _Turk_, and understood the _Arabian_ language, shewed me a village lying beyond it, called _Burgi_, and told me, that that was also inhabited altogether by _Harani Quibir_, that is, great robbers and murtherers, as they always call these people. But I being better informed beforehand, I prayed by myself that God would be pleased to let the poor slaves that live in hard servitude under the _Turks_, who were these they call _Harani_; and I do not at all question, but they would soon take their refuge to them to make themselves free of their servitude, as those might easily do, that live about these countries in _Syria_. We saw also upon the shoar some ancient towers, and among them chiefly two, which are renewed again, wherein the _Trusci_ keep watches to observe the pirates, but the others whereof there are a great many not above a league distant from one another, are for the greatest part by age decayed. Some say that they were formerly built by the potent Emperors, that if any nation should rise up in rebellion, they might immediately give notice thereof to _Constantinople_. These gave notice, before guns were invented, in the night by a flaming fire, and by day-time by a great smoak. And they still keep to this in many places, altho’ guns are now invented. In the afternoon we were becalmed, and so our journey went on but slowly, we saw late at night a small village called _Carniola_ upon the height: and soon after at the foot of the high mount of _Libanus_, southward of the city of _Sidon_, by the inhabitants still called _Scida_, which is not very great, but as far as I could see, very well built, and defended by two castles, one whereof is situated towards the north on a high rock, the other on a little hill. Those that are going to _Saphet_, which is a day’s journey distant from it, land there. Before we could reach it, night befel us, and brought contrary winds, which hindered us so much, that we could hardly reach the glorious and rich town of _Tyrus_, now by the inhabitants called _Sur_, which lieth in a manner close to it, until the next morning. This is still pretty large, and lieth on a rock in the sea, about five hundred paces distant from the shoar of _Phœnicia_. In former ages _Alexander_ the Great did besiege it for seven months, and during the siege he filled up the streight of the sea, and did it to the continent, and after he had taken it, he laid it into ashes, so that punishment was inflicted on the inhabitants which the Prophet _Esaias_ denounced against them four hundred years before. On the confines of _Tirus_ and _Sidon_, that _Cananean_ woman came to _Christ_ on behalf of her daughter that was possessed of an unclean spirit, whereof the Lord, seeing her faith, did deliver her immediately. Just before it, we heard a great noise of large running springs, which rise within the country with so great a vehemency, that they drive several mills. Within a large distance from thence, we saw a very fine new house called _Nacora_. Two miles farther near mount _Saron_ within, southward, we saw a large village called _Sib_, without it in the sea round about were several banks and rocks, behind which we hid ourselves, the wind being contrary, and staid for a more favourable one; in the mean while, some of our men got out among the rocks to catch fish, and to find oisters, where they also gathered so much sea-salt, that they filled up a great sack with it. Between this and mount _Carmelo_, which are eight leagues distant, and run out a great way into the seas, lieth almost in the middle thereof, as it were in a half moon, the famous town of _Acon_, anciently called _Ptolemais_, on a high rocky shoar, which some years ago, when _Baldewin_, the brother of _Gotefrid_, first, and _Guidon_ after him, did possess themselves of the Holy Land, was not without great loss of many men taken by them, from _Saladine_ King of the _Saracens_ in _Ægypt_, which had (after some obtained victories) surrendered itself again a second time, after a long siege. This town hath very good fields of a fertile soil about it, and is at this time, together with the Land of Promise and others, (to the great grief of the Christians) subjected under the yoak and slavery of the _Turkish_ Emperor. The next day the wind favouring us, we hoisted up our sails, and got out at sea, with less danger to get before the point of the mountain, but our design was frustrated; for about noon a contrary wind arose, which did not only hinder us in our course, but violently drove us back again, so that we were forced to have recourse to our old shelter behind the rocks again. After midnight when it began to be calm, and another wind arose, we put out two hours before break of day, and went along the shore towards the town _Hayphe_, formerly call’d _Caypha_ or _Porphyria_, four leagues beyond _Acon_, lying just within mount _Carmel_, where on the evening when we came very near it, several frigats came out of all sides to surround us. As soon as the master of our ship perceived them, he did not like it, wherefore he let fall his sails, and exhorted his men to ply their oars to get clear of them. When they saw they could not reach us, they left their design and went back; but we landed without on that mount _Carmelo_, to put out again in the night. This mountain is very high and famous in Scripture; for we read in the third book of the _Kings_, and the eighteenth chapter, that the holy Prophet _Elias_ call’d before him upon the hill the people of _Israel_, the four hundred and fifty of _Baal_’s priests, and the four hundred of _Hayns_, to chide them for their idolatery; where also God heard him, and consumed his sacrifice by fire that came down from Heaven; but the priests of _Baal_ were not only not heard by their idols, but kill’d as idolaters near the river _Kison_; and also in the fifth of the epistle of _James_; that after the Heavens had been lock’d up for the space of three years and an half, _Elias_ did pray to God on this mount, and the Lord heard him, and let rain fall down upon the dry and barren earth. From this mountain, the (presumed) holy order of the _Carmelites_ taketh it’s name, which was first there endowed with several privileges by Pope _Innocent_ the third, and _Albert_ the Patriarch of _Jerusalem_, in the year 1205; and afterwards when they were encreased to a great number, under pretence of greater holiness, confirmed by the name of _The Brothers of our Lady_, by Pope _Honorius_ the third, in the year 1226. These pretend to be the followers of the doctrine of _Cyrillus_, wear daily black girded coats, and over them, when they say mass, white Monks habits. Some years ago without doubt, have a great many of this order lived hereabouts, as still to this day doth appear, by their cloisters and churches, which by age are so mightily decay’d, that they are left deserted and uninhabited. This mountain is also round about towards the sea-coast very bare and rough, that we may very well say with the holy Prophet _Amos_, _That the pastures of the herdsmen shall look miserably, and the top of the mountain dry up_. The town _Hayphe_ lieth at the bottom of the mount _Carmelo_, is pretty large but very ill built, and the houses are so decay’d, that half of it is not fit to be inhabited. _Salidinus_, King of the _Saracens_, who in his time carry’d on long and heavy wars against the Christians, and was almost hardly able to resist them, caused the walls of it, and also that of _Cæsarea_ in _Palestina_, and others of less strength, to be pull’d down, that his enemies might not find any place of reception against him. Out of this port, as we were afterwards inform’d, was a little time before taken away a pretty large and richly loaden ship by some pirates, which vexed the inhabitants very much, and being that the Christians chiefly were much suspected by them, they had a great desire to revenge it upon them again; so that we, had not our master been very honest, should have suffered for the loss they had sustain’d. After we had lain there at anchor till after midnight, not without danger, as you may imagine, our master made haste to get out to sea, although it was very calm, in hopes to get good weather. After they had wrought very hard, a good wind arose behind us towards the morning, and drove us along, so that we got soon about, and ’d the point of the mountain, and saw the country on the other side, which was above on the height so pleasant, green and shady, that there in a village resides a _Turkish_ Sangiack for pleasure’s sake. Nor far from thence lieth the castle of the Pilgrims in the sea, by the inhabitants call’d _Altlit_, where most of them touch that take their way through _Galilæa_ and _Nazareth_ to _Jerusalem_. This hath been in former ages so well fortify’d with walls and bastions, that it was thought to be impregnable; but now it is on two sides towards the sea so demolish’d and destroy’d, that one may very reasonably guess, that it hath been formerly taken by storm. The wind still encreasing more and more, we went on with such a swiftness, that although two little ships pursued us towards morning, yet they were forced to leave us, and so we soon ed the castle, and came towards _Dor_, three leagues distance from thence; it lieth near mount _Carmel_ in the country of _Phœnecia_, as _Josephus_ testifieth; and it is so decay’d that there is nothing more extant than a large and high tower, which the inhabitants still call _Dortaite_. In this country when the Jews took _Canaan_ the Land of Promise, they let the inhabitants remain, as you may read in the first chapter of the _Judges_. At a leagues distance from thence, you see the ancient and famous town _Cæsaria_ of _Palestine_, situated by the sea on a high bank, which King _Herod_ did renew; and call’d it after the Emperor _Cæsarea_, which still to this day, among the _Turks_ and _Moors_, retaineth it’s ancient name _Kæsarie_. In this town did live the pious centurian _Cornelius_, who was baptized there with his whole family by _Peter_ the Apostle, who was call’d thither from the town _Joppe_. There did also live _Philip_ the Evangelist, one of the seven Deacons, into whose house the holy Apostle _Paul_ did go, and staid there some days; where also the Prophet _Agabus_ did foretel him, That he was to be made a prisoner at _Jerusalem_. Now although this town in those days was very well built, as one may still see by the important and stately antiquities that are still remaining there, yet now in our times it is in walls and buildings so mightily decay’d, that it is hardly fit to be inhabited, much less to be defended, or to make any resistance. And for all that it is still pretty large, but so lonesome and so depopulated, that we could hardly see any body in the large and broad streets thereof as we ed by. For some leagues before, or about it, I saw nothing remarkable, only a _Turkish_ Mosque, or church, in the height upon a hilly shore, where they meet to worship _Mahomet_. When the evening broke in, we had still ten leagues to sail to the port or harbour of _Joppe_, where the pilgrims use to go ashore to travel by land to _Jerusalem_, yet the wind drove us on with such a force, that we got into it two hours after sun-set. CHAP. II. _A short relation of my travels by land from the harbour of ~Joppe~, to the city of ~Jerusalem~._ In the morning early as soon as the day did appear, which was the thirteenth day of _September_ 1575, we got on shore, and dispatch’d immediately some to the town of _Rama_, two leagues distant from thence, to get us a safe conduct or , from the Sangiack, and to bring along with them some Mockeri, or ass-driving carriers, to provide us carriage to _Jerusalem_. In the mean while we stay’d upon the high rocky shore, where the town _Joppe_ did stand formerly, which at this time was so demolish’d that there was not one house to be found, where the pilgrims at their arrival could shelter themselves, save only three large vaults, which went very deep into the hill, and extended themselves towards the sea. Into these are sometimes the Pilgrims let in, but being that at that time, a great deal of corn was laid up there, whereunto they still daily added, on purpose to supply _Constantinople_ during the scarcity, it was forbidden that any body should be let in. The town _Joppe_, by the inhabitants call’d _Japha_, is by it’s old name very well known to us, by the books of the Prophets and Apostles, _&c._ where we read, That the Prophet _Jonas_, when the Lord bid him to preach to the _Ninevites_ desolation and destruction, for fear did retire thither, and there took ship, where he was thrown out into the seas in the great storm and tempest, and swallow’d up by a great fish; and after he had been there for three days and nights he was vomited out again. And we read also in the _Acts of the Apostles_, in the ninth and tenth chapter, from _Peter_ the Apostle, That he lay, or tarry’d, for a while at the house of _Simon_ the Tanner, where he raised the sister _Tabitha_ from the dead, _&c._ _Joppe_ at that time was very well built and fortify’d, which doth appear, because a good many of the Jews did, at the time of the desolation of _Jerusalem_, retire thither, to defend themselves against the might of the _Romans_, although it was but in vain; for being that the time of the punishment, that was to befall them, was at hand, the city therefore was two several times one after another, besieged and taken, and demolish’d, and as _Josephus_ testifieth, about 12600 Jews were kill’d in it. We also read, That after the time of _Gotfrid de Boullion_, when the Christians lost again the Land of Promise, that then this town was also retaken again by the infidels, and razed to the foundations; so that now there are no antiquities at all to be seen. And I should have doubted very much whether there did ever stand such a town there, had I not seen some large pieces of the ancient town walls still remaining, which are so near to the sea, that there is hardly room to go at the outside of them. Hard by this I suppose was the habitation of _Simon_ the Tanner, where _Peter_ sojourn’d, because the Evangelist St _Luke_ saith, That it was near to the sea shore. Above it on the height stand two towers, where some watchmen attend to look after the vaults and ships in the harbour, that they may not be assaulted by the pirates; this harbour, although it is surrounded with rocks and banks, yet it is but very slightly secured, and very narrow and shallow, so that ships of any great bulk or heavy laden, cannot ride in it. Near to them groweth the _Hemerocallis_, which I have also found about _Montpelier_ and _Aigemort_ near to the sea. And also in the adjacent moist and mashy meadows, I found a delicate kind of _Limonium_ which hath about ten or twelve _Aspleniun_ or _Cetarach_ leaves on both sides; these proceed from a long root of a brown colour without, and red within; between them sprout out two three-square stalks, about a cubit high, with a great many ts, that have three long small leaves, and are adorn’d at the top with beautiful and stately blue and purple colour’d flowers; they are of a drying nature, and the inhabitants use to eat them in sallads. Presently after dinner our men return’d, and brought along with them the and the carriers; our master of the ship left some of the crew in his _Caramusala_ to look after it in our absence; we mounted and went away, and came soon into the plain fields where _Jonathas_, slew _Apollonius_ the Captain, as is said in the first of _Maccabees_ the tenth chapter. Soon after we saw a pleasant village call’d _Jasura_, and when we came a little nearer, a camp of a great _Turkish_ Lord, who sent (as soon as he espy’d us on the road, and found that we were pilgrims) some of his men to us, to call us before him, and also to tell us, That he was one of them to whom the Grand Sultan had given charge of the Temple and the mount _Calvaria_, with strict order to let no Pilgrim in before they had paid a certain sum of money. So we went along with them, and appeared before him in his tent, put our right hand on our breast, bended ourselves forwards, and made him, according to their custom, his compliments. After he had look’d upon us for a great while, he bid his men to receive the money of us; so each of us paid him nine ducats that had their full weight, except the _Grecian_ who paid only five, and at their request we staid with them all night, because their master intended to send a Janizary with us the next day, to let us into the temple. This Lord, who was an Eunuch, had a great many offices; for in these countries they are by the great ones, as Bashaws, Sangiacks, Cadees, _&c._ so much esteem’d, that in their absence they make them stewards over all their goods and chattels, wives and children, _&c._ At that time he was there to gather great quantity of corn from these fruitful countries, it being harvest time, and to send it from thence to _Joppe_, to go by sea for _Constantinople_. After midnight we mounted again, and came early in the morning to the town _Rama_, and went into the house of the pilgrims, which _Philip_ Duke of _Burgundy_ bought, and gave it to the Pilgrims as their inn. This is very large, and hath a great many arched chambers within, and a fine well; within the inner court is a pretty large place, all grown over with green Aloës, the juice whereof is brought over to us in large pieces, from the eastern countries, and is very useful in many tedious distempers; _Nicodemus_ did also bring with him, together with myrrh, to the quantity of one hundred pounds, to the grave of _Christ_ our Lord, to bury his body decently according to the Jewish fashion, as you may read in the nineteenth chapter of St _John_. Here we staid almost three days, and had all along enough to do to agree with the Cadi, Subashaw, Clerks, Janizaries and Paityfs, _&c._ about our free age; so unjust, malicious, and infidel a people are they, that one would hardly believe it. The town is situated on an ascent in plain fields, as is before said, which extend themselves for two leagues to the hill of the city of _Jerusalem_. These fields are very fruitful, and very well till’d and sown with corn, cotton, and _Indian_ millet. Hereabouts do also grow _Indian_ muskmelions in great quantity, by the _Arabians_ call’d _Batiere_, which are very pleasant and well tasted, chiefly those that are red within; so that in all my travels I hardly met with the like. The town is pretty large, but very open like unto a village, very pitifully built, where one may still see here and there some signs of old building. From thence northwards within half a league lieth the town _Diospolis_, formerly call’d _Lidda_, where _Peter_ did visit the Saints, and cured one named _Æneas_, that had had a palsie for eight years. Nothing else is to be seen there, but the church of St _George_, whom the _Turks_ chiefly honour, as a Knight and _Hero_, before all other Saints. After they had quite tired us, during this time, with their continual impertinencies, we agreed with them, and went away early in the morning, and came in good time over the plain, to the mountain of the city of _Jerusalem_, to which we had still four leagues to travel. By the way there appeared presently on the mountains several _Arabians_, and ran before us in great clusters to cut us off in our way, with such violence, that we were almost forced to come to our defence, and to push our way through them by force; for our Janizaries had already flung their iron club into the backside of one of them, and had almost spoil’d him. When they found us to be in earnest, they took something to drink of us and let us alone. So we must, before we arrived at the old destroy’d and ruinated _Jerusalem_ (where there is no joy nor hopes to get any thing, as is in the Heavenly one) soon one after another pay them, just like boys that have lost their game and run the gauntlet. After we had endured all these brushes we went on, and came to the middle of the way of the mountains, where it was very rough and stony, into a small village call’d _Anatoth_, lying on a height, where we rested a little, and water’d our beasts at a very rich spring, that runs through it by an ancient little church down the hill; this is situated (as _Josephus_ writes in his tenth book and tenth chapter of his Antiquities, or Ancient History) within twenty furlongs of _Jerusalem_. There was born the holy Prophet _Jeremiah_, as you may see in his first chapter; and it is also call’d by _Esaiah_ a pitiful village, which, together with the town _Rama_, did formerly belong to the inheritance of the children of _Benjamin_. Thither went also _Abiathar_, when King _Salomon_ did depose or exclude him from his priesthood, to live on his own ground. A little before it they shew’d us at the top of the height of _Silo_, of mount _Ephraim_, some relicts of the grave of the Holy Prophet _Samuel_, where we could look about for several leagues round, which was of _Ramatha_, or _Arimathea_, as also _Joseph_ the Just, who helped to take _Christ_ down from the cross, and did put him into his own new grave. The town was underneath the mountain where the Prophet _Samuel_ was buried at first, but carry’d up to _Silo_, after the town was taken. Just when you come to _Jerusalem_, _Nicopolis_ lieth on the left hand upon the height, formerly call’d _Emmaus_, from _Jerusalem_ threescore furlongs distant, as the Scripture telleth us; whither _Christ_ did accompany the two disciples, and explained the Scriptures to them, and at last made himself known to them. We left it and went up to _Jerusalem_, which is now call’d _Gotz_ by the _Arabians_ and _Turks_. The road is very rough and rocky; so that we saw very little, but on each side in the valleys many delicate large olive-trees, and some few vineyards. The city lieth on the height of the mountains, as the 125th Psalm testifieth. It is not to be seen, until you come over the bare and rough mountains intercepting the prospect of it on this side. Just before it without on the top of mount _Gihon_, are to be seen still some antiquities of the town _Helia_, which _Adrian_ the Emperor built after the desolation of _Jerusalem_, and called it after his own name _Helia_. This was first taken by _Cosroë_, King of _Persia_, in the time of the Emperor _Heraclius_ who did overcome him again, and afterwards by _Homar_ the third King of the _Saracens_, who demolish’d it; afterwards it was more contracted, and somewhat built again in it’s old place. In these days it is, as well as all that country, under the dominion of the _Turkish_ Emperor. Before it we dismounted, for no outlandish man hath permission to ride into their towns, and went under the gate _Hebron_, to stay there for the Father Guardian, to whom we had by one of our carriers given notice of our arrival, and also desired him to get us license from the Sangiack to come in. In the mean time some Mendicant Friars came out of the monastry, and received us very kindly. Soon after the Ermin came also riding with his clerk, and ask’d us from whence we came, how many there were of us, and what our names were. And after they had written it down, and every one had paid him his due, to have safe conduct to see the holy places, the Ermin promised it us, and put his right hand upon his head, which is the fashion in these countries, and bended forwards to let us know that we might confide in his promise. Then they let us , and the Friars conducted us in, towards the left hand, through some small streets or lanes into the monastry, which is behind on the town-wall towards the west. This although it is not large and spacious, yet is it very handsome and strong built; we went into lodge there as all Pilgrims do that come there, where Father _Jeremy_ of _Brixen_, a brother of the order of the _Minorites_ of St _Francis_, a Guardian of the holy mount _Zion_, who had been president of this monastry of _Jerusalem_, and of the other of _Bethlehem_ for eighteen years together, received us very kindly. There are but very few Monks in it, and they are of all sorts of nations, as _Italians_, _Spaniards_, _French_, and _Germans_, yet of the last named I found not one when I arrived there. These lead the Pilgrims about, together with an interpreter or _Truschemant_, that understands the _Arabian_ and _Turkish_ language, and shew them the holy places as well within as without the city. But before we went out the Father Guardian onish’d us, that we must have a care, and not go to the graves of the heathens, which are almost throughout _Turkey_ without the towns near to the highways; for if one or more should, before he was aware of it, which may easily happen, go to them, the _Turks_ would be very much offended at it, partly because they take any one that is not circumcised to be unclean, and so they fear that they might make them also unclean; partly because they are very jealous of their wives, wherefore they permit them not easily to walk or appear in the open street, except they have a mind to go into the bath or bagnio, or to visit the graves of their deceased parents or relations; and where women are present, every one had best to come away, to avoid danger. After he had said this he went on, saying, That if any should be among us, that were come over the sea, hither, that could not bring very good proof, that they did appear before his Holiness the Pope at _Rome_, and were there absolved by him, that such were in his Holiness’s excommunication, and therefore could not be itted to see those holy places, much less obtain the indulgences, which in former ages had been left with them, out of great kindness of the Popes, to be distributed among the Pilgrims, wherefore he desired, that every one might shew him their certificates. All these points he used to propound to every one that cometh there, in course, as I had heard before of several that had been there formerly; that they were very glad to see Pilgrims arrive, and that they used to shew the holy places to them also that bring no recommendation from his Holiness the Pope, hoping that they will recompense them at their departure. Wherefore I did not much mind this excommunication, but let that remain in it’s ancient credit; but my comrades, two whereof were Priests that used to say mass, were very much astonish’d at it, and full of trouble, that they should be under his Holiness’s excommunication before they were aware of it; wherefore they began to excuse themselves, and said, That they did not know any thing of it, neither had they had any opportunity in their travels to come to _Rome_; but although this had been omitted before their arrival, yet they would certainly do it as they went back. Notwithstanding all this the Guardian seem’d to be very earnest, and made shew as if he could not absolve them; yet at last, after he had long enough kept them in this fear, he began to declare, that he had also received full power from his Holiness, and the whole _Roman Catholic_ church, to absolve all those that did not bring any certificates. And so at last absolved us in the cloisters of his monastry in _Latin_ with these words: _I absolve you of all your sins in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost._ And with this he concluded his speech. [Illustration] CHAP. III. _A plain description of the city of ~Jerusalem~, as it was to be seen in our time; and of the adjacent countries._ The glorious and kingly city of _Jerusalem_ (which formerly the _Saracens_ called _Kurzitadon_, but now is named _Chutz_ by the inhabitants) is still situated in the old place, in the middle of _Judea_ on the high mountains, and as the head is extolled above the rest; which may be concluded, partly because from thence you may see all the country as from a center, partly also because the springs rise here, and so run down, as from a higher place, every way and to every part thereof; as the holy Prophet _Ezekiel_ doth testify in his fourteenth chapter, where he saith; _That at that time fresh streams shall flow from Jerusalem, half thereof to the sea toward the east, and the other half towards the farthest sea_. There are also many other places of Scripture that[4] testify the high situation of _Jerusalem_, as in the eighth chapter of the _Acts_, verse 26. where the angel of the Lord spake unto _Phillip_, saying, _Arise and go towards the south, unto the way that goeth down from Jerusalem unto Gaza_, &c. And in the tenth chapter of St _Mark_, and the thirty-second verse, _And they were in the way going up to Jerusalem_. And the tenth chapter of St _Luke_, verse 30. _A certain man went down from Jerusalem to Jericho._ And verse 31. _And by chance there came down a certain priest that way_, &c. The situation of _Jericho_, together with the great plains thereabout, through which the river _Jordan_ runs from the north towards the south, together with the Dead-sea, where formerly _Sodom_ and _Gomorrah_ stood, you see from the town, over a barren hill below, so plainly, that one would think we might go thither with ease in three hours, and yet it would require a whole day’s journey. Beyond the river that separateth _Arabia_ from _Judæa_, lie the high hills _Abarim_ and _Nebo_, over-against _Jericho_, whence _Moses_, (as is said, _Deuteronomy_ the 32d and 34th chapters) had a full prospect of the land of _Canaan_, promised to _Abraham_, _Isaac_ and _Jacob_; one may see them thence so plainly, as also the mount _Seir_, which toucheth them beyond the Dead-sea in the land of the _Moabites_ and _Ammonites_, that one would also think they were very near. They bring yearly a vast quantity of sheep to _Jerusalem_ from off the mountains, which feeding upon the fragrant, delicate and hearty herbs that grow there, have meat that tastes very pleasantly, the tails thereof are very fat, above half a span thick, and one and a half broad and long. The Levetical Priest (as we read in _Leviticus_ the ninth chapter, and other places) used to burn this together with all the fat of the entrails, and the two kidneys for a sin-offering. There are also goats, with hanging ears almost two foot long. And therefore some _Arabians_, called _Balduini_, keep in the desarts, that have no certain abode, but lie continually in the fields, and go from country to country in great numbers, wheresoever they find good pasture for their beasts and camels. I have met with many of them in my travels, and have some time staid with them all night in their tents, they are commonly soldiers armed usually with bows and long pikes made of cane, as the other _Arabians_, and because of their nimbleness and courage they are very much preferred before the rest. This Holy Land (which, according to the promise made to the Patriarchs, was for many years in the possession of the _Israelites_) was, as you read in _Deuteronomy_ chap. viii. a most fruitful and rich country, abounding with corn, fruits, wine, and all that is required to the maintenance of man’s life. So the Lord himself saith, _That he will give them a land, that still floweth with milk and honey_. For it hath rich valleys, hills, fields and gardens, richly adorned with fountains and trees, so that it was very well chosen to be the worldly Paradise, wherein _Adam_ and _Eve_ did live, honour and serve God. Now as the land in it’s goodness sured other lands, so did _Jerusalem_ excel all other cities in building, glory, fortification, and number of inhabitants. Moreover God visited the _Israelites_ from the beginning, and had a house built in this city for himself, which he chose before all others to sanctify his name there. And above all this he provided them with High Priests, Kings and Prophets, until God the Father did send his only begotten Son, our Lord _Jesus Christ_ in the flesh, to reveal to them his will with teaching and miracles. But when they would not acknowledge his merciful visitation, nor receive his messengers, but did rather abuse, ridicule, and kill them, rejected the Lord of Glory himself, and adhered to, and adored strange Gods and served them; God did reject and disperse them among the heathens, burnt and destroyed their city and temple, and reduced their fruitful country into barren desarts and a desolate wilderness, and so the punishment came upon them, which the holy Prophet _Esaiah_ did foretel them in the thirteenth chapter, and ninth verse, saying, _Behold the day of the Lord cometh, cruel both with wrath and fierce anger, to lay the land desolate; and he shall destroy the sinners thereof out of it_. And further in the twenty-fifth chapter, and second verse, _Thou hast made of a city a heap; of a defenced city a ruin; a place of strangers to be no city, it shall never be built_. And _Daniel_ also maketh mention of this in his ninth chapter, _&c._ This ought to serve us and all men as an example of the fervent anger of God, to be a warning to us for ever. For if of the glorious city of _Jerusalem_, which God had chosen before others, and of it’s vast buildings that made her famous before her desolation, there is at this day nothing at all to be seen, so that one might very well doubt whether it ever stood there, were it not for some holy places and it’s situation, that give us demonstration thereof. If I say this worldly _Jerusalem_, because of it’s unbelieving inhabitants, that would not acknowledge the Blessed _Messias_, nor adhere to his doctrine to their salvation, is quite rooted out; and instead thereof, the way of the heavenly _Jerusalem_ opened to us heathens by the holy apostles: _How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation?_ This way to our Lord _Christ_, hath for many years past been shewed us sincerely by the ministers of the holy word of God, but we do not only not much care for it, but seek rather other by-ways, that lead us to idolatry, sin and vices, nay, to our utter ruin. Wherefore it is to be feared, that if we do not repent in time, and return to God again, that he will come upon us with his wrath (as he hath already begun) and deliver us up into the hands of our adversaries, that we may fall by their swords (as _Ezekiel_ doth threaten us in his thirty-ninth chapter) and to punish us according to the deserts of our sins. Wherefore we ought to lay to heart the terrible example of the _Jews_, and turn from our evil ways, that we may avoid the punishments that befel them. We see that those who were formerly the people of God, are now come to be so blind, and full of errors, and of so depraved a life, that there is hardly any like them to be found even among the infidels and impious. Wherefore they are by all men despised and hated, chiefly by the _Turks_ (who hate them more than any other nation) so that they would not let them live among them, if the _Turkish_ Emperor had not for a great sum of money given them a peculiar freedom. And besides all this, now-a-days, their towns and countries are inhabited by _Turks_, _Moors_, and _Arabians_, that do not love to till or cultivate the ground, but will rather starve than take pains to get a good livelihood by their hand-labour. And although the country about _Jerusalem_ is very rocky, rough, stony, and ill managed, yet notwithstanding they will not endeavour to mend and improve it, but find out the fruitful lands that are here and there, and over-run the country like grashoppers, so that you may observe it yearly to decay more and more. Seeing then that there is but little tillage about the city, therefore the product of the earth there is but very small, so that they must have almost all necessaries brought them from other places. The town of _Jerusalem_ which is still pretty large; but very ill built, hath within it’s wall, which the _Turkish_ Emperor caused to be built about twenty years ago, large places that lie desolated, and are so full of stones and rocks, that one can hardly walk in them. The gardens (even those that are within the city, and are but ill managed) are surrounded with mud walls, not above four foot high, so that one may climb over them without any difficulty. These are washed down again by rain in a very little time, so that they want mending continually. Their habitations are also little and low, have clay walls, and many of them are decayed, some lie quite in a heap. The churches of the two Apostles, that of St _John_ and St _Peter_, are in the same condition, as also the prison where St _Peter_ was kept, the habitation of _Veronica_, which the Cordeliers shew us for them, and a great many places more. In some streets chiefly near to their _Batzar_, or exchange, are very old vaults, part whereof are decayed and broken, part filled up with dust, which runs out into the streets; wherefore (chiefly in the summer) the dust lieth so thick in them, that you may see every step in it, as in snow or sand. All which sheweth, that the _Turks_ destroy or ruin more than they build; wherefore they are deservedly called _Turks_, that is to say, _destroyers_. The present town, as to the extent of it’s walls, is not much less than the old one was, wherefore one should ire, considering how it is built now, how it was possible it should hold so many people as it is said were in it at the time of it’s desolation, _viz._ a million of men, or as _Josephus_ and _Eusebius_ say, three millions. _Jerusalem_ was formerly surrounded with very steep cliffs, deep ditches and vallies, chiefly on three sides towards the south, east and west, so that one could not easily get up to it but only on the north side, where the town was low, lying in a plain; therefore did _Titus_ first attack it in a place near the village called _Scapas_, seven miles distant from it, and afterward advanced and took it; which the holy Prophet _Jeremiah_ did foretel many years before, in the first chapter and twelfth verse, saying, _Out of the north an evil shall break forth upon all the inhabitants of the land_. These ditches and vallies are now quite filled up with the ruins of the broken walls and buildings, so that one may go into the town, as into an open village, without any hinderance or pain. But when the Grand Signior, after he had taken it, saw that the town was open, and that the Christian Pilgrims came thither in great numbers from all places and countries, he feared that they might make themselves masters of it again, as they had done some years agone, wherefore he ordered it to be surrounded again with new walls, which although they are very high, yet they are so thin and slight, that they are not able to withstand the least violence. But as the town was anciently built four square, so it is now built more round, chiefly towards mount _Calvaria_, which formerly was without the town, but now is walled in; so that you may still see two corners, one whereof is towards _Galilee_, where the gate of that corner is which is still open, and almost one of the handsomest, through which you go to _Nazareth_, distant three days journey; as also to _Cæsarea Philippi_, which is now called _Balbec_, where still are to be seen some very fine antiquities; and also towards _Damascus_, which is six days journey distant from _Jerusalem_, and from thence six days journey more to _Aleppo_, the greatest town for trade in all _Syria_. _Jeremiah_ maketh mention of this gate in his 31st chapter and the 38th verse. _Behold the days come saith the Lord, that the city shall be built to the Lord, from the town of Hananeel unto the gate of the corner._ And also _Zacharias_, in his 14th chapter, and in the 2d book of _Chronicles_, the 26th chapter, and 9th verse: It is said _Uzzia_ built towers in _Jerusalem_ at the corner gate, and at the valley gate, _&c._ The second corner mount _Zion_ maketh, where it doth end toward the south, whereon, as also on the mount _Moria_, the city is rising towards the north. The old city had twelve gates, as you read in the _Revelation_. The 1st, the _Fish-gate_, which was also called the gate of _Hebron_, because the road of _Hebron_ went through it, which is about seven or eight hours walking distant from it. 2. The _Old-Gate_. 3. The _Prison Gate_, whereof _Nehemiah_ maketh mention in his 12th chapter, through which our Saviour Christ carried his cross. 4. _Rayn-Gate._ 5. The Gate of _Ephraim_, before which St _Stephen_ was stoned to death, as you may read in the 2d book of the _Ecclesiastical History_ in the 1st chapter. 6. The Gate of _Benjamin_, where the holy Prophet _Jeremiah_ was taken and imprisoned, as he saith himself in the 37th chapter. 7. _Corner-Gate._ 8. _Horse-Gate._ 9. _Valley-Gate_, thro’ which they went into the valley of _Josaphat_. 10. _Dung-Gate_, through which the water carried out all the soil into the valley of _Josaphat_; and about this river is still to this day a great stink. 11. _Sheep-Gate._ 12. _Fountain-Gate_, which is now walled up. The Prophet _Nehemiah_ maketh mention of them in his 3d, 8th, and 12th chapter, so that it is not needful to say any more. These gates are so mightily decayed, that there is not to be seen the least of the old buildings. The _Turks_ have instead of them, built others in the new raised wall, but yet not half so many in number, whereof some (according as the town is inlarged in some places, and contracted in others) are displaced; others are erected again in the same places, according to the old streets, _viz._ 1. The _Fish-Gate_, which is still standing towards the west behind mount _Sion_, and over-against mount _Gihon_, as you may conclude out of the words of the 2d book of _Chronicles_ in the 33d chapter and 14th verse. _Manasses_ built a wall without the city of _David_, on the west side of _Gihon_, in the valley, even to the entring in at the _Fish-Gate_. This gate hath it’s name, because they brought many fishes from the sea side through this gate into the city. So is also still standing, on the outside of the valley _Tiropæon_(which distinguished the two mounts, _Sion_, and the temple mount called _Moriah_) the gate of the fountain, which hath it’s name because it leadeth towards the fountain of _Siloah_, which _Nehemiah_ his 2d chapter, verse 14. calleth the _King’s Pool_. Through this was our dear Lord _Christ_, the true promised _Siloah_, brought a prisoner bound from the mount of _Olives_ over the brook _Kidron_, into the house of _Hannas_ and _Caiphas_ in the upper town, as we read in the 12th chapter, verse 37, that by the _Fountain-Gate_ they went up to the city of _David_. The same way also the two disciples, _Peter_ and _John_, were sent to bespeak the paschal lamb by _Christ_, where they met the man with the pitcher of water. The _Sheep_, or _Beast-Gate_, is also still standing by _Moriah_, the mountain of the temple, which the _Turks_ have taken to themselves, and have built on it a _Turkish_ mosque, or temple, because that God Almighty hath done many and great miracles on this mount; and besides _Mahomet_ did find himself again on this mount, after he had been carried up (as his lying writings tell us) through the heavens before God by the angel _Gabriel_. Wherefore they take this mount to be holy, so that none that is not circumcised and so unclean, dare approach or come near it, nor take the nearest way without over the height of the mount as _Nehemiah_ did, as you may see in the before quoted place; so that the Christians must take a farther way about, and from the gate _Siloah_, go below through the valley of the brook _Cedron_, between this and the mount of _Olives_ to the _Beast-Gate_, which hath it’s name because the beasts that were to be offerr’d in the temple were driven through it. Near the gate you see still the sheep pond, which is large and deep, yet hath but little water in it, wherein the _Nathineens_ used to wash the beasts, and then to give them to the priests. And also immediately within towards the north, a conduit, which was the pool by St _John_ the Evangelist (in the 2d verse of his 5th chapter) called _Bathesda_, erected by King _Ezechia_; _that had five porches, wherein lay a great multitude of impotent folk, that waited for the moving of the water_. Through this gate is the straight way over the brook _Cedron_, by the mount of _Olives_ toward _Bethania_, down to _Jericho_ on the river _Jordan_, into the valley of _Josaphat_, wherefore this also, being nearer now in these days, is called the _Valley-Gate_. There is also still the _Corner-Gate_ in it’s old place, where the north and east walls meet on large and high rocks, and is called still by some the gate of _Napthali_. This I thought convenient to say of the city of _Jerusalem_ in the general of it’s buildings, fruitfulness, and adjacent countries; what famous and holy places are within and without the city, thereof I intend to treat in particular. [Illustration] CHAP. IV. _Of Mount ~Sion~, and it’s Holy Places._ Mount _Sion_, very famous in holy Scripture, hath round about it steep sides, high rocks, deep ditches and vallies, so that it is not easy to climb up to it, only on one side towards the north, where it buts upon the lower town, so that the castle and town of _David_ situated on it, was very strong, and almost invincible, as you may read in the 48th Psalm, verse 2. _The joy of the whole earth is mount Sion, on the sides of the north, the city of the great King. God is known in her places for a refuge, for the Kings were assembled_, &c. Seeing then that the castle, and the upper town _Millo_ was so well fortified with towers and walls, that it was not easily to be taken, the _Jebusites_, after that _Canaan_ the whole Land of Promise, together with the town of _Jerusalem_ was taken, did defend themselves in it against the whole force of _Israel_ for a long time, although they often attempted to take it, and called the town of _Jerusalem_ after their name _Jebus_, until the kingly Prophet _David_ came, who took it by force; and after he had rebuilt the upper town, and ed the castle with it into one building, and surrounded it with walls, he called it after his own name, The city of _David_, and kept his court there, and gave also lodgings to his hero’s and officers, whereof _Uriah_ was one, who had his lodgings near to the King’s palace, wherein the King walking on the roof of his house, saw the fair _Bathsheba_ his wife, and committed adultery with her. These their habitations, as they are still built in these days, have instead of thatch or tiles, plaistered roofs, so that one may walk on them, as you may see here, that King _David_ walked on it. And also in the second chapter of the book of _Joshua_, where is said, That when the two spies sent into the Land of Promise to _Jericho_, came into _Rahab_’s house, and the King sent to search after them, they went at her request up to the roof of the house, where she hid them with the stalks of flax, which she had laid in order upon the roof. But seeing there is nothing so strong in this world that is not transitory, therefore is also this worldly mount _Zion_, together with it’s strong building and fortification (which was rather a type of the true rock in _Zion_, _Christ_ our Lord, and his heavenly kingdom and holy church that was built thereon) so ruined and desolated, that the greatest and highest part thereof before the town, except a _Turkish_ mosque, some tile houses and a few acres of it, lieth quite a desart, covered with rocks and stones. So it is come to , what _Micah_ in his third chapter and the twelfth verse predicted: ‘Therefore shall _Zion_ for your sake be plowed as a field, and _Jerusalem_ shall become heaps, and the mountain of the house, as the high places of the forest.’ And _Jeremiah_ in his _Lamentations_, chap. 5. verse 18. saith, ‘The mountain of _Zion_ which is desolate, the foxes walk upon it.’ And _Isaiah_ in his thirty-second chapter, verse 14. ‘The palaces shall be forsaken, the multitude of the city shall be left, the forts and towns shall be dens for ever, a joy of wild asses, a pasture of flocks.’ The great castle of the _Turks_ is situated at the top of the inward part of the mount, towards the west side near the _Fish-Gate_, which is also newly built, and very well surrounded with walls and ditches; under the gate are several great guns to frighten the Christians that come thither in great flocks, chiefly against great feasts from all nations, _Armenians_, _Georgians_, _Abyssins_, _Latinists_, &c. for they fear that else the town might be taken from them again. Within the fort near the _Fish-Gate_, is still a strong high tower, built up with great free-stone, which is quite black through age; wherefore some say, that it did anciently belong to the fort, and was built by one of the Kings of _Juda_. So much I thought convenient to mention of mount _Zion_, concerning other famous places that are to be seen upon and about it, I will only mention the chiefest thereof. First, As you go out of the _New-Gate_ of mount _Zion_, there is a long street wherein on the left hand is an ancient church, of the holy Apostle _James_ the Greater, brother of _John_, which _Helena_ the mother of _Constantine_ the Emperor, as also many more did build on the market place of the upper city where he was beheaded. The _Armenians_ that have possession thereof, did conduct us into it, shewed us the building, and the place where the holy Apostle was beheaded with the sword (as you read in the _Acts of the Apostles_, the twelfth chapter) by order of _Herod Agrippa_, to whom he was delivered out of spite, as a seditious person, by the High Priest _Abiathar_. Then we came to the place of the habitation of _Hannas_, whereto _Christ_ our Lord was first of all brought a prisoner and bound, or fetter’d, wherein was nothing observable, only a large court, and in it an old chapel, called the _Angels_, which we soon left, and went out of the gate of mount _Zion_ to the habitation of _Caiaphas_, where we saw an orange tree planted in the place where the holy apostle _Peter_ did warm himself when he denied our Saviour the third time; farther within a chapel, called St _Salvators_, where, in former ages was the place of the High Priest, where _Christ_ was severely accused by _Caiaphas_, and by his servants mocked, spit upon, and beaten; wherein is an altar, whereon the great stone of the grave still lieth, that stopped the door of the sepulchre, which is very like unto the rock of the grave in it’s breaking. That the habitation of the High Priest was in the upper city, _Josephus_ does testify in the seventeenth chapter of his second book of the _Desolation_ of _Jerusalem_, where he saith thus: ‘When the rebellious _Jews_, that had the lower town in possession with the temple, did undertake to possess themselves also of the upper town, they did assault it with all might and power, and at last take it; then they drove out the soldiers, which had the chief priests and men in power with them, out of the upper town, set the habitation of _Ananias_ the High Priest on fire and burnt it.’ Before this, on the top of the mount, stands on the plain a large church, which the _Franciscan_ monks had not long ago in possession, and lived in it, wherefore their father did call himself a Guardian of the holy mount _Zion_. But after that the _Turks_ did about twenty years agon possess themselves of it, and kept it to themselves, and made a _Mahometan_ mosque of it; the monks were forced to fly, and take the habitation where they now live instead thereof. Of this church or mosque, we saw only the outside of the habitation of _Caiaphas_, for no Christian is allowed to go into it. It was built many years agone by _Helena_, mother of _Constantine_ the Emperor, as _Nicephorus_ testifieth in the thirtieth chapter of his eighth book; wherein is also included the habitation the Disciples were lock’d up in for fear of the _Jews_; and also the paved dining room, or hall, wherein _Christ_ with his Disciples did eat the over; where he also washed their feet, and sent the Holy Ghost after his ascension to them; where also _James_[5] the _Lesser_ was elected Overseer, and first Bishop of _Jerusalem_. In this temple, which is above a thousand paces distant from _Golgotha_, or the place of a skull, was, for some time kept the stone pillar, whereto _Christ_ our Lord and Saviour was tied and whipped. Near unto this, in the place of the palace of _Caiaphas_, the same Queen _Helena_ ordered a church to be built for the holy Apostle _Peter_, and many more, whereof mention is made at large in the above quoted place. This mount extendeth itself towards the south, out before the city, and hath on the other side where it is highest, other higher ones about it, distinguished with ditches and vallies, viz. towards the west mount _Gihon_, at the bottom whereof _Solomon_ was anointed King by the Priest _Zadock_ and the Prophet _Nathan_, as we read in the first chapter of the first book of _Kings_; upon this, at the top towards the road of _Bethlehem_, lieth the field of blood, in their language called _Hakeldemas_, that was bought for thirty silver pieces to bury the pilgrims there, where you see still to this day here and there large and deep holes, and one among the rest very big, wherein are still to be seen several whole bodies lying by one another. A deep valley separates this mount from mount _Zion_, which beginneth at the _Fish-Gate_, and goeth down to the brook _Cedron_; in it is a conduit by the upper pool called _Asuia_ in the third chapter of _Nehemiah_, which is pretty large, yet without any water, which receiveth it’s water from the high spring of _Gihon_, this was covered by King _Hezekias_, and laid down to the town of _David_, as we read in the second book of _Chronicles_, chap. 32. The holy Prophet _Isaiah_, chap. 7. verse 3. mentioneth it, when the Lord saith to him; ‘Go forth now to meet _Ahaz_, thou and _Shearjashub_ thy son, at the end of the conduit of the upper pool, in the path of the fullers field, _&c._’ And in the fourth book of _Kings_, in the eighteenth chapter, verse seventeen: ‘The King of _Assyria_ sent a great host against _Jerusalem_, and when they were come up, they came and stood by the conduit of the upper pool, which is in the high way of the Fullers field.’ Before mount _Zion_, towards the south, at the other side of the rivulet _Kidron_, lieth the mount of _Transgression_, in the fourth book of _Kings_, chap. 23. called _Mashith_; between this and mount _Olivet_ is a valley, through which goeth down the road by _Bethania_ to _Jericho_, &c. This is higher and steeper than any hereabout. There you see still some old walls of the habitation wherein the concubines of _Solomon_ did live, after whom the King ran in his old age; and they did so possess him, that they turned his heart from God Almighty after their gods, and so he did that that did not please the Lord God, as you may read in the first book of _Kings_, chap. 11. verse 4. Underneath the mount was the valley _Benhinnom_, wherein the Kings of _Jerusalem_ did build a temple to the idol _Moloch_, and did worship him, _viz._ _Solomon_, _Ahaz_, _Manasseh_, &c. whereof we read in several places in the holy Scripture, _Levit._ 18. 21. ‘Thou shalt not let any of thy seed through the fire to _Moloch_.’ And also _Jerem._ 7. 30. ‘And they have set their abominations in the house which is called by my name to pollute it. And they have built the high places of _Tophet_, which is in the valley of the son of _Hinnom_, to burn their sons and their daughters in the fire, which I commanded them not, neither came it into my heart, therefore behold, the days come saith the Lord, that it shall no more be called _Tophet_, nor the valley of the son of _Hinnom_, but the valley of slaughter; for they shall bury in _Tophet_ till there be no place.’ And also 2 _Chron._ 18. 2. ‘_Ahaz_ made molten images for _Baalim_, and burnt incense in the valley of the son of _Hinnom_, and burnt his children in the fire after the abominations of the heathen.’ The holy Prophet _Amos_ doth also make mention of these abominable idolatries in his fifth chapter; which St _Luke_ in the seventh chapter, verse the forty third, of the _Acts_ doth thus explain: ‘Ye took up the tabernacle of _Moloch_, and the star of your god _Remphan_, _&c._’ which the holy Prophet calleth _Sicchuth_ and _Chiun_: But the heathen called them _Jupiter_ and _Saturn_, the Devourer of children, and so he is also painted. This statue was hollow within, of cast brass, whereinto they did put the children, and burnt them alive, and did believe they served God in it, as _Abraham_ when he would sacrifice his son _Isaac_; they had also kettle drums and other musical instruments which they played on, that the parents might not hear their children cry; wherefore _Christ_ gave unto hell itself, and it’s perpetual flames, the name of the valley _Benhinnom_, calling it _Gehenna_; to give us warning and exhortation, that we hate false and abominable idolatries, introduced contrary to his command, worse than the devil himself. Besides this, there is little else seen hereabout, only above on the steepest and highest part of the mount many little tents and habitations, as if they hung at it, which in these times are not inhabited either by _Turks_ or _Moors_; in the valley you see the rivulet _Kidron_, where over they brought our Lord Christ bound as a prisoner, from mount _Olivet_; this proceedeth only from rain water near to the place _Gethsemane_, and runs without by the town from south to west. Beside this brook did King _Asa_ burn the images of _Priapus_ as _Josias_ and _Hezekiah_ the idols of _Baal_, all incenses and uncleannesses that are found in the temple of the Lord. Farther towards the east you see from the top of mount _Zion_ the fountain and pool of _Siloah_ below in the valley, call’d by _Josephus_ _Tiropæon_, which divideth this and the temple mount, and becometh to be very narrow between them, and extendeth itself from the rivulet _Kidron_ towards the north to the place of skulls, where it groweth so large again, that the lower town of _Jerusalem_, (by _Isaiah_ in his tenth, and _Zachariah_ in his ninth chapter, call’d _The Daughter of Zion and Jerusalem_) was situated therein. Out of which near to the gate of the fountain of _Siloah_, which is now wall’d up, the way goeth up to the gate of _Zion_ into the upper town, thro’ which two our Lord Christ was brought a prisoner to the houses of _Hannas_ and _Caiphas_. This valley hath been since the desolation so fill’d up, that no depth at all appeareth in our days; but only without the fountain-gate by the fountain _Siloah_, that is very rich of water, where is still the pool wherein the blind man wash’d his eyes, that were anointed with clay and spittle, St _John_ ix. 6. according to the command of our Lord, and did see. Just by it are still the two hills whereof _Josephus_ maketh mention, with a very steep cliff, very rocky on both sides, one whereof towards the east, call’d the rock of the pidgeons, hath a great cave, out of which the fountain springs, and runs off immediately below through a channel, that goeth so strait and smooth through the rock, as if it had been made on purpose. Near to the fountain and gate of _Siloah_, stood the tower of _Siloah_, that killed eighteen men, as we read in St _Luke_, chap. xiii. Without between the fountain and stream of _Kidron_, they shew a great mulberry-tree, fenced in below; this stands in the place where the holy Prophet _Isaias_ was buried, whom the King _Manasse_ ordered to be cut in pieces with a wooden saw, as being an Heretick. This may suffice of mount _Zion_, it’s situation and some adjacent places. As we went about, and came to one of the places, the Monks did shew the Pilgrims in each of them, the number of the years for the pardons laid there by his Holiness, as in some seven years and seven indulgences; but in some others, as in the place where the Holy Ghost was sent, where Christ did eat the over with his disciples, and wash’d their feet, and where he at several times appeared when the doors were shut; and where also, as _Nicephorus_ saith, the Virgin Mary, after the resurrection of Christ her dear child, did dwell for fourteen years, _&c._ full absolution and indulgences from all sins and facts for ever. Now that all those that come there, may receive it more worthily, the monks exhort them to kneel down before every of such places, and to pray the Lord’s Prayer and Ave Maria with devotion; and that when they have done so, they need not to doubt, but that they have fully received the absolution that was given for that place by his Holiness. After they had thus pray’d in several places, some of our company rejoiced mightily, and confessed, that after it they were holy, and so innocent, that if they should die then, they were secure, that their soul should go immediately out of their mouth into heaven, and eternal life. To this I answer’d them: That I expected remission of sin no other ways but only in the name and for the merits, of our Lord Jesus Christ; and that I had not undertaken this pilgrimage as they did, to get any thing by it as by a good work; nor to visit stone and wood to obtain indulgence; or with opinion to come here nearer to Christ; because all these things are directly contrary to Scripture. As the Lord himself saith: ‘Time will come that you shall neither on this mount nor at Jerusalem worship the Father.’ And he also forewarneth us of those that say: ‘Lo Christ is here, Christ is there, he is in the desarts, he is in the chamber;’ that we should not believe them, nor go out, but rather confide on his promise, that he will be with us, to the end of the world; and where two or three are met together in his name that he will be in the middle of them. Wherefore our dear Lord Christ hath no need, because he is himself present with them that believe in him, of any Vicegerent, that should on earth usurp such power, and take such honour and glory to himself, as to give indulgence at his pleasure; because all these things belong only to God. When I saw, that they did not much mind this my discourse, I let them alone in their opinions, but yet I saw here and there all these places, and considered by myself what our Lord Christ had, by his bitter sufferings and death, by his glorious resurrection and ascension, procured us from his Heavenly Father. When the Pilgrims came to one of the above-mention’d places of mount _Zion_, and had said their prayers, they went into it, and contemplated it, fell down again before it, and kissed it with great submission and devotion; pull’d out several pieces, _viz._ beads and rosaries turned of the wood of the trees of the mount of Olives, some wrought points, laces, _&c._ tied together in bundles, to touch the holy place with it; they also knock’d off in some places (where they might) some small pieces, to take them along with them as consecrated sanctuaries, to distribute them among their friends at their return. All the while that they were thus busy, I consider’d rather standing behind, what our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ had suffered for us in these places, how he had humbled himself, and came down to us miserable sinners, to help us, and to extol us that were fall’n, and to make us free of the heavy burthen of our sins; how he was led before the seat of judicature of _Caiphas_, that we might not be led before the severe Judgment-seat of the Almighty God; that he suffer’d himself to be led captive and bound, to deliver us from the bands of the devil and death, and to save us from the jaws of hell; and as _Esaias_ saith in his fifty third chapter vers. 5. ‘He was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities, the chastisement of our peace was upon him, and with his stripes we are heal’d.’ But that our dear Lord Christ was delivered to the high Priest, and Scribes, _&c._ for our sakes, and that he was obedient to his Heavenly Father, unto death, even the death of the cross, to deliver us from the curse of God and eternal death. And to make us certain, that he had procured these his unspeakable benefits and heavenly treasures for us, and that we really should be partakers thereof; before his ion he did institute his holy Supper upon the mount, in the large upper room, wherein he doth not only communicate them to us, but giveth us also (if we receive the holy broken bread, and the blessed cup with true faith according to the institution) his real body and blood, to feed us to eternal life; where we then shall sit with our Lord Christ, and all the elected ones (after this life) as coheirs in the high upper room of his Heavenly Father, at his table, to eat and drink it with him anew. And that we might heartily comfort ourselves with these his unspeakable benefits, he also, after his ascension, sent us on the day of Pentecost his Holy Ghost, the Spirit of Truth, to incline our hearts, to believe steadfastly all that he hath promised us in his holy Word and Sacraments. So the sending of the Holy Ghost, which was long before predicted by the holy Prophets was fulfill’d on this mount; whereof we read in several places of the holy Scripture, _viz._ _Joel_ ii. 28. ‘And it shall come to afterwards that I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh, _&c._ For on mount _Zion_ and in _Jerusalem_, must be a deliverance according to the promise of the Lord.’ And _Isaiah_ ii. 3. ‘Come ye and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, _&c._ For out of _Zion_ shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from _Jerusalem_.’ So that the preaching of Christ’s holy Gospel, and his kingdom did begin from _Zion_ and _Jerusalem_, and was afterwards spread abroad by his holy Apostles throughout the whole world. ‘Grant then, O our dear Lord Christ, unto us, thy Holy Ghost; that he may keep us in the knowledge of thy holy Word, and that he may so strengthen and comfort us in it, that we may freely and without any fear confess it before the face of our enemies and adversaries; and if they offend and prosecute us, that we may overcome our crosses and persecutions with patience; that thy honour may be advanced, and our constancy appear. Grant us also that he may plant these thy graces in our hearts, that we may comfort ourselves with the hope and expectation of those treasures which thou hast by thy death and ion merited and purchased for us. So that we may abide in thy Tabernacle, and dwell in thy holy Hill for ever, _Amen_.’ _Psalm_ xv. 1. CHAP. V. _Of the mount ~Moria~ and the glorious temple of ~Solomon~._ Within the city near, to mount _Zion_ lieth another call’d _Moria_, divided from it by the valley of _Tiropæon_, which is now fill’d up and made even with the top, as I have said before, that hereabouts is hardly any depth or unevenness to be seen. This as well as the other meets with the rivulet or brook of _Kidron_ towards the north, and on both of them the town lieth on the sides or descent. This is very famous in the holy Scripture, as you read _Genesis_ xxii, That the pious Patriarch _Abraham_ was ready to offer his son _Isaac_ on this hill, for a burnt-offering to the Lord; whereon _Melchisedec_ the first founder and King of the town _Salem_, and Priest of the Almighty God, did first build a temple, and therefore named the city _Jerusalem_. So we read in the second book of _Chronicles_, chap. iii. That on the same holy mount King _Solomon_ did begin to build a house for the Lord, at _Jerusalem_, many years afterwards. This was formerly very high, surrounded with deep ditches and cliffs, so that it would make a man giddy to look down from the top into the depth. Wherefore _Pompey_ and _Titus_ took a great deal of pains before they could get upon it, to take and destroy that glorious and well-built temple, which was in the last desolation, as well as before in the first burnt by _Nabuchodonosor_, demolish’d and razed to the foundations, as Christ foretold them, _Mark_ xiii. ‘That there should not be left one stone upon another that should not be thrown down, because they did not acknowledge the gracious time of their visitation.’ And that all hopes might be taken away from the Jews to return and to build the temple again, to re-establish their worship; _Hadrian_ the Emperor to prevent all, order’d, in the year of Christ 134, all to be broken down that was left, and to root it up, to demolish all heights, to fill all ditches, to level cliffs, and to make the ground even all over; he did also alter the name and religion of the inhabitants, and instead thereof introduced the heathenish idolatry. In the place of the grave of Christ he built a temple for the idol _Jupiter_; on mount _Calvaria_ another for the idol _Venus_; and another at _Bethlehem_ to the idol _Adonis_; and at last in the place where formerly in the temple of _Solomon_ did stand the _Sanctum Sanctorum_, he erected his own image on a high column for his memory, which was still standing, in _Hieronymus_’s time. The height of this mount cannot be observed any where else now than without by the fountain _Siloah_, and in the valley of _Benhinnom_, and so it did remain desolate to the times of the great Emperor _Constantine_. After that when the Jews undertook to re-build the temple at the charge of _Julian_ the Apostate, who would make Christ a liar, the Lord having said that their house should be left unbuilt, a great earthquake (when they had open’d the ground to lay the foundation) did move and shake the whole place to that degree, that every thing was turn’d upside down, and abundance of Jews did perish in it. But when the Jews did not matter this, but endeavour’d to go on with the work in hand, the next day flames of fire broke out of the ground, and fiery beams struck down from Heaven, which destroy’d more than the earthquake, and burnt all their tools, _viz._ saws, axes, shovels, hammers, &c. When the Jews would not leave their error for all this, the night following some small glittering crosses like stars fell down upon their cloaths, which they could not wash off the next morning, nor get out by any means; and an earthquake and such a violent hurricane came upon it, that it dissipated all their mortar and other materials into the air, so that frightened and full of fear, they were forced to confess, that Christ, whom their ancestors crucified, was the true and only Lord and God. Seeing that the temple, together with the mount it stood upon, are razed and desolated, so that one can hardly now discern what they have been anciently, every one that goeth by, because the Lord did not favour his own house, where his name was sanctify’d, hath reason to be astonish’d at it, and to call to mind the strange anger of God against those that leave the Lord their God, and adhere to other gods, serve and adore them. Now a-days the _Turks_ have taken possession of this mount, and all the ground whereon _Solomon_’s temple did stand, and have built a _Mahometan_ Mosque on it; which _Homar_ the third after the great Imposter _Mahomet_ built when he had taken the holy land and the city of _Jerusalem_. This is not very large nor high, but fine and cover’d with lead, hath a great court-yard about it, paved with white marble, and here and there orange and date-trees are planted in it, which is very pleasant; about the sides thereof are some high towers and gates, one whereof is vastly bigger than any of the rest, which is near to their Batzar or exchange, which is very old, high, and hath very good workmanship in it, wherefore the _Franciscan_ Monks shew it instead of the gate of _Solomon_’s temple, before which lay the man that was lame from his mother’s womb, that begg’d alms from _Peter_ and _John_, to whom _Peter_ said: ‘Silver and gold I have none, but such as I have give I thee: In the name of Jesus Christ of _Nazareth_, rise up and walk.’ At the end of the gate of this yard, as commonly in all their church-porches, hung some lamps. I could have willingly gone in before them, to see the rock and fountain, whereof _Ezek._ in his forty seventh chapter maketh mention, together with the inward building, but because according to their _Mahometan_ laws, all those that are not circumcised are ed to be unclean, therefore going into their churches is forbid to Christians: if any one is catch’d within, he is in danger of his life, or else he must deny his faith, and be made a _Mamaluck_ or _Renegado_. In this court-yard is still another gate, call’d the Golden Gate by the _Franciscans_, but because it stands just over against the mount of Olives, therefore it is to be taken to be the gate _Sur_, or rather, as _Nehemiah_ iii. _Ezek._ xlvii. and 2 _Chron._ xxxi. say, for the gate of the stairs, which _Semia_, the son of _Sahamia_, the keeper of them did build; thro’ which our Lord Christ did go into the temple on Palm-day, to drive out the buyers and sellers. Now altho’ this is wall’d up in the new town wall, so that you cannot go either out or in; yet considering it’s ancient arches, it looketh rather like a church than a town-gate. In the middle of the yard stands a _Turkish_ Mosque or temple, call’d the Rock; this is esteem’d very much by the _Turks_, and next to those of _Mecca_ and _Medina_ reputed to be the most holy. Because God Almighty hath wrought many great miracles there; and that there _Mahomet_, as they falsly write of him in their books, call’d by God to be the last and greatest Prophet, did ride from _Mecca_ to that of the holy Rock of the temple of _Jerusalem_, which is forty days journey, on a very swift beast call’d _Elmparae_, conducted thither by the Angel _Gabriel_, who at his arrival did help him off of his beast, ty’d it up, and then led him by the hand into the temple, where he found many Prophets standing together in a circle, which God had resuscitated for his honour, and to receive him, and to acquaint him with new good tidings, and what God had prepared for him, (I suppose ever burning flames of fire): Among the rest he did also find _Abraham_, _Moses_, and Jesus the son of _Mary_, each of them presenting him, first _Moses_ with a fatt of wine, _Abraham_ with a fatt full of milk, and Jesus with a fatt of water. Then a voice spake to him from heaven saying ‘If thou chusest the fatt with wine, thou and thy people shall perish; if thou chusest the fatt with milk, thou shalt also perish; but if thou chusest the fatt of water, thou and thy people shall be saved eternally.’ These and many more insipid lies of their _Mahomet_, which are very ridiculous and silly fables, are believed to be as true as the Gospel by the _Turks_, _Moors_, and _Arabians_, &c. They also certainly believe (chiefly these that live at _Jerusalem_ as the Pilgrims know) that on the last day their _Mahomet_ is to come and seat himself on the rock of the temple of _Moria_, and Christ on the other side of the valley of _Josaphat_ on the mount of Olives, over-against him. Then when all the people of the earth shall appear before the Lord of Judicature, he shall ask _Mahomet_, who the rest are (meaning the Christians that have been under the yoak of the _Turkish_ Emperor) then shall _Mahomet_ answer and say, _They are these that served me faithfully_; whereupon Christ shall let them into Paradise and eternal felicity; which they believe to consist in gratifying fleshly lusts and desires, in eating and drinking, fine cloaths, costly jewels, gold, silver, pearls, pleasant spring gardens, beautiful and cleanly women. Therefore the temple is so highly esteem’d by the _Turks_ and others of the same faith, and believed to be so holy, that they go into it on their bare feet with great devotion, and come twice a year thither in pilgrimage in great Caravans from all places, moved thereunto by the great zeal they have towards their _Mahomet_; but chiefly these Pilgrims that have been at _Madina-Talnabi_, and _Mecca_, that is three days journey farther, who return by the way of _Jerusalem_ (which is now by them call’d _Chutz_) to say also their prayers there, and are of opinion that if they should do otherwise, than to come thither, their peregrination would not be acceptable to God. Amongst these are a good many Renegado Christians, that go with them to _Mecca_, to get by their devotion into greater preferment and wealth, wherefore they are esteem’d by them as holy and creditable ones, although they are full of knavery and roguery, as those that come from _Mahomet_’s own blood; they keep them very honourably, and pray for them as their victors, and endue them with great and peculiar privileges, so that their single witness is as valuable as three, four, six, or ten of others, according as they have been oftner in these places. And that every body may know them, they put upon their turbants on their heads, their _Mahomet_’s green colours, as those of their priests do, who esteem themselves to be his relations, who are only permitted, (as the _Persians_ wear their red colour) to wear such turbants. Wherefore the _Turks_ believe it to be a sin to cover those , which nature hath made secret, with that colour which their Prophet did bear on his head. When the before-mention’d Renegado Christians are come to this degree, they are bought by every body for money, to bear witness before the Cady, or any other _Turkish_ magistrate, and that even in causes whereof they have not the least knowledge. So it happens daily, that those that give larger bribes to the magistrate, and do exceed their adversaries in number of witnesses, make their lost and foul cause good; and of this they make no conscience, because their _Koran_ teacheth them, that God does not impute to them perjury, but only if they do not invoke him; so that it is full satisfaction, if they feed ten poor ones for this transgression, or if they cloath them, or if they redeem one prisoner; but if they are not substantial enough to do this, they fast three times. This is of a very ill consequence, because they are not afraid to be perjur’d and to cheat others. And although these and other the like sins, are very common amongst the _Turks_, _viz._ robbing, and to break their faith, _&c._ which are directly against God, yet for all that these (because they have lost all remembrance of confession, penitence or mending of their lives) exceed them in this by far. Besides all this they do not let the Christians know who or what they are, but rather study to their utmost power, to abuse and hurt them as often as they find an opportunity, nay they would not spare their very lives, if they dare do it for fear of the _Turkish_ magistrates. In this they are very like unto the _Abyssins_, who in former ages were subject unto the _Soldans_ of _Ægypt_, and did live on the south side of mount _Libanus_, who, as defenders and protectors of their own religion, were set out before other _Saracens_, to murder and kill clandestinely all those that did oppose their _Mahometan_ laws and religion. But after the _Turkish_ Emperor did beat the _Soldan_, and took his dominions from him, the fury of these assassinators was also soon quelled; for the great _Turk_ doth not allow, in any of his provinces, of murthers, as the _Saracenes_ did, but punish’d them severely, and keepeth very strict laws that no body may hurt the other; which you may conclude by this, that if one doth but fetch blood from the other in the least, he is not only mulcted in one or two ducats, but sometimes in forty, fifty, nay sometimes in a hundred, according to the heinousness of the crime, and the ability of the offender; and so he keepeth subjects in peace and quietness. Besides these Pilgrims that go to _Mecca_, there are many others in their great Caravans, that rather, like unto pedlers, endeavour to get thither with small charges, by the help of their _Carvatschares_, or Inns, and Hospitals, to make good profit there, by buying and selling, than out of devotion to wait on their _Mahomet_, and amongst them there are also sometimes Christians, but at their arrival they must not visit the holy places, much less touch them. Wherefore they buy before hand all sorts of merchandizes, chiefly at _Cayro_ (from whence to _Jerusalem_ it is ten days journey) to sell or swap them at _Mecca_, and other places. Which custom we need not think to be strange among the _Turks_, seeing that a great many are found among the _Roman_ Pilgrims, that pretend to be good Christians, that go pilgrimages to _Rome_, St _Jacob_, _Jerusalem_, &c. not only to get his Holiness’s absolution and indulgences, but rather to make good profit of goods they buy for that purpose; or which is more, they over their estates during their absence, into the hands of others, to reap the benefit thereof with this condition, that if they return home from these places where they vow’d to go to, they shall have them restored again with great profit. Now as among all these Pilgrims, chiefly those that have been oftnest at _Mecca_ are by the _Turks_ in greatest esteem, and that green colour (which only belongeth to the Priests to wear) is the sooner allow’d them, whereby they may be known, as the brothers of St _Jacob_ are known, by the scallop-shells. The fame it is also with their camels, for on the lower part of one of their fore-feet you may see as many small chains hung as they have been times there in Caravans, so that you also may soon discern them. And that I may return to my purpose again; near to the _Turkish_ Mosque of the holy Rock, is also another church, which by the Christians, when they were in possession of _Jerusalem_, was call’d the _Virgin Mary_’s church, which is very well built, rather bigger than the _Turkish_, and stands without towards the south on the place of the great porch of the _Israelites_, which is several times mention’d in the Scriptures _Viz._ _Joh._ x. _Matth._ xxi. where it is calleth the temple and porch of _Solomon_, where Christ did preach, and drove out the buyers and sellers, _&c._ Underneath it is a great cave, so wide that some hundred horses may with ease be drawn up in battalia therein. This is also in the possession of the _Turks_, and the Christians dare no more come in here than in the other. By this prohibition _viz._ That the _Mahometans_ shall it into their churches or porches thereof no strangers which according to their laws are not cleansed and washed, you may easily see, that the _Turks_ have taken many ceremonies and laws from the Jews, and according to their depraved understanding and mind, transcribed them into their _Koran_; so we see that anciently they have their circumcision, offerings, washings, fasts at certain times of the year, marrying more than one wife, not eating any thing that is unclean, or pork, or what is suffocated, not having bells, nor drinking wine, as the _Levitical_ Priests must not do, derived from the Jews; but this last law concerning not drinking of wine, is not only not kept, for they drink thereof without mixture, let it be as strong as it can, more than any other nation. It being then true that they choose the fatt with wine presented them by _Moses_, as is before said, to their own ruin and destruction, wherefore I pray that God may fulfil their prophecy, _Amen_. [Illustration] CHAP. VI. _Of the ~Saracens~ and ~Turkish~ religion, ceremonies, and hypocritical life, with a short hint how long time their reign shall last after ~Mahomet~’s decease._ Seeing I have here above made mention, amongst the rest of the places and churches of _Jerusalem_, of the _Turkish_ Mosques, and also of _Mahomet_ their Prophet; I cannot but also relate something of their hypocritical and superstitious life and belief, as I have observed in my travels, and during my stay among them, chiefly something of their outward ceremonies, good works, wherewith they think to fulfil the laws, to cleanse themselves from their manifold sins and transgressions, and to obtain God’s mercy and love. Wherefore they strive that they may be found always busy in these good works, whereof they reckon the chiefest to be; alms, pilgrimage, fastings, to make offerings, to abstain from certain food or drinks, frequent washing, praying, upon which two last they look most of all, as the true means, by which, if they keep them diligently, they may be freed and absolved from their sins, according to the promises of their dear Prophet _Mahomet_. Such and the like have also the Jews had in the Old Testament, where without doubt their Prophet, being by his mother an _Ishmaelite_, had them also. But seeing that he also attributeth to these absolution and satisfaction for our sins, and also consequently salvation and everlasting life; therefore all those that follow and believe his doctrine, miss the only Mediator and Saviour Jesus Christ, of whom as well as of his holy word, they else have a good opinion, as appeareth by their _Koran_, in whom God the Almighty Father will only be known, invoked and adored. As St _John_ saith Chap. v. 23. ‘He that honoureth not the Son, honoureth not the Father that hath sent him.’ And chap. xiv. 9. where Jesus saith, ‘He that hath seen me hath seen the Father.’ And in _Acts_ iv. 12. it is said, ‘There is no Salvation in any other, for there is no other name under Heaven given among men, whereby we must be saved.’ Wherefore although _Mahomet_ doth greatly command and teach, that we must adore the only God, yet they do not know the true God, that will only be adored and honour’d in his beloved Son; and besides _Mahomet_ will not allow that God hath a Son, and much less that Christ is the true God, in whom we shall believe. For in his diabolical and blasphemous mind and thoughts he hath this precaution, that if God should have a Son he might come to be disobedient unto him, as happeneth sometimes chiefly amongst them, to worldly Princes, which would expose all creatures in heaven, as well as on earth unto great danger. So he denieth the Deity of Christ and esteemeth him to be no more (as _Arius_ doth) than a great Saint and meer Man. So he hath the same opinion with _Macedonius_, of the Holy Ghost, whom and Christ he sometimes maketh but one person. And so the _Turks_ know no more, by the instruction of their cursed Prophet, of the true living God (that is one in his essence and three in person) than when they adored the fire, water and other elements, nay heaven and earth, (as also the _Persians_ have done) before they come over to the _Saracens_, and adhered to the doctrine of their _Mahomet_. And besides they have no more comfort in our Lord Christ, than the Jews, because they do not believe that Jesus the Son of the _Virgin Mary_, and messenger of God, was crucify’d, dead and bury’d, but that another, that was very like him, suffer’d instead of him, because he was seated in Heaven (where into God received him, and that he was to return again at the end of the world) a great deal higher than that he could be so shamefully kill’d by the Jews that impious people; wherefore the _Turks_ ire it very much, that so many Pilgrims of all nations, come to see the grave of Christ with so great a devotion, which is not his. And although the _Turks_ prefer their _Mahomet_ before Christ, and also do not believe right neither of his essence nor of his person, so that therefore all their worship, with what devotion soever performed, is null and in vain, because it is not in Christ: Yet for all that they praise and esteem Christ very high, and extol him far beyond any man, as one that was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin _Mary_, and that hath here on earth carried on his doctrine, and confirm’d it with powerful miracles. Wherefore they esteem the books of _Moses_, and the other writings of the Prophets, but chiefly the four Evangelists, which they call the book _Jugilis_ (and the books of _Moses_ _Thresit_) as true and godly. And sometimes they pretend so fairly, that an ordinary Man that is not well instructed in the chief articles of Christianity, although there is so great a difference, might easily be seduced, and perswaded. Besides the _Turks_ will not allow, neither to _Jews_, _Moors_, nor _Christians_, nay not to their own Nation, to say any thing ill of Christ, nor to curse him, but if any body should presume to do it, the soles of their feet are struck very severely with many blows, and he is fined besides according to his ability. So their Prophet _Mahomet_ commends the holy Scripture very much, and saith, that it containeth truth and happiness. If they would but often look into it (as their _Koran_ teacheth them in several places) to read in it, and mend their lives according to it, they might easily be brought to the right way again; but he himself doth not stand by his words, but falleth off again from them afterwards, and speaketh quite otherways of the holy Scripture, and that so differing, that he quite contradicts himself. For as he did commend it before, so now he discommendeth it again, when he saith, that it hath been (because it is too difficult to be kept) long since quite out of doors, chiefly in those parts where is written, that we must do good to our enemies; leave all for his sake; love God with all our heart, _&c._ and our neighbour as our own self. And that therefore he, _Mahomet_, was peculiarly and purposely chosen by God Almighty, to bring down with him the _Koran_, and communicate it to the world (that was then drown’d in lusts, sin and vices) to reform and bring it to rights again. Besides this, he knew very well how to disguise his tricks, and how to behave himself in his life and conversation, devoutly and discreetly towards the people, and how to blind them under this pretence, that they did believe him, and receive him the sooner to be a great Prophet and Messenger from God. When he found that he had got a good party, and a great many adherents that impowered him, he studied daily more and more to order his laws so, that they might be acceptable and pleasing to all the world. And thus he got in a great many places such a fame, that, to our grief in these times, he hath seduced and possessed a great part of the world with his erroneous and poisonous doctrine, the _Turks_ closely adhering to this doctrine, therefore their hearts are so blinded with darkness, that they cannot have any true knowledge, either of God the Father, or the Son, or the Holy Ghost, and so they miss of the right way that would bring them to the knowledge, and acknowledgment of their sins, and consequently to the remission thereof, and so make them children of God, and heirs of life everlasting. But on the contrary, they remain impenitent, and persist in their sinful life with such a confidence and security, that they know not when they commit sins; as to take a man’s property and goods away by force; to destroy his house and lands; to undermine his life and livelihood; and also, to contaminate themselves with uncleanness, whoredom, sodomy; not to keep an oath that hath been taken, to revenge themselves, from whence results, envy, hatred, anger, contention, murder, _&c._ as we hear, what injustice and violence the Grand Signior committeth daily upon our brethren and sisters, that border upon his dominions; which we need not to wonder at, because, if they fall out amongst themselves, they try all unjust means to revenge themselves. Wherefore they accuse their adversaries often falsly (because they dare not offer any violence) before their Judges, and so bring them to damage, trouble and pains. But when they have committed one of these, or the like facts, and have a mind to free themselves of it, or to be absolved, they go after their own invented devotion, to good works, alms, prayers, fasting, redeeming of captives, _&c._ to make satisfaction to God for their committed sins, as their _Koran_ teacheth them. And so they lead a life of good outward conversation, and are very diligent in their devotion, chiefly in going to their prayers at the five customary hours of the day, when they leave their work and go to church. And seeing that in these countries they have neither clocks nor watches to tell them the time of the day and prayers, instead of them they have their priests (called _Meitzen_ by them) on the steeples, which are ordered to cry out the hours with a loud voice, that you may hear them as far almost as the ringing of a bell, even throughout the whole town. The first hour of prayers is an hour and half before day-light: The second is about noon: The third (which the _Arabians_ call _Latzera_) is about three o’Clock in the afternoon: The fourth is at sun-set; and the fifth when after the sun is down, the twilight, or whitishness of the skies is gone, and the stars appear clearly. Sometimes two of these priests sing together, which is common in great towns, and they sing almost as with us they sing a ballad, so that while the one is singing, the other may fetch his breath; and so they sing by turns, until the song is at an end. When I came first into these countries, and hear’d them sing about that time in the morning, I believed the _Turks_ did it that they might brisk themselves up to go to work, until I heard them do the same at other hours in the day time, and understood they were their priests. So they sing about five o’clock at night very well, and sometimes something longer, because of the sick that live near, which desire it of them, to make them cheerful, and to have a good heart, which we need not to wonder at, for their clergy (which are not wiser, or more learned than the laymen) know not how to comfort them, or to make them joyful, much less how to give good and wholesome instruction out of the word of God (although they believe it to be true) how to obtain forgiveness of sin, and God’s mercy, love, or commiseration, but think it to be sufficient, if they onish them that lie a dying to think of God, and to pray to him that he may have mercy upon them; and afterwards to wash their body to cleanse them quite from all sins, according to the law of their _Mahomet_, which they highly esteem, and that the rather, because they serve not only the living, but also the dead; wherefore the _Turks_ wash themselves daily, chiefly at the hours of their prayer, when they are a going to church, and that very carefully and diligently, _viz._ Their hands, privy , head, neck, feet, nay the whole body, according as they are contaminated or become unclean. So in consideration of their sins, they have three sorts of washing; whereof one is that of the whole body, which those must make use of that are not married, and contaminate themselves with concubines; wherefore the baths are kept continually in an equal heat, and are open to any body both by day and night, that those that have occasion to wash their whole body, may not be hindered in their devotion, but soon go to church again. The second is performed on the organs of the five senses, and the head, to cleanse them from all spots and blemishes, which are contracted by ill thought and frivolous and unseemly discourses; wherefore there are several cisterns here and there, but chiefly in their churches and chapels, where they wash themselves first, that being clean, they may be worthy to come to church to prayers, for if they should omit it, they believe that their prayers would not be acceptable to God, and so he would not hear them. So they begin first with washing of their hands, then they lift up the water with the hollow of their hands, and so let it run down to their elbow; then they wash their mouth, nose, eyes, ears, head, neck, and at last their feet, and speak some peculiar words with it. When they have no water, which often happeneth in large desarts in _Arabia_, they are allowed by their laws instead thereof, to rub these over with sand. But that they may not be hindered by their cloaths from coming to these , they wear such ones that have wide sleeves, no gatherings about their neck, nor have any strings about their drawers. The third sort is also esteemed to be very necessary, and is made use of as often as they empty their body by stool or urine, or belching, and so they wash themselves squatting down before the cisterns, publickly without shame, both before and behind, in the sight of every body. According to what hath been said, we see that they mind only the outward cleansing of their body, and so they look also upon the outward circumcision, rather than to think how they ought, according to God’s commands, to cleanse themselves from their inward leprosy, by the bath of regeneration, and to circumcise their hearts by an inward spiritual circumcision, whereof they know nothing. When their clergymen have cried out the hours from the steeples to the _Batzars_, or Exchanges, _&c._ and the _Turks_ have washed and cleansed themselves, they go into their chapels, which are in the middle of their great Camps, or _Carvatschars_, where I could see it best, because I durst not go into their mosques. After they have left their shoes at the gate, they do not turn nor look back for one another to speak, but go strait forwards, until they come to their places where they stand still, and look upon their priest that is before them, and mind him when he beginneth the prayers, that they may say it after him, and imitate his ceremonies or means, whereof he maketh use, as the lifting up his hands, stroking over his forehead, bending his whole body forwards, falling down upon his knees, kissing the earth; and at length when the _Leila hillalla_ beginneth, turning their heads from one side to the other, whereby they give a hint, that they are in peace and good will with God and their neighbours. While they are in their holy places, you shall hear none of them sneeze, cough, hawk or spit, for they are of opinion, that if they should do so, God would not hear their prayers so effectually, because they should not be perfectly clean. They have no set form of their prayers, and pray generally for good fortune and other worldly welfare; for victory for their Emperor; that God may send great divisions amongst us Christians, that so they may have a better opportunity to fall upon us, and to beat us. They suffer no images in their temples or chapels, and are only for adoring the true and only God, Creator of heaven and earth; and so instead of them, they have pictures of fine plants or flowers, _viz._ of roses, _&c._ and writings of their Prophet _Mahomet_; and so you find on their gold and silver coins no pictures or images of their Emperors, as upon ours, but only the names of them, or of the towns where they are stamped, in _Arabian_ letters, (which are common to both nations) together with the date of the year, which they begin from the time when _Mahomet_ fled into the desarts, which for that reason they call the year of _Hegira_, where he got a great number of adherents, and was made by them a King; this was done in the year of _Christ_ 622. After they have ended their prayers, they begin to talk to one another, and so every one of them goeth home to work again; and they are allowed on their feast days (which they keep on _Friday_, as we do on _Sunday_, and the _Jews_ on _Saturday_) to open their shops again after prayers, and to go work, because they say that idleness may the easier draw them into sins. So one may easily know by their shops, according as they are opened or shut up on these three days, whether they belong to Christians, _Turks_, or _Jews_; besides, none of these forceth one to observe the others holydays, and so they live peaceably and quietly together. Before the _Turks_ holiday beginneth, they light on _Thursday_ night before, as soon as it beginneth to be dark, upon their high steeples, many lamps, whereof they hang without on the galleries round about, three rows one above the other, so that as you look upon them in the night, they look like unto a threefold garland; they let them burn so long until they go out of themselves one after the other. The same lamps they also light every night during their _Lent_, which beginneth in their month _Romadan_, so called by the _Arabians_, and doth last all that month long. Their year consisteth of twelve months, which they by the moon-lights; so that their months do not agree with ours, (for theirs have not, one with the other, above twenty-nine or thirty days) and consequently their years want between ten or eleven days of ours, so that their _Lent_ falleth at an uncertain time, sometimes in the spring, and sometimes in the summer, _&c._ so in my time it began in _December_, and ended in _January_. During all this time they are very devout, and strive to be at the prayers and duties; for if any body should die in _Lent_ time, that had used not to frequent them, they would look upon him as a lost and damned man, and doubt whether they should bury him or no. During their _Lent_, they eat nothing before night; when the stars appear, then every one goeth home to eat, or else in the great _Batzars_ to a cook’s shop, to buy victuals, where all night long is so great a throng of poor people, that have nothing to eat at home, that they lift one another almost up; there you see one eating, another drinking, another crying out, others quarrelling, which causeth such a crowd and noise, as is enough to make one deaf and giddy. When _Lent_ is at an end, then they begin their _Easter_ feast (which they call _Ulubaira_) which they keep with great solemnity for three days, salute one another very kindly, and with one the other all health and happiness, as we do on new year’s day: They also seek all sorts of pastime, chiefly the Janizaries, which in great places erect gibbets three fathoms high, to the top whereof they tie strong ropes, almost like as the children do in our country, where they swing others for a small recompence; when any body sits in it, two stand ready with a broad string, one on each side, which they fling before him, and fling him backwards with it, and so set him a swinging. Others run before the people that are walking, and sprinkle them with sweet smelling water, to get a little spell of money out of them, chiefly the Christians, which they will not easily leave before they have satisfied them; wherefore they are necessitated to stay at home on these days. Not long after, they keep another peculiar feast, called _Chairbairam_ where they also use all sorts of gesticulations, which were too long to relate here; they do not fast on those days, but they sacrifice young steers and wethers, _&c._ cut them into small pieces, to distribute them among the people, for the honour of _Abraham_, because he did obey God, and would have sacrificed his son _Isaac_ to him: At this abundance of heathens congregate themselves in certain places before the towns, to go in pilgrimage to _Medina-Talnabi_, _Mecca_, and _Jerusalem_, for love to _Mahomet_. Amongst them many are found, that are recovered again from dangerous distempers, or delivered from great dangers, and then did make a vow, either to go on pilgrimage to one of these places, or else to kill such a number of beasts to distribute among the poor as an alms. According to what I have said before, that they compute their months more by the moon-light, and so twelve of them to a year; they observe mightily the change of the moon, chiefly the new moon, to see it again. Wherefore at that time they go often in great numbers out, unto the next hill, to observe it the better, after sun-set. He that seeth it first sheweth it with great rejoycing to his companions. In their prognostications they also mind the moon’s light, and according to that, they make their , to know then if any thing shall happen. They have also (as some of them have told me) a peculiar book, which they keep very close to themselves, wherein is briefly written, what shall happen to them every year, whether it be good or bad: This beginneth in the same year with their Prophet _Mahomet_, and continueth for 1000 years, when this is at an end they have nothing more of that nature worth any thing. And being they go no farther, some will deduce or conclude from thence, that their reign will soon have an end, when those years are ed. Wherefore they fear the Christians very much, and confess themselves, that they expect to suffer a great blow from the Christians: And this one may see or conclude from hence, for on their holidays in the morning about nine of the clock, they shut up the gates of the towns, great champs, and other publick habitations, as I found at _Aleppo_, so that many times I could not get either out or in until they opened them again, for they fear at that time to be assassinated by the Christians. Being then that their term of years is near expired, for when I lived in these places in the year 1575, they writ 982 of this same term, so that there was not quite 18 years more to come. Now if we compare these 1000 years with those whereof _John_ the Evangelist and Apostle, maketh mention in his _Revelations_, chap. xx. 7, saying, ‘When the thousand years are expired _Satan_ shall be loosed out of prison. And shall go out to deceive the nations which are in the four quarters of the earth, _Gog_ and _Magog_ to gather them together to battle’ (as also is written in this same book of _Revelations_ in chap. ix. and by the holy Prophet _Ezekiel_, in chap. xxxviii. xxxix.) ‘The number of whom is as the sand of the sea, _&c._’ We find not only that they may also be interpreted and applied to the _Turks_ and their adherents, but also that they have begun their reign almost at the same time when _Mahomet_ and the _Antichrist_ should appear, about the year 666 as we read in the 13th chapter and the last verse of St _John_ in his _Revelation_. And besides, it looketh in these miserable times (when it seems as if every thing would turn topsy turvy) that these years are ed, and that Satan is loosed, as if our dear Lord God would make an end of this malicious world. Add, that some learned Mathematicians do prognosticate that at these times, but chiefly in the year 1588. great alterations will be in all the parts of the world. When we add to this date the 42 months, or 1260 days, or three years and a half, whereof the Prophet _Daniel_, and also the holy Evangelist and Apostle _John_ in his _Revelation_ makes mention, the 18 years that are still wanting of the 1000 years of their _Mahomet_ (as is above said) will be compleated, so that these two years numbers do very well again agree together. _God the Almighty preserve us in all adversities, that we may persevere in the acknowledged truth of his Holy Gospel, and send us penitent hearts, that we may be sensible of his merciful visitations, and also overcome the two last woes that are not quite over, with patience. ~Amen.~_ [Illustration] CHAP. VII. _Of Mount ~Bethzetha~, and the two Houses of ~Pilate~ and ~Herod~._ From the temple mount towards the north, you come presently towards the house of judicature, where _Pontius Pilate_ did live, and condemn innocent Lord _Christ_, to that heinous death of the cross. But because the house hath been since surrounded with high walls, we saw in the court (where the Soldiers did clothe our Lord _Christ_ with the purple cloak, and put upon his head the crown of thorns, and afterwards did spit upon him, and mock, beat and whip him) nothing remarkable, but only without a very old and high arch, like unto an arched bridge. This is almost black with age, and so artificially erected, that one can hardly find any juncture, where the stones are put together. This was the High Place, as it is said, before the Judgment Hall, whereon the condemned men use to be exposed to the sight of the people, because the _Jews_ durst not go into the House of Judicature at their high feasts, as _Easter_ and _Whitsuntide_ (as you may read in St _John_, chap. xviii.) that they might not make themselves unclean, but eat of the Paschal Lamb: Wherefore _Pilate_ did several times go out to the people to shew them our Lord _Christ_, and sit down in the Judgment seat, in a place that is called the Pavement, but in the Hebrew _Gabbatha_, as you read in St _John_, chap. xix. ver. 13. This arch is open at the top in the middle, and hath two other small arches about the wideness of an ordinary door one by the other ed by a marble column, in one of them stood _Christ_ with his crown of thorns on, and _Pontius Pilate_ in the other, when he said to the people, _Behold the man_. Hard by at the other side of the arch, on the right hand, on an ascent, they shew the habitation of King _Herod_, which is still very fine, and gloriously built of marble. Wherefore, although it is not the same, which hath been burnt long agone by the _Jews_, and afterwards rooted out by the _Romans_, yet it is built in the same place, where the King’s palace did stand, on the height of mount _Bethzetha_, as _Josephus_ testifieth, from the north over against the temple, and the fort _Antonia_, where our dear Lord _Christ_ was mocked and abused by _Herod_ and his servants, and had a white garment put upon him, and so was sent back again to _Pilate_. In these habitations, chiefly those of _Pilate_, are still to this day, _Turkish_ magistrates, Sangiacks, Cadis, and Soubashaws dwelling, that keep courts of judicature there; and therefore nobody is itted to come in before he hath gratified the master and servants. These magistrates are very severe, and punish their subjects for no great matter, either in their body or purse, or with a certain number of stripes, which they give with straps of rough neats leather upon the soles of their feet, fewer or more, in proportion to their committed crimes more or less; which sort of punishment is very common to all eastern countries. This sort of punishment is very ancient, and mention thereof is made in _Deuteronomy_ chap. xxv. ver. 2. ‘And it shall be, if the wicked man be worthy to be beaten, that the judge shall cause him to lie down, and to be beaten before his face, according to his fault by a certain number, forty stripes he may give him and not exceed; least if he should exceed, and beat him above these with many stripes, then thy brother should seem vile unto thee.’ So the holy Apostle St _Paul_ hath received them several times, whereof he maketh mention in II. _Corinthians_ chap. xi. ver. 23. where he saith, ‘I am in labours more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths often. Of the _Jews_ five times received I forty stripes save one.’ When we came back from these habitations, we saw some more remarkable places, which are usually shewn unto pilgrims, some whereof are mentioned in Scripture, _viz._ the iron gate, through which the angel of the Lord did conduct St _Peter_ out of prison: The habitation of _Mary_ the mother of St _John_, where the holy Apostle _Peter_ did knock at the door: The temple of St _John_ the Evangelist, whereof the Knights of the order of St _John_ call themselves, and several others, which are for the most part fallen down, and lie in ruins. But because in these times, it is uncertain in what condition they were then, I also omit to say any more of them. After we had seen these two places with their habitations; we returned back again at night, according to the appointment of the father Guardian, to go with us into the temple of mount _Calvaria_. CHAP. VIII. _Of the Mount ~Calvaria~, and the Holy Grave of our Lord and Saviour ~Jesus Christ~._ On the 27th of _September_ in the year 1575 after dinner, the father Guardian did send to the other Lords of the temple, to let us into the temple of mount _Calvaria_, which the _Turks_ keep always locked up. But we and some other friars in their own habit, went with their father Guardian to the temple of the mount, which first of all the pious Queen _Hellen_, mother of the great Emperor _Constantine_ (after she had destroyed the temple of _Venus_ that was built upon the place of the grave) did build, as she did also build several churches in several places, _viz._ That at _Bethlehem_, where _Christ_ was born: That of the holy Apostle _James_ the Great, in the place of the upper town where he was beheaded: And another on the mount of Olives, where _Christ_ did ascend into heaven: As also another at _Bethania_, where _Christ_ did raise _Lazarus_ his dear friend from the dead, and in many other places, at _Nazareth_, and on the mount _Thabor_, &c. But when afterward the city of _Jerusalem_ was many times besieged, and at length taken from the Christians, by the unbelieving _Saracens_, _Hequen_ that malicious King of _Ægypt_, did in the year of Christ 1011, demolish these churches, and so they remained until after his decease his son _Daber_ came to the government, who afterwards in the year 37. did give leave to _Constantine_ the Emperor of _Constantinople_ (when he renewed with him their old correspondency) to rebuild it again at his own cost and charges. In these our times, when it remaineth in the possession of the _Turks_, free egress and regress is quite denied to the Christian Pilgrims that come to see the holy places: For when they saw that many Christians came yearly thither from all places, _viz._ From _Armenia_, _Æthiopia_, _Syria_, _Ægypt_, _Greece_, _Italy_, nay from all places of _Europe_, they have put a certain sum of money (according as they are near, or farther off, under his dominions or not) to be paid by them, to be itted. For some pay two or three seckins or ducats, others four and five; but we that are outlandish, as _Italians_, _Frenchmen_, and _Germans_ (as well knowing we do not spare for money) must pay nine seckins a piece, and that without any remission, must be paid in weighty _Turkish_ or _Venetian_ ducats: And they keep the temple locked up close, until every one of them has paid their due: By these means the Grand Signior hath acquired himself a considerable yearly revenue, which amounts to several thousand ducats yearly. But yet it is now-a-days nothing near to what it hath been formerly, when all was under Popish darkness, and the Pilgrims used to flock thither in great numbers. For since in our time, by the Grace of God, the holy Gospel hath been brought to light again, and began to be preached, (which sheweth us a far nearer and better way to find Christ, and to have true and full pardon and remission of our sins) so that daily more come to the knowledge of the truth, and return to the Lord, his revenues decrease as much as the number of the Pilgrims that used to resort thither. When we came pretty near to the temple, and expected to have seen mount _Calvaria_, the _Franciscans_ told us, that this mount, together with the holy grave, and the garden (wherein Christ did first appear unto _Mary Magdalen_) were intirely taken into the temple, so that no heigth at all was to be seen without. Just when we came into the court of the temple there appeared an old heathenish prison, wherein are prisoners kept to this day, near which did stand the _Prison-gate_ (whereof we saw still some part of the wall up in the wall of the church) through which Christ did carry his cross to the place of sculls, which in former days was without the town, as you may clearly see in St _Mark_, chap. xvii. 20. where he writes: ‘And they led him out to crucify him.’ And in _Hebrews_, chap. xiii. 12. where it is plainly writ, that ‘Christ suffered without the gate.’ But when afterwards the Emperor _Adrian_ did rebuild and enlarge the desolated town, he did also surround with a wall the place where our Lord Jesus Christ did suffer, which was without towards the north-west, beyond the mount _Moria_, so that now it is situated almost in the middle of the city of _Jerusalem_, and because of this inlargement he call’d the town after his sir-name _Helia_. We staying a great while at the gate, before they did open it unto us, several Oriential Christians, to wit, _Greeks_, _Jacobites_, _Armenians_, &c. came to us to visit their Priests, and to perform their devotion in it, so that about three-score went in with us. The building of the temple is very large, of strong walls, and so thick, that it taketh away the Light within: it is richly covered with grey marble within and without, and ed by some marble pillars about a fathom and a half thick, so strongly, that one may conclude from thence, that neither labour nor costs were spared in it’s building. Yet the _Turks_, (notwithstanding the holy places and the costliness of the building) have in some places spoiled and demolished some part of the walls thereof, so that now they are no more like to the old ones that were before, and besides (as the Guardian told us) half of it is hardly remaining. Yet it is still very large, and so well closed up again, that one can hardly perceive the loss thereof. As we went through, we ed by the grave of Christ, in a glorious large chapel, called our _Ladies_, which the _Franciscans_ have in possession, and is hung with tapestry very well wrought. Within it is a great altar, on each side whereof is to be seen a nick, artificially made of white marble, the windows whereof are very well guarded with iron bars: In that towards the left hand is kept a piece of the column whereon Christ was whip’d; it is of a reddish colour, three spans long, and four over. In the other on the right there is a small crucifix, in the middle whereof is in-laid a small piece of the true cross of Christ. From thence we went farther into the vestry; which hath several large rooms, where we staid until the _Franciscans_ had put on their usual habits to go their rounds with us, and to shew us the holy places with the usual ceremonies. When they had made themselves ready we came out again into the church, and left the chancel of the _Græcians_, that is in the middle, and the holy grave upon our right hand, and went to the left to another chapel, whereby the _Græcians_ have an altar without, by which, in the marble floor, are two holes to be seen, wherein they pretend that Christ was detained prisoner until they had fixed the cross for him on the place of the sculls. This chapel is within very deep, and so dark, that when you go into it you believe that you go into a cave, where the _Romanists_ believe (as I understood by a _French man_ of their convent, who was in a Priest’s habit, and as we went about, standing before the altar, did tell us, what they had done to Christ our Lord, in every place) that they did detain Christ (as in a place where-into they threw their dust) to mock him, until his cross was got ready for him. Just by the chapel behind the chancel they shew on a high arch another place, where the soldiers did share Christ’s cloaths amongst them, and cast lots for his coat. Somewhat farther about they shew a pair of stairs of twenty nine steps, which we descended, and came into a great chapel of Queen _Helen_, situated underneath mount _Calvaria_, wherein is still towards the right hand of the altar, a glorious and beautiful high seat of marble whereon the Queen used to sit, when she had a mind to overlook the workmen, to see whether they went on right; for she loved building mightily, as appeareth still to this day by the number of her mighty buildings. Behind this seat are eleven steps, which go farther down mount _Calvaria_, where the cistern hath been, wherein Queen _Helen_ found the cross of Christ. Underneath on the altar, ’tis true, there stands one, but it is new, and therefore to be supposed, to be put there of late years. At the bottom of the stairs do also appear very plainly the crack’d rocks, as it is mentioned in Scripture: _And the rocks rent._ And these rents or cracks are a foot wide, and so deep as to reach from the top to the bottom of the rocky mount of _Calvaria_. When we came up into the church again, they shewed us at the bottom of mount _Calvaria_, a chapel that was locked up, and in it underneath the altar a large blackish stone with some reddish spots upon it, in the shape of a piece of a pillar, which was brought thither from _Pilate_’s house of Judicature, whereon our Lord did sit, when the soldiers did put the crown of thorns on his holy head, and did salute him as a King with their knees bended, and did also mock him, spit in his face, and whip him. This crown was twisted out of thorns, called by the _Arabians_, _Nausegi_ and _Athausegi_; and by the _Græcians_ and _Latanists_, which have kept the same name, _Rhamus_, whereof there are three sorts, the first of which is the true one (which is also common in __ and _Italy_) which doth not only grow without, but also within the town of _Jerusalem_ plentifully; this puts out early in the spring, into long, thin and pliable twigs, with a great many long and strong prickles. Just by it cometh out above from the chancel of the _Græcians_, a path up to mount _Calvaria_, which they forced from the _Georgians_, as they did before from the _Armenians_, by giving money to the _Turks_; which is very common in these countries; for if one hath any business to be done by the _Turks_, it cannot be easier obtained, than if you bribe them more than your adversary, wherefore it happeneth very often that such places are taken away from one nation, and given to the other. Underneath this way or gallery you ascend nineteen steps to go up to the mount _Calvaria_, where we saw two chapels one behind the other, which were open, and had a very delicate floor, artificially inlaid with flowers of several colours, the like whereof is hardly to be seen any where else. At the top of the stairs we left our shoes, and went in, and attended the Priest, who did also there, as he had done in other places before, give us a short of what had been done to our Lord Jesus Christ in these places, _viz._ that in the hindmost chapel his hands and feet had been extended, and sharp nails drove through them, and so with a great deal of indignation he was fixed to the cross. And that in the foremost our Lord Christ did hang on the cross between the two malefactors, where there was still to be seen the hole wherein the cross of our Lord did stand. He also briefly repeated to us the seven words which he did say when he was upon the cross; and for a conclusion he told us, that his holiness the Pope had laid there indulgences for ever, for all sins and transgressions, to be distributed among the pilgrims. When we had done we went farther into the chapel, and saw first a place two cubits high, which was also covered with fine ashen-coloured marble, watered with blue, in the middle whereof was a round hole about a span over, and was lined with tin, wherein did stand the cross of our Lord Christ, which is so closely tipped and lined, that the pilgrims can take neither much nor little of this, nor any other place, as the holy grave, or _Bethelem_ where Christ was born, _&c._ Wherefore notwithstanding the pretence of the _Franciscans_, that in their _Agnus Dei_’s and crucifixes are little pieces of the fore-mentioned places, it is all false and nothing of truth in it, which they must confess themselves, it being all covered with marble. Near to this hole, both to the right and left, where the crosses of the two thieves did stand, in the room of them two others are erected, where hard by that on the left at the inside, is to be seen a long and large fissure in the rock of the mount, which the Queen left on purpose open in the marble pavement, so that you may very plainly see it, and it goeth down very deep, as I have told you before. When we came down again from the mount, and come out behind the chancel towards the gate of the great church, there lieth in the pavement a fine and large marble, which is surrounded, or taken in, with iron barrs in the same place, where _Joseph_ and _Nicodemus_, the two disciples of Christ, did wrap up the body of Christ, after it was taken down, in linnen with spices. From thence as we went farther towards the grave of our Lord Christ, we left below towards the left on the place of sculls, another chapel, wherein are the graves of some Christian Kings, _viz._ _Gottofredi_, and _Baldewin_, _&c._ which took the Land of Promise by force from the Infidels, and came towards the right by the chancel of the _Greeks_ into a great round and high building of the holy grave, which butts upon the church, and is below towards it, it standing upon very strong double marble pillars, quite open: it is covered with lead, and hath at the top a great window, where the light falleth in, which is four fathom square, where underneath is the holy grave of our Lord Jesus Christ under the open sky, so that at all times, both rain, dew and snow fall upon it. Before the age into the Sepulchre is a small chapel, wherein is nothing of any moment to be seen, but a square stone, just before the door of the grave; this is of the true rock of the grave, about eight inches thick, whereon (as some say) the Angel of the Lord, that rolled back the stone from the door, did sit. This was also useful and did serve to keep the great grave-stone, that was before the door of the grave (which is hardly three foot high) steady, that it might not give backwards. That the door was but low, and that the stone did lean before it, you may sufficiently see out of the holy Evangelist St _Luke_, chap. xxiv. 12. when he saith: ‘Then arose _Peter_, and ran unto the Sepulchre, and stooping down, _&c._’ And also in St _John_, chap. xx. 11. where you read: ‘But _Mary_ stood without at the Sepulchre weeping: and as she wept, she stooped down, and looked into the Sepulchre.’ And also the holy Apostle and Evangelist St _John_ came before _Peter_ to the Sepulchre, and looked into it, and saw the linnen cloaths, but did not go in himself. And we read also of the door of the Sepulchre, and that the great stone before it used to be rolled. When you will go into the door you must stoop very much, and rather creep than go into it. The Sepulchre within is even with the floor of the chapel, and of the whole church, and is so large, that four persons may stand very easily by one another. After the Priest had ended his speech which he made in the Sepulchre, of the Resurrection of Christ, which we heard without in the chapel, and had also proclaimed the Pope’s indulgences for ever, we went in also, and looked upon the rock whereout the Sepulchre was cut, and found it underneath on the right hand (altho’ it had been very much torn by the Infidels) still in very good order, so that we could discern it still distinctly, where now the monks have made an altar, and covered it with a large fair marble. Over it hung about twenty lamps, which made the Sepulchre (which else is very dark) very light; one whereof belongeth to the Catholic King of _Spain_, another to the Christian King of __, and others to other Princes; they look very carefully after them, because they bring them in a considerable revenue yearly. The holy Sepulchre is lined within and without with grey marble, and chiefly without some adorned with carved columns that stand between it. On the outside of the door of the Sepulchre doth hang a fine golden piece, wherein our Lord Christ is very artificially wrought, as he did appear after his Resurrection unto _Mary Magdalen_ first, and afterwards also to the women: At the top of the Sepulchre is also a small round steeple, which is covered with lead, and upheld with six double marble columns: Besides this there is at the back of the Sepulchre another plain chapel, wherein the _Jacobites_, as I was informed, perform their Devotion. More at the left hand, as we went out of the Sepulchre again, near to it in the pavement, are two large circles, rarely inlaid of _Mosaic_ work, in the middle whereof are two round stones of marble, one whereof is white, and the other red, lying in the same place of the garden, where _Mary Magdalen_ turned about, and took our Lord Jesus Christ to be the Gardener. Thus much I thought convenient to relate of these places that are shewn in the circuit. When I found myself to be in those places where our dear Lord Christ did walk about, teach, and by his ion, death, resurrection and ascension work our redemption, and procure and purchase our salvation, from his heavenly father again, I did and rejoice at these incomparable benefits, and merciful treasures with all my heart; for it cannot otherwise be, but that every true Christian, that is upon this mount of _Calvaria_, and thinks there of the cross of Christ, and in the Sepulchre of his glorious resurrection, must find great ions within his breast; as you also read in the last chapter of St _Matthew_, vers. 8. of the women, where you find these words: ‘And they departed quickly from the sepulchre, with fear and great joy.’ This I found also in my heart and mind, so that it was, as if I saw our Lord Jesus Christ the Son of the Almighty God, to humble himself, and to become obedient to his heavenly Father, even to death, nay, to the death of the cross, to bring us miserable sinful men to rights again, and to deliver us clearly from all debts and punishments, and so to procure us the only and true indulgences. After we had seen mount _Calvaria_, the Sepulchre of Christ our Lord, and other places, we went into the vestiary again to eat our supper. After supper they led us up into the gallery, which is in the round building over-against the holy Sepulchre, to stay there all night; but some of the eastern Christians sung below in the church, others did grumble together, and play’d with their sweet-sounding cymbals, (which were made of pure metal about the bigness of a large wallnut-shell) so pleasant tunes or musick, that I rather look’d on them, and minded their musick than slept. The next morning my comrades, after they had been at confession, and received the Sacrament upon mount _Calvaria_, came to me into the church again, with an intention to go round once more. So we saw the holy places once more, and at last also the chapel, which we left the day before at the foot of the hill on our left hand belonging to the _Grecians_; they let us in very willingly, because of our chaplain, who was also a _Grecian_, and shew’d us in it, at the farthest part where it was pretty dark, a large and deep crack of the rock; afterwards also on each side some fine and high tombs of some Kings, _viz._ that of _Gottefrid de Boulion_, and others, which were for some time possessed of the Land of Promise; these stand on delicate columns, cut out of curious grey marble, whereon are some epitaphs, which I thought to set down here underneath, together with a short relation when they did take the Land of Promise, and the famous city of _Jerusalem_, how long they were possessed of it, and how many Kings did succeed one another in it. _Plants observed by Monsieur ~Belon~, to grow about some of the holy Places._ _Near ~Jerusalem~ on the ~Mounts~, ~Hills~, and ~Valleys~._ _Adrachne seu Arbutus folio non serrato_, _Picea_, _Aria_, _Ilex cocci-glandifera_, _Terebinthus_, _Lentiscus_, several sorts of _Cistus_, _Capparis Spinosa_, _Paliurus_ or _Christ_’s Thorn, Fig-trees, Olives, Almonds, a sort of wild Peach, _Jujubes_ or _Zizyphus_, _Esculus_ or Dwarf-oak, _Alaternus_, white Mulberry for the Silk-worms, the inhabitants trading a little in Silk and _Kermes_, which they gather from a Holm-oak: _Sesamum_, _Gossipium seu Xylon_, _Thymbra_, _Marum_, _Origanum Heracleoticum_, _Tragoriganum_, _Salvia_, _Stachys_, _Ruta Sylv._, _Trifolium Asphaltites_; a rare sort of _Hyosciamus_ on the walls of _Jerusalem_; _Azadarach Arbor in Palestinâ secundum D. ~Monconny~_. _Between Mount ~Sinai~, Mount ~Oreb~ and ~Suez~._ _Oenoplia_ a sort of _Zizyphus_; _Arbor Lanigera_ or Cotton-tree; _Glans seu Nux Unguentaria_, call’d _Balanus Mirepsica_, _Alcanna_ a _Species_ of _Ligustrum_, of great use and sale for dying and colouring; _Senna_, Rose of _Jericho_, or _Hiericho_ a sort of _Thlaspi_, _Colocynthis_, _Ambrosia_, or Oak of _Cappadocia_. Some Plants mention’d by _Breynius_, and taken out of _Rauwolff_’s _Hort. Sic._ or else found in those Countries where _Rauwolff_ travell’d. _Acaciæ similis Mesopotamica minutissimis foliis, siliquâ integrâ contortâ, crassâ, & obtusâ; sive siliqua Nabathæa nobis._ _Azadirachta foliis ramosis majoribus ~Syriaca~ sive vulgaris flore cæruleo maj. ~Perlato~ falso Sycomorus Italorum. ~Bellon.~ ~Astergir.~ ~Rhasis~, & incolis ~Zenselacht~ ~Rauwolff.~_ _Horminum Syriacum, tomentosum, foliis Coronopi, sive profundè laciniatis ~Breyn.~ Horminum rarum foliis laciniatis ~Rauwolff.~ in Herbar. vivo._ _Lapathum Rotundifolium montis Libani, semine maximo ~Breyn.~ Ribes Arabum ~Rauwolff.~_ _Lycium Buxi foliis angustioribus Syriacum ~Breyn.~ Lycium Dioscoridis ~Rauwolff.~ in Herbar. Hadhad Arabibus, & Zaroa incolis montis Libani, ejusdem. In Syriâ & Palestinâ observavit ~Rauwolffius~._ _Lycium Buxi foliis rotundioribus Syriacum vel Persicum ~Breyn.~ Hoc Lycium apud ~Rauwolffium~ cum priore confunditur._ _Marrubium villosum Syriacum, sive montis Libani ~Breyn.~_ _Melanthium Syriacum minus frutescens latifolium, Rutæ flore, fructu tricapsulari, ~Breyn.~ Ruta vocata Harmala ~J. B.~_ _Melilotus minima Syriaca. Nephel sive Naphal, Ibenbaithar & Malasesæ._ _Plantago angustifolia minor lanugonisa Syriaca & Cretica, pediculis & capitulis maturitate ad terram inflexis ~Breyn.~ Leontopodium ~Alpin. Exot.~ Leontopodium Creticum ~C. B.~_ _Plantago angustifolia peniculis Lagopi ~C. B.~ Plantago quinquenervia cum globulis albis pilosis ~J. B.~ Catananche Dioscoridis ~Rauwolff.~ in Herbario vivo._ _Satureia frutescens Arabica folio fimbriato hirsuto ~Breyn.~ Sathar Arabum ~Rauwolff.~_ _Tithymalus (vel Tithymalo affinis) aphyllos dictus major latifolius, flore sanguineo aviculæ capitulum repræsentante ~Breyn.~ An Planta lactaria Xabra & Cammaronum Rhasis ~Rauwolff.~_ _Jacea maxima Hierosolymitana ~Alpin. Exot.~_ _Marum Syriacum foliis incisis._ CHAP. IX. _Here follow some Epitaphs of the Christian Kings of ~Jerusalem~, together with a short Relation of their reigns and mighty deeds._ In the year of our Lord Christ 1096, when _Henry_ the fourth was Emperor of the west, and _Alexius_ the _Grecian_ Emperor at _Constantinople_ in the east, Pope _Urban_ the second call’d a council at _Claremont_ in __, where they consulted together which way the Land of Promise might be deliver’d again from the hands of the Infidels. Where it was concluded and agreed upon, to take the field in common, and for their general they chose _Gottefrid de Boulion_, Count of _Bononia_ in __. Along with him went many Princes, Counts and Noblemen, _viz._ _Baldwin_ and _Eustachius_ his brethren, and many more, and brought together an army of six hundred thousand foot, and one hundred thousand horse; so they went in several parties through _Hungaria_, _Greece_, _&c._ till they had ed the _Hellespont_, and came into _Asia the Less_, now call’d _Natolia_, and belonging to the _Turks_, where they ed again, and took some towns, to wit, _Nicea_, _Tarsis_, and also _Antiochia_ situated in _Cælosyria_. Yet in these actions were a great many Christians slain by the way, others were taken prisoners, some were starved, a great many dy’d of sicknesses, that came by changing of the air in these hot countries; so that in three years time, for so long dured this march, there were hardly forty thousand men (as some write) left, of the afore-named sum that did arrive in the Land of Promise. These went with their master and general _Gottefrid de Boulion_ before the city of _Jerusalem_, wherein were a great number of the infidels, to defend it; yet they surrounded the city, and took it in a little time, and kill’d a great number of them. When they had taken the town on the fifteenth day of _July_, in the year 1099, and had reduced it, they laid down their armors and arms, and went to visit the holy Sepulchre with great devotion, and chose there unanimously their general King of _Jerusalem_, who at their request undertook the government, would not be call’d King, nor crown’d with a golden crown in that place, where our Saviour that Arch-King had worn one of thorns. After he had obtained this victory, he also subdued some adjacent towns, _viz._ _Joppe_ call’d _Jaffa_, _Porphria_ situated at the foot of mount _Carmel_, the _Arabians_ and _Turks_ call’d _Hayphe_, _Tiberias_ and the confines of _Galilea_. He also overcame with a handful of his men, the Captain of the Sultan, who had a great number of men with him, and kill’d above thirty thousand of them. But as nothing is lasting in human affairs, he dy’d in the eleventh month of his reign, and was bury’d in the above-mention’d chapel, and upon his tomb-stone is still to be read this following epitaph. _Hic jacet inclitus dux ~Gottefridus de Boulion~, qui totam istam terram acquisivit cultui Christiano: cujus anima regnet cum Christo. ~Amen.~_ After his decease the Christians unanimously chose his brother _Baldewin_ King of _Jerusalem_ in his place; he overcame with a small number of men the King of _Egypt_, that was twenty two thousand strong, and kill’d the greatest part of his men. And when he dy’d in the eighteenth year of his reign, they chose his cousin _Baldewin_ of _Burgo_, the second of that name, King. This was a great warrior, and did many heroick deeds with few men against the Heathens; he overcame and took prisoner _Gatzim_ the _Turkish_ Prince of the _Lesser Asia_, with a great number of men; but soon after in the fifth year of his reign, he was beaten in a battle by the King of the _Parthians_, and carry’d away prisoner. In the mean time the _Venetians_ and _Genoese_ came with two hundred and seventy ships, and dispersed and beat the Armada of the _Saracens_, and sunk many of their ships and took also the strong town of _Tyrus_, so that both by sea and land there was abundance of blood shed. When the enemies saw this, that they set the King at liberty again in the eighteenth month of his imprisonment, for a sum of money; after that he did execute in the six following years of his reign, in order to an enlargement of his kingdom, many glorious and famous deeds. He overthrew the King of the _Ascalonites_, who was assisted by the _Egyptians_, and fell upon _Jerusalem_ in one single battle, and also beat the King of _Damascus_ in three several ones, as you may see by his epitaph here underneath written: _Rex ~Baldewinus~, ~Judas~ alter ~Machabæus~,_ _Spes patriæ, vigor ecclesiæ, virtus utriusque_ _Quem formidabant, cui dona, tributa ferebant_ _~Cedar~, & ~Ægyptus~, ~Dan~, & homicida ~Damascus~_ _Proh, dolor, in modico clauditur hic tumulo._ In the year 1131, the crown was presented to _Fulcon_, count of _Andegavia_, and son-in-law to the before-said _Baldewin_, who also obtain’d several victories against the _Persians_ and _Turks_. But in his time there arose some differences among the Christians, and some conspiracies, which proved afterwards very disadvantageous to him; he lost also _Edessa_, a city in _Mesopotamia_, which King _Baldewin the first_ had conquer’d before, which the _Turks_ took by force from him. This King left two sons, _Baldewin_ and _Alamric_, and after he had reigned eleven years, he fell dead when he hunted a hare on full speed. After him his Son _Baldewin the third_ was crown’d, who also dy’d in the twenty fourth year of his reign, after he had fought several battles, and taken some towns. Then his brother _Alamric_ came to the crown, who was a great warrior, so that he was very fit for this dignity, he obtain’d many victories against Sultan _Saladin_. But afterwards when the scales were turn’d, he dy’d also after his return from _Egypt_ in the year 1178, his son _Baldewin the fourth_, and the seventh King, undertook the government of the Kingdom in the thirteenth year of his reign. This, although he was leprous, yet he manag’d his business very well, and defended his dominions courageously and gloriously against the infidels. And because he would not be marry’d by reason of his distemper, therefore he marry’d his sister _Sibylla_ to a Marquis of _Monteferrato_, call’d _William_. She was brought to bed in the first year of a son, and call’d him after his uncle _Baldewin_. But when _William_ dy’d, he marry’d her again to _Guido_ of _Lusignan_, Count of _Joppe_; with this condition, that after his decease he should rule the kingdom for his son-in-law, and be his guardian so long until he came at age. But he behaving himself very ill in the mean while, the King grew so angry with him, that he would by no means suffer him to live in his dominions, and order’d another to fill up his place, one _Raymond_, a Count of _Tripoli_. Soon after the King dy’d before his son was quite twenty years old, and was also bury’d in the temple of the holy Sepulchre. Within eight months after, did also die the true heir of the crown, the son of _Sibylla_ his sister, and was also bury’d by the other Kings; so that we find still on three several tomb-stones that stand close one behind the other, _viz._ _Septimus in tumulo puer hic regnum tumulatus_ _Est, ~Baldewinus~ regum de sanguine natus._ _Quem tulit è mundo sors primæ conditionis_ _Ut Paradysiacæ loca possideat regionis._ So by the incitation of his mother, _Guido_ was proclaim’d the last King. _Raymund_ the Count of _Tripoli_, was extremely disgusted at this election, being that the Kingdom was already recommended to him, wherefore he resolved to go to war with him, and that he might be strong enough for him, he made a league with Sultan _Saladin_, to his own grief and ruin; for when the Sultan saw these differences between them two, he raised suddenly a great army, and took _Jerusalem_, and the whole country by force of arms. So the kingdom of _Jerusalem_, after the Christians had been possessed of it eighty eight years and nineteen days, was re-taken again by the infidels, not without great loss and damage. Not long after, the infidels did pull down the walls of the city, turn’d the churches into stables, saving the temple of _Solomon_, and spoiled the holy Sepulchre of our Lord Christ, which in all the other wars did still remain intire, so that only one side of the rock thereof is now to be seen. This was done by the infidels on purpose to shew us the foolish zeal we have to conquer and visit the holy grave and city, as if Christ were still in it. This and other places had been quite demolish’d also, had it not been for the eastern Christians, the _Armenians_, _Syrians_, _&c._ which did stop their fury, by giving of them a great sum of money, and so redeem’d it. CHAP. X. _A common of several sorts of Christians, but chiefly of them that are always to be found in the temple of mount ~Calvaria~; and also how these, and many other strangers, are treated by the ~Turkish~ Emperor (as by their chief head, to whom they generally are subjected) and his officers._ In the temple of mount _Calvaria_ live Christians of several nations; as _Latins_ or _Italians_, _Abyssins_, _Græcians_, _Armenians_, _Georgians_, _Nestorians_, _Syrians_, _Jacobites_, &c. which for the most part are Priests and Friers, who are of so different opinions in many articles of faith, that many of them might sooner be reckon’d amongst the superstitious and hereticks than Christians; wherefore each of them have their peculiar habitation and chapel, that they may perform their devotion undisturbed by one another. The _Turkish_ Emperor also lets them alone, and doth not at all trouble them for their religion, nor endeavour to bring them over to the _Mahometan_ religion and _Koran_; and is very well contented to receive his yearly tribute, which is exactly demanded as it cometh to be due. I have seen many of them in the temple to go up and down in their peculiar habit, and once I did attend at their devotion, so that I easily ed away the times that the _Turks_ kept us locked up in it. Their Pilgrims resort thither yearly, chiefly against the great feasts or the holy days, in great numbers to see the holy places, not only from the eastern, but also from the western countries: Those that are under the subjection of the _Sultan_, which they are almost all of them (except the _Latins_ and _Abyssins_) must pay him yearly the fourth part of all their revenues: He that hath four Olive, Almond, or Quince-trees, must yield one of them to be the Emperors. So in their harvest, every fourth sheaf is also his; their harvest beginneth in the beginning of _April_, and endeth in _May_, as you may see, _Deut._ chap. xvi. 9. ‘Seven weeks (that is from _Easter_ to _Whitsunday_) shalt thou number unto thee: begin to number the seven weeks from such time as thou beginnest to put the sickle to the corn.’ Besides this imposition, they have another; that is, They must pay yearly for every head that is male, the poor as well as the rich, one ducat, and sometimes two, chiefly when the _Sultan_ intendeth to go to war with the Christians; then he beginneth to lay these taxes upon them a year before-hand, and hath it gather’d in. He that hath not wherewithal to pay it, is forced either to sell one or the other of his children to perpetual slavery, or else to give one of them to the Grand _Turk_, according to his liking to be his own for ever: And what is more, he sendeth every fourth or fifth year through all his dominions his Emissaries, _viz._ _Wallachia_, _Servia_, _Bosnia_, _Albania_, _Colchid_, &c. to fetch away every third son of his Christian subjects, and they always chuse that which they like best; and so they bring together a great number, and call them _Azanoglans_, and give them to the _Janizaries_ to be their servants. These have in some chief places their exercises from their infancy, that in time they may be fit to be made Officers and Commanders in time of war. In this the _Turks_ exercise great cruelty and pride, they spare no body, for if a Christian doth possess some small matter of riches, he must either keep it very privately, or else with a great deal of discretion say, That it is all belonging to his Emperor and him. So if the _Grand Signior_ hath occasion for any thing of theirs whatsoever, it must be granted him without any refusal: But what a trouble and heart-breaking this must be to the poor parents, not only to have their children which are free by nature, forced to such a brutal way of life and education, but, what is more, taken away from baptism to circumcision, from the Christian congregation and faith, into a severe slavery and superstition, wherein they are brought from their duty to their parents, into a mortal enmity against them and their other relations, every Christian may with himself consider. The _Turks_, where there is choice, take them that are single and young, because, they being still infirm, and but slightly grounded in their faith, they are the sooner seduced, chiefly if they are instructed in their _Mahometan_ laws, and educated therein for a while, for then they soon forget their own faith, and grow in theirs, and so as they grow up in years, they also grow in their malice, and become to be worse than they themselves, as daily experience doth sufficiently testify. Of the same stamp are also the Christians, that after they have been taken prisoners in the war, turn _Mamalucks_ (which they call in their language _Haracs_) and are circumcised. These are free from all imposition as well as the _Turks_, save only the tenth, but dare not go away without their master’s leave, upon pain of death; if they are taken, they are according to their law, without any tryal, sentenced and condemned to be burnt. And these also are confirm’d and obdurated in their impious and base life, that they forget God and themselves, never think of coming home again to hear the Gospel preached, or to see their friends and relations again. Yet the prisoners are not so very much pressed by the _Turks_ to deny their faith and turn, except there should be found one or more great persons among them, for such they always use to press more, and endeavour to turn them one way or other, and promise them great preferment if they will declare for their religion; for they are in hopes, that if they could persuade them, a great many more of the little ones would also come over with them. If such are persuaded by them and turn, they are entertained by the _Turks_ very honourably, and called _Tscheleby_, that is gentlemen, and endued with great revenues, but yet they do not easily confide in them, or put any trust into their hands, and do not esteem such inconstant and faltering men in their heart, although they carry themselves very friendly before their faces, for they make , That he that will easily deny his religion, will also betray his Prince and country if occasion should serve. I have known in these countries some slaves, whom their masters that bought them as their servants, did very much press to be circumcised, but when they did mightily resist, and excuse themselves, and say, That they could not it thereof with a safe conscience, and if by force, they should take away their prepuce and circumcise them, that notwithstanding all that, they could not circumcise their hearts, and therefore they desired them not to trouble themselves any farther with them, they were for all that ready and willing to serve them honestly and faithfully to the utmost of their power: So their masters have been satisfied with this answer, and have pressed them no more. But if it should happen that a Christian should be taken in one of their _Mosques_ (for they, as unclean men, are forbid to come there) or should dispute with them, or speak ill of their Prophet _Mahomet_ and his laws, or should pronounce these words, which are almost written every where in their churches, and underneath their gates, in their _Arabian_ language, _Leila hillalla Mahammet rasur alla_; that is to say, _O God, only God, and Mahomet a Prophet of God_, he must (because they are an epitome of their religion, confession, belief and laws) suffer himself to be circumcised, or else lose his life. For being that _Mahomet_ did defend his false doctrine described in the _Koran_, rather with the sword than with reason and true grounds, that it might not be discovered, and so his adherents leave him. _Mahomet_ to prevent this, by the devil’s inspiration, hath strengthen’d it with strong points and articles, _viz._ That no body shall discourse or dispute with any Sectaries whatsoever, much less believe them, or read their books, as such wherein is no ground to be found, because all that is good and true in the old Testament, testified by the _Jews_, and in the new one, by the Christians, is by him taken out and transcribed into his _Koran_, and therefore it must be believed and kept as the word of God, without any scruple or search; and he that speaketh or writeth against it, must fall by the sword, and besides be damned for ever. Who doth not see that this subtile _Mahomet_ did this, that any body that he gets once into his snares, or that falls into his net, might be so entangled, that he must be forced to keep there to perish and to be damned for ever; notwithstanding all his sweet promises of great privileges, salaries, and permission of _sodomitish_ sins, robbing, burning, perjury, _&c._ which transgressions they regard but very little, seeing that according to their Prophet’s promise, if they pray but often, and wash themselves often, they do not only not hurt them, but by continual usage of the before-mentioned means, they become to be cleaner than we Christians from our sins, in the bath of regeneration. To these traditions of _Mahomet_, the _Turks_ and _Moors_ stick so close, and believe them implicitly, according to the commands of _Mahomet_; so that one, although he be of another opinion, because they will hear no contradiction nor objection, is forced to hold his tongue and say nothing. And in case you should ask them why they are forbid to eat pork, or drink wine? they answer and say, That their Parents did so before them, partly because they are unclean, and partly because they are forbid it in their _Koran_; or else that if they should over-fill themselves with it, so that they should bring it up again, it might contaminate their cloaths, and so they should commit a great rusticity; so that they know not how to give any reason concerning their religion. Wherefore their law ought to be called or reputed cruel, and a tyrannical one, that is rather upheld by the sword than by reason and justice; which also appeareth from thence, that they carry a naked scymiter before the noblemens sons, when they carry them about the streets in order to be circumcised; and also their Priests, chiefly those that are called _Antippi_, after prayers and sermon, shew unto the people from a high place, a burning torch in one hand, and a naked scymiter in the other, to encourage their own adherents, and to frighten those that are of a contrary opinion; and so _Mahomet_ pretends to his adherents, that God hath bidden him to conquer all other nations by the sword, until they confess that there is no other God besides God, and _Mahomet_ his Prophet; or else agree to pay him yearly tribute, and to be his obedient subjects; if they follow his directions, his laws will endure so long as they defend them by the sword. Now how strictly they have hitherto prosecuted these his commandments, the inhabitants of the eastern countries have formerly, to their grief, sufficiently experienced, _viz._ _Asia_, _Syria_, the _Land of Promise_, _Ægypt_, _Thracia_, _Greece_, &c. which they have not only conquered, and to their own great improvement subdued, but have also infected them with their poisonous doctrine to such a degree, that in these our times there are but very few to be found in those parts, that do adhere unto the true religion. It being so then, that God Almighty hath visited them with these great punishments, by reason of their manifold sins and ingratitude, for his holy and sacred word, and that we also are guilty of these and the like sins and vices, we cannot wonder that the Almighty and Just God, should, according to our demerits, send also such a horrid tyrant against us, to terrify us very much, and come so near to us, that we must expect every moment (except we amend) the like punishments and executions. And so we hear daily, to our grief, that this potent tyrant is continually at work, and taketh one strong town after another; and what is more, they take often in their excursions, a great number of our brethren and sisters, part whereof they murder barbarously, others they carry away into perpetual slavery. When they have obtained a victory, and have got booty, there is ready, and at hand, several Sutlers, that drive a great trade by buying and selling poor prisoners; these buy them of the Soldiers, chain them (after they have given the Grand _Turk_ the tenths thereof, according to his choice and pleasure) together with long chains, and so drive them away miserably, as if they were beasts, to the chief trading towns, to sell them with profit again to others, that come thither from foreign countries. There you find weekly, in their _Batzars_ or Exchanges, many prisoners of several nations, viz. _Christians_, _Moors_, _Arabians_, _Indians_, _Abyssins_, and amongst them young and old, men and women, some whereof are white, and others black; thither come the chapmen and cheapen them; they have liberty to look upon their naked bodies, as if they were beasts, and to feel them, whether they are sound in their limbs, or whether they have any defect, which they always fear. If they like their bargain, the buyers take them home with them into their small habitations or tents, and put them (chiefly those that are given to idleness, and have learned no trade) to any sort of hard labour, and all that they get so belongeth to their master, who disposeth of it as he pleaseth. Wherefore those that keep many men and maids, esteem themselves richer for it; and sometimes they marry them together, and when they beget children, they are slaves as well as themselves, and he hath power to educate them, and to dispose of them as he pleaseth. Wherefore the Christians (that to their temporal punishment, they may not also acquire eternal ones, for their childrens sake) in these countries do seldom marry, but rather study how to make their escape, if they are not hindered for want of that language, and by unskilfulness of the roads; or else they go with their master before a Justice, in their language called _Cadi_, and there buy their liberty for a sum of money, or else agree with him for a certain time, and so make a contract with him concerning their liberty, which commonly those do that intend to persevere in their Christian religion, or undertake to get something by their handy-work, that when the time is past, or the money paid, the Justice may, according to the instrument before made by him at their request, declare him free, and give him a , to shew upon the road, that he may not be molested. Other ways to get their liberty there are but very few, except their master should happen to dye, which commonly in their last will, declare that their bought servants, after the opening of it, shall have their liberty. Sometimes it happens, that from others they buy false letters (which are soon found out in these countries) and so by the help of them get away clandestinely. But yet that but a few slaves come from thence to us again, the chief reason is not, as many think, because the _Turks_ press them to change their religion; for although they sometimes threaten them, as they use to do, or treat them somewhat more hardly than is usual in their servitude, as Christians also do very often, but rather their secure and impenitent life which they lead, forgetting God and his holy Word to that degree, that they know not how to give an of their Christian faith and religion; nay, (what is more) they know not the difference between these two religions, which are so vastly differing, although they would, if they did know it, rather suffer death than be seduced from the true religion, and precipitate the soul, together with the body, into damnation. When then the knowledge of the truth is gone, and faith almost, if not quite extinguish’d, so that there is but little hope left of their salvation, they daily forsake their religion as fast as worm-eaten fruit falls from the tree; begin to think how to compensate their bodily suffering, they may lay up and get money by robbing and burning, and so get privileges, to live according to their own will and pleasure, like beasts in daily uncleanness; and when they are harden’d in it, they come at last to such a degree of sottishness and brutality, that (as St _Peter_ saith) they believe the chief good of this world to consist in voluptuousness, wherein they perish at length, and must expect the wages of unrighteousness with the rest. When the _Turks_ have conquered one or more (which they discern at first by their fore-finger, which those that have a mind to turn use to shew to them first, as a token, by lifting of it up over their heads, chiefly in their _Mosques_) they rejoyce in them mightily, and are clearly of opinion, That this their work is precious and good before God, and that their religion is confirmed and upheld by the assenting of many; wherefore they soon meet together to confirm these turn-coats with their usual ceremonies, and so to make them true _Turks_. First they lay before them a cross, whereon they must trample three times, spit upon it, and repeat every time some words after them taken out of the _Koran_; so the Christians that will be made _Turks_ pronounce them after them. When this is done, three of them are ready with their bows, and shoot together up, and give them before the arrows fall down again _Turkish_ names: then (if they be men) they set them up upon high horses, put them on their best cloaths, and dress them neatly, and so lead them for two days together through all the streets, that every body may see them, and know them to be such as do adhere to their religion, and so to be free to walk and deal among them without any hinderance. If they are of an higher degree, and of great authority, sometimes ride along with them some _Turkish_ gentlemen of quality, in their best dress, accompanied by many _Janizaries_, who fire here and there in the streets for joy, but chiefly in those places where they spy Christians. They have with them all sorts of musical instruments, _viz._ The drums, great drums, and little drums, (which they beat at the same time both above and below) hautboys, and others: They also carry in this their procession long streamers upon long poles, almost like unto them that we see in the cross-walks in our Frieries; and besides, the rabble that run before and behind make such a noise, that one cannot hear the other. When all this is over, they circumcise them at last on the third day, and then they reckon such an one to be a true _Musulman_, that is, a circumcised one, who hath leave to go to their _Mosques_ without being hindered, to buy their books and writings, and to read them, which must not be sold to others that are not of their religion, upon pain of great punishment, that they may not come into unclean hands, or to be trod upon as writings of no worth. Their _Jews_, whereof there are a great many among them, and are called by them _Choifut_ or _Choifoutler_, excel ours in cheating and cozening by far, and there is no doubt but they would oftentimes renounce their religion to make profit: But the _Turks_ envy them more than we Christians, they do not trust them, they reckon them not worthy to eat with them as they do with us Christians, nor marry with them; much less will they receive them as any thing related to their religion, except it be, that before for some days they have frequented the Christian churches, and there are baptized, and have often eaten pork, that unclean meat, that is also forbidden unto them. When they have done thus, they proceed with them after the same manner as is before-said. Concerning the Christians that live among the _Turks_, as the _Surians_, _Armenians_, &c. they have here and there in great trading cities, their peculiar streets which they inhabit, and they are commonly without in the suburbs; and thereabout are also small and low churches, where they perform their devotions. When they begin to be decayed of age, or are burnt by fire, or destroyed in war time, if they will have them built up again, they must have leave first of the _Turkish_ magistrate, and lay down a good sum of money, which grants nothing except you grease them well. The _Turks_ (to save charges) suffer no bells nor clocks, neither in their own nor other temples, nor will they give leave to the Christians to ring to church with them, so that all day long you neither hear a bell toll, nor a clock strike. Instead thereof, the _Turks_ have, according to their _Koran_, their five hours set, which their Priests call out from the high steeples, and in the exchanges, with a loud voice, and with stopped ears, and cry, _Alla Haickbar_, that is, _God is true_; and then, _Leila hillalla, Mahammet rasur alla_; each of them he repeats twice, to call the people to their devotions. But the Christians have a servant, that at the hours of prayers and sermon goeth about with a strong cudgel, and striketh, in every street, on one or more doors made strong for that purpose, as if it were upon an anvil, several times, which resounds through all the street. When the Christians pray, they observe almost the same ceremonies with the _Turks_, _Persians_ and _Arabians_, _&c._ they turn themselves towards the south, they speak low in the beginning, lift up their hands, bend their heads and whole bodies downwards; then they fall down upon their knees, kiss the earth several times, and pray with great devotion; which custom the _Jews_ keep also, and that without doubt, because the Patriarchs used the same in their prayers, as we read in _Genesis_ chap. xvii. verse 3. and 17. ‘And _Abraham_ fell on his face: _Exod._ xvii. 11. When _Moses_ held up his hands _Israel_ prevailed:’ And in 1 _Kings_ xviii. 42. is said, ‘And _Elijah_ went up to the top of _Carmel_, and he cast himself down upon the earth, and put his face between his knees:’ And also _Nehemiah_ viii. 6. ‘And all the people answered, Amen, Amen, with lifting up their hands; and they bowed they heads and worshipped the Lord with their faces to the ground.’ So did _Christ_ himself, lying on his face, vehemently pray the third time. If we Christians did but mind the fervency and zeal of the heathens and superstitious in their prayers, we should see what reason we have to awake from our laziness and coldness in our prayers, and to pray with earnestness. There live in _Turky_ so many Christians, that they inhabit the greatest part of that country; wherefore considering their great number (to speak according to all human probability) it would be an easy matter to subdue the _Turks_ without the assistance of any outlandish power, and to drive them out of their own countries, did not God Almighty, who visiteth us for our manifold sins, set them over us as a punishment: For although the _Turkish_ Emperor sets his Beglerbys and Bashaws, as great and mighty lords here and there over great provinces and countries, to rule them with great zeal and severity, and to order all business according to his pleasure, so that among so great a number of people, and considering their severe reign and government (where small transgressions are vigorously punished) there is not easily to be feared an insurrection; yet he could not be half so strong, without the help of the Christians that live amongst his people, nor be able to bring together such mighty and numerous armies of good and experienced soldiers. The Christians, for the most part, wear as well as the _Turks_ long cloaths, and gird their loins with fine and soft rollers, some of silk, and others made of cotton; in them they keep still to this day their money, chiefly the poor, as some with us, that have no pockets, do in their handkerchiefs, tied up in a strong knot; the same without doubt did the ancients wear, as the words of _Christ_ our Saviour, _Matth._ x. 9. give us to understand, where he speaketh to his disciples, and sends them into the world, saying, _Provide neither gold nor silver, nor brass in your purses_. (In the _German_ bible, we read girdles.) With such a one, without doubt, the Prophet _Agabus_ did tie the hands of the Apostle _Paul_ in _Cesarea_ in the house of _Philip_, when he would make him to understand, that the _Jews_ at _Jerusalem_ would take and tie him, and at length deliver him up into the hands of the heathens, as you may read in _Acts_ xxi. Now altho’ the Christians go as well as the _Turks_ in long cloaths, so that that way they are hardly to be distinguished from one another; yet they are distinguished by the peculiar colours of their turbants, which they wear; for the _Turks_ wear white ones, as also do the _Arabians_ and _Persians_, only these put behind to it a red coloured cloth, and the others make it up in another form, and let one of the ends hang down behind to defend their naked necks from the excessive heat of the sun. But the uncircumcised that have a differing religion, are not allowed to wear a white one, unless another colour be mixed with it, much less a green one; which colour being their _Mahomet_’s, and esteemed to be holy, is not allowed to be worn by any body, neither _Turks_ nor Christians, (except to their Priests and some Pilgrims that have been on pilgrimage to _Mecca_) neither in turbants nor other cloaths. So the _Armenians_ have blue, the _Nestorians_ flesh coloured, the _Grecians_, _Maronites_, _Surians_, and others have white ones with blue lists wrought into them. But the _Jews_ have yellow ones, as they have in our country yellow bonnets; yet when they have a mind to travel afar off, as into _Mesopotamia_, _Assyria_, _Persia_, or into the _Indies_, &c. (seeing that the _Turks_ hate them, that so they may travel the securer, and with little charges) they put on white ones by the way, and pretend to be _Tschelebys_, or noblemen, nay, sometimes messengers of the _Cambre_, which they may easily do, because they understand the languages, yet not without great danger. But they stay not long in a place, that they may not come to be known. There are also some _Jewish_ Physicians, which instead of the yellow turbants, wear red high hats of scarlet, they exceed in number the _Turkish_ ones, that go cloathed like the common people. They are commonly more able and learned, because they can read the physical books of _Galen_ and _Avicenna_, &c. in their original languages _Greek_ and _Arabick_; which they generally understand. But for the _Latin_ tongue, very few of them understand that, neither have they any good books in it, but what they have received in the taking the island _Cyprus_. So much of the Christians in general. But because I have made mention of Christians of several nations, that inhabit the temple of mount _Calvaria_, what places in and without the town of _Jerusalem_ each of them are possessed of, and with what errors in religion they are contaminated, I cannot but relate in particular of each of them, as much as I could understand and learn in that little time. [Illustration] CHAP. XI. _Of the GREEKS._ As the ancient _Greeks_ in former days did excel almost all other nations in wisdom and understanding, and used to have their children instructed at home in their own universities in all manner of learning; so in our times we find the contrary; for in all _Greece_ there is not one university to be found, where such discipline and learning flourishes as did anciently; just so is the desire of learning, and instructing their children extinguished in them. They take greater delight in idle discourses, and rather love idleness, which they have learned very well, since they truckle under the _Turkish_ yoke. ’Tis true, they write the _Greek_ language, but which is as corrupt and different from the ancient, as the _Italian_ is from the _Latin_. The _Turks_ despise them for their laziness and cowardise, and on the contrary they love the _Germans_, _French_ and _Italians_, and praise them, saying, That they are stout and courageous soldiers; they call them all by the same name _Franci_, because the divisions of our country are unknown to most of them. In former ages they had here and there in large and eminent towns, instead of the Pope (whom they will not obey, nor be subject unto) their Patriarch, Archbishops and Bishops, whereof some are still kept up; but after the _Turks_ did take and possess themselves of their country, there is fewer of them in number, and they have smaller revenues. Without their country, they have in great trading Cities, as _Cairo_, _Aleppo_, _Antiochia_ of _Syria_, _Venice_, &c. their peculiar churches, and chiefly in some holy places in the Land of Promise. As at _Jerusalem_ the temple of mount _Calvaria_, the place of Skulls, whereon _Christ_ was crucified; and also the beautiful chancel that is in the middle of the church; wherein is a round hole about a span over in a stone, which is, as they pretend, the middle of the earth, according to the words of the kingly prophet _David_, when he says: ‘God, who now is my King from the beginning, has wrought our selves on the middle of the earth.’ Besides these, they have another called the Holy Cross, about an _English_ Mile out of town, which, as they pretend, is built on the same place where the tree did grow whereof they made the cross of _Christ_. Besides this, they have a great many more which I reckon unnecessary to mention here. Some of their church doors are so low, that you must stoop when you will go through them. They believe that the Holy Ghost doth proceed only from the Father, and not from the Son. They keep yearly two great fasts, and they eat flesh upon the sabbath, or saturday, at pleasure; they sing the mass in their own language, that every body may understand it. In their churches they suffer no embossed work, nor carved images, but have plain pictures on boards, or on the walls. They do not believe in Purgatory, as the Papists there, called _Latini_, do; nor that our praying, fasting or offering for the dead can do them any good. And they are mightily displeased, that the _Roman_ priests do not, according to the plain words of St _Paul_, marry as well as they, nor give the Lord’s Holy Supper in both kinds, as our Lord himself did institute it. Wherefore they condemn such errors of the _Popish_ church, and excommunicate the Pope and his adherents on the Holy Friday yearly. And because they reckon them to be superstitious, they will not permit them to say mass upon their altars; but if they should do it, they accuse them before the _Turkish_ magistrates. So it happened when I first came over, that they were very angry with a Papist that had said mass upon their altar, and so had profaned it, wherefore they did immediately consecrate the altar again, and had the Priest before the Cadi: and they brought it so far, that he was mulcted five hundred ducats, to pay in a short time. When he thought that the punishment was greater than the tress or transgression, he did seek for help at _Aleppo_ and _Tripoli_, by the _French_ and _Italian_ Consul, but did obtain no great matter, so that he was still in election to pay the forfeiture. CHAP. XII. _Of the ~Surians~ that esteem themselves to be ~Christians~._ Among the eastern _Christians_, we also find them that are called _Surians_, whereof there is a great many, but chiefly in _Syria_. They have like unto the _Jews_ in several towns their peculiar churches. In _Jerusalem_ they live in the church of St _Mark_, which stands in the place, where the house stood formerly, at the door whereof St _Peter_ the apostle did knock when the angel had delivered him out of prison. In their religion they follow for the greatest part the _Greeks_; they ister the Sacrament in leavened bread; and they say their masses like unto them in the vulgar _Arabian_ tongue. They are a sort of poor naked, covetous, and helpless people; their gowns reach only to their knees, as those of the _Maronites_, some whereof are wrought of coarse goats hair, striped black and white, such as the _Arabians_ make use of commonly, and almost alike unto their _Mescha_, which they use for sacks and tents, and they wear nothing underneath them, but shirts without neckbands, as is usual in all the eastern countries, they wear high shoes, which serve them for stockings and breeches also, being tied up with straps. They are subject unto the _Turks_, who make use of them as labourers both by water and land. They also mind their trade more than their religion; wherefore having lived so long among the _Turks_, they have already assumed their customs and manners in temporal and spiritual affairs, and are thereby become so confident and secure, that now-a-days the difference between these two religions are esteemed by them to be small and frivolous. If a Christian hath to deal with them, and desireth, to buy something of them, either Opium, Scammony, or any other the like drug, which they commonly falsify, he must look to himself as if he had to deal with _Jews_. CHAP. XIII. _Of the GEORGIANS._ Near unto the glorious city of _Trapozinta_, situated on the _Euxine_ sea, beginneth the country of the _Georgians_, and buts toward the south upon _Armenia_. These are very civil and simple people, but yet strong and brave warriors; they esteem and honour among other saints, but chiefly for warlike businesses, as their patron, the Knight St _George_, from whom they take their denomination. Their Merchants come very often in great caravans to _Aleppo_, and are, according to all appearance, in their shape and posture like unto the _Persians_, only that these are more whitish, and the others more tawny and browner: they wear also like them, short flying coats, and long and wide drawers, _&c._ They have, as the rest, their Patriarchs and Bishops, who, altho’ they are differing and dissenting in some points; yet for the most part they follow the doctrine and errors of the _Grecians_, and so they have and use the same writings and offices. Their priests are, as well as those of the _Armenians_, allowed to be married; but yet if either of them should happen to die, they must not marry again. In _Jerusalem_ they are also possessed of their peculiar places, wherein they sing and exercise the offices, and chiefly of one in the church of mount _Calvaria_, in the place near the sepulchre of our Lord _Christ_, where he did first appear unto _Mary Magdalen_ in the similitude of a Gardener after his resurrection. CHAP. XIV. _Of the ARMENIANS and their religion._ The _Armenians_ possess a large country, which is chiefly divided into two parts, _viz._ The lesser _Armenia_, which is now subject to the _Turks_, and the greater, now called _Turco-Mannia_ by some, which is partly belonging to the Sophy King of _Persia_. In it arise two great rivers, the _Euphrates_ and the _Tygris_, which run a great way toward the south, mix together below _Bagadet_, and at length fall into the _Persian_ gulf, by the town _Balsora_ or _Batzera_. They are pious and honest people, innocent, but very zealous in their religion, and receive strangers readily that come to them, and give them lodging, as I have often found it in my travels. They are also very much inclined to help and assist the poor slaves that are under _Turkish_ confinement, and ready to help them out. Their Merchants, whereof there are many amongst them, are dispersed not only over all _Turky_, but also _Persia_, the _Indies_, and many other countries; wherefore they have in all chief towns of trading, as _Antiochia_, _Aleppo_, situated in _Cœlosyria_, _Orpha_, &c. their peculiar warehouses and churches; and also in _Jerusalem_ (whither they go in great numbers) the beautiful church of St _Jacob_ the Greater; and also below near to the place of Skulls, another chapel locked up, _&c._ and have commonly before their chancels large hangings, behind which the priests keep separated from the people. These, although they agree in very many points and articles exactly with those of the reformed religion, yet notwithstanding they have some errors worth to be rejected, and some scandalous customs besides. So you may see them here and there cry over the graves of their deceased friends; for to give them visits, they go out in the morning early, the greater part of them old women, and there they make such mourning and howling, that the travellers that come by (for their graves or burying places, are generally out of town near the highways) may hear them a great way off. There you shall see them sit, some folding their hands over their heads, and looking mournfully; others fetching great sighs, beating on their breasts; others spreading themselves over the graves, as if they would embrace their friends and take them in their arms. In the mean while, their priests go about among them reading and praying, and sometimes they speak to some of them. When they have done mourning thus, and cast sorrows from their hearts sufficiently, they sit down together, eat, drink, and be merry. They do not at all esteem the Popes of _Rome_, but have their own prelates, which they honour with great and peculiar reverence; neither do they believe any indulgences, nor purgatory. Their priests go in plain habits; they have wives as well as their laymen; they let their hair and beards grow; they keep on _Easter-day_ a great feast, and soon after beginneth their Lent, which they keep strictly, and therein, as also on Wednesday and Friday all the year round, they eat neither eggs nor flesh, nor any thing else that ever had life in it, only Saturday and Sundays they are allowed them, to refresh themselves; other feasts and holydays they do not keep any at all. In all these points, they rather agree with the _Abyssins_ than the _Romans_; and also in these following, _viz._ That they eat not of unclean meats that are forbidden in the Old Testament; they it to the communion young and old without distinction; they baptize their children in the name of the Holy Trinity; they believe the articles of our Christian faith; they preach, sing, pray, and perform all their devotion in the vulgar tongue, that every one may understand it; they use for the interpretation of the word of God, the writings of _John Chrysostom_, and _Gregory Nazianzen_; they dare not, no more than all the other nations that live amongst the _Turks_, except the _Maronites_, make use of any clocks, to call people to church, in place whereof they have strong wooden tables, or some house doors prepared, several in each street, whereon they strike several strokes with a great cudgel, and so call people to church. CHAP. XV. _Of the NESTORIANS._ Towards the east, are other people which esteem themselves Christians, and among the rest, chiefly the _Nestorians_ called after the Heretic _Nestorius_, who was a Bishop at _Constantinople_. Some of their priests live upon the mount _Calvaria_ in the temple, and there are a great many adherents to this sect, most of them living in _Mesopotamia_, _Chaldea_ and _Assyria_, but chiefly in the mountainous country of the _Curtans_, called _Carduci_ by _Ptolomy_, which they almost quite possess, and have poisoned with their base and obnoxious error, as if it were by an infectious air; for in ing through, I have found many of them in their cities, as _Hapril_, _Carcuck_, _Mosel_, formerly called _Nineveh_. They are strong and warlike people, but full of vices, and from their infancy given to robbing. They inhabit towards north and east, as is before said, upon the _Armenians_ and _Medes_; and they are a very ancient people, whereof chiefly _Xenophon_ maketh mention under the name of _Carducci_, and are called to this day _Curters_. They speak their peculiar language, which neither the _Arabians_, _Armenians_, nor _Turks_ do understand; they are of a brownish colour, like unto the _Surians_ and _Maronites_, and wear the same cloth or habiliments that one cannot readily discern or distinguish one from the other, save only by their flesh coloured lists in their turbants. The Grand Signior is their head, whom they obey, and they are kept and respected very well by the _Turks_, partly that he may not give them occasion for an insurrection, because they are upon the borders, and partly because _Mahomet_ hath charged them to be kind to them before others, and that the rather, because he had a frier of their sect called _Sergius_ for his tutor, who did baptize him, and counselled and assisted him to make such laws, and to give them to his adherents; and so you may still see, that they agree more than any other sect with the _Saracens_. For whereas they believe, that in Christ, according to his two natures, are two distinct persons, one of the Godhead, the other of the Manhood. They will not allow, any more than _Mahomet_, the Virgin _Mary_ to be the mother of God, but the mother of Christ, according to his human nature. They have a Prelate instead of the Pope, whom they call _Jacelich_. They bless and give the Sacrament as the _Surians_ do, and use in their spiritual services the _Chaldean_ language, else they speak the common of their provinces, _viz._ in their own country, as is abovesaid, their own language; in _Chaldea_ and _Mesopotamia_, commonly the _Arabian_ and _Saracen_ language. So in _Assyria_ beyond the river _Tygris_, where the two mighty Princes the _Turk_ and the King of _Persia_ do border upon one another, the language of the _Turks_, _Persians_ and _Medes_, although they are quite differing. These and other languages the holy Apostles did understand, and in them they did speak on the day of Pentecost, when they received the Holy Ghost, as you may read in _Acts_ ii. verse 5. where it is thus written: ‘And there were dwelling at _Jerusalem_, _Jews_, devout men out of every nation under heaven, each whereof heard the Apostles speak in his own language wherein he was born, as that of the _Parthians_, _Medes_, _Elamites_, or _Persians_, that of those also that live in _Mesopotamia_ and _Judea_, &c.’ This sect was rejected and condemned in the council of _Ephesus_. [Illustration] CHAP. XVI. _Of the ~Jacobites~ called ~Golti~._ In the temple of mount _Calvaria_ also live, in the chapel behind the Sepulchre of Christ, another sort, that boast to be Christians, call’d _Jacobites_, after _Jacob_ the Heretic, who was a pupil of the Patriarch of _Alexandria_. They pretend to have been first converted to the Christian Religion by the holy Evangelist and Apostle _Matthew_; but they did not adhere to it, but fell afterwards into a great many errors, so that in our time they are divided into other sects and orders. For some have assumed the order of St _Macharius_, who with _Eutichius_ did own or believe no more but one nature in Christ; others that of St _Anthony_, who was an Eremite in the year of our Lord Christ 324, in _Egypt_. Others have their male children circumcised; but others, and the greater part, have their children baptized with fire, and have crosses made on their foreheads or temples, according to the words of St _John_ the _Baptist_ in the third chapter of St _Matthew_ v. 11. _He that cometh after me, shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire._ They live chiefly in _Egypt_, and in other adjacent places. They are generally subject unto the _Turkish_ Sultan, and speak the vulgar _Arabian_ language, and agree in most points, partly with the _Abyssins_, and partly with the _Surians_. We saw many of their wives go about in the temple, they wear hats near a span high, which at top have a broad brim like unto our bonnets, else they are habited like unto the _Surians_. This Heresy was rejected and condemn’d in the _Chalcedonian_ council. CHAP. XVII. _Of the ~Abyssins~, Priest ~John~ called ~Lederwick~, subject unto the King of the ~Moors~._ These live at _Jerusalem_ in the temple of mount _Calvaria_, just by the church door towards the left, and have through their lodging a peculiar way, so that without hindrance, according to their pleasure they may go in and out; and pretend that their King hath made a peculiar agreement to let his subjects have free egress and regress. According to all appearance they are a naked people, yet for all that they may be rich and able; they are of a dark brown colour. When we spoke to them by an interpreter, they shew’d themselves very kind and friendly, and always did give with a great deal of discretion such answers to our questions, that one might easily conclude that they were of good understanding, and well instructed and grounded in their religion. To their King is given, in the beginning of his reign, the sirname of _David_, which else are call’d _Lederwick_, and by the _Persians_, _Amma_, to shew and to make known by it, that they are derived from the kingly race and stem of _David_ and _Solomon_; and to prove this, they alledge the history of the Queen of _Sheba_, call’d _Merquerda_, who, as we read in Scripture, came from rich _Arabia_, with many camels laden with gold, spices, and precious stones, to _Jerusalem_, to see the great wisdom and glory of _Solomon_, whereof she had heard much. When she had been there a good while, and in the mean time was got with child by _Solomon_, and brought him a son into the world call’d _Meytich_, she left him at _Jerusalem_, but she return’d into her own country again. Many years after, when the son was grown up, and came to his understanding, his father, seeing he had more sons, was persuaded to send him home to his mother, who had a greater kingdom than he. So he did dispatch him, and sent along with him the chiefest of his courtiers, and sent him away with a great train, as did become a King. When he was come into his kingdom, he entertained these lords and gentlemen very honourably, and promoted them before all others to the highest and best places, that they might the willinger stay with him. But all this would not prevail with them, but they grew daily more tired, and unwilling to stay longer in these strange and unaccostum’d countries; and this encreased daily more and more, and at length to that height, that they resolved that, if the King would not give them free leave, they would endeavour to make their escape clandestinly against the King’s will to _Jerusalem_ in _Judea_. When this their design came before the King he was very angry, and order’d immediately, that a mark should be burnt on their foreheads, that every body might know them; and issued a proclamation. That all his subjects might watch them, and if any of them, that were a going away should be taken, they should detain them, and send them to him again. Now as at this time the marks did begin, and then those had them that were of a great race, so they are retained by their posterity to this very day, as we still see in these times, that their nobility have them on their foreheads towards the right; yet not all, for there are some that wear them rather upon their shields and arms, &c. These marks are not all alike, for in some you see a bear, a dragon’s head, &c. in others a lyon, a wolf, or three crossed arrows, &c. because every one hath that made that they give in their coats of arms; they colour it with an oil which they call _Achalcinte_, and is brought to them from _Greece_. Besides this custom, they still keep in many things to the ancient ones of the Jews, for they keep the Sabbath for their peculiar holiday; and also they do not eat all sorts of flesh, nor any of them that are forbid as unclean in the Old Testament; they pretend that the holy Apostle _Philip_ hath, when he travell’d with the Chamberlain of _Candaces_ Queen of the _Moors_ to _Gaza_, and converted him there, allow’d them this and other things, being born Jews. Circumcision they believe unnecessary, and that it can neither profit nor hurt a Christian. And again, Baptism they believe to be necessary, wherefore through all his large dominions they bring their children to it on the third day, and baptize them yet with fire, in the name of _God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost_, whom they believe to proceed only from the Father, and not from the Son, according to the words of St _Matthew_, chap. iii, vers. 11. _He shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire._ They take the oil of _Achalcinte_, dip a stick into it, and lay frankincense upon it, and set it on fire; and so they let some drops fall down, which do not hurt the children, being mix’d with the oil; and at last they make a cross with it upon the left side of their forehead near unto the temple. They begin their _Lent_ about _Easter_, as the _Armenians_, wherein the lay-men eat nothing else but fruit, herbs, and pulse; but their Priest generally nothing but bread and water, and so they do every Wednesday and Fryday throughout all the year. They marry also according to the words of St _Paul_, that a Priest shall be a husband of one wife; they give the Lord’s Supper to young and old alike in leaven’d bread in both kinds; and they confess their sins like unto the _Jacobites_, to no body but only God. The _Portuguese_ that go to the _Indies_ know them very well, and love them for being good soldiers, and are glad if they will live among them, and go out and in with them. [Illustration] CHAP. XVIII. _Of the MARONITES._ Besides all these there is also a sort of Christians, who first after _Maro_ the Heretic were call’d _Maronites_; who believed that there is but one Nature, Understanding, and Work in Christ, according to the opinion of _Macharius_ the Heretic, whom he followeth diligently; but since they have by degrees left this, and are return’d to the Popish religion again. And although they are still of it, yet they give the Sacrament in both kinds to the lay-men, as almost all other nations do, according to the words of the institution of our Lord Christ. In all other points they follow the _Roman_ religion more than any other nation. Their Priests wear over their cloaths black hair vestments. They live for the most part in _Syria_, but chiefly upon the promontory of mount _Libanus_, whereupon they have a monastery within a day’s journey of _Tripoli_, call’d _Our Lady_’s, which is situated underneath a large rock, wherein their Patriarch dwelleth, whom they respect very much, and kiss his hands with their knees bended, _&c._ whereof I have made mention here before. The Patriarchs are still to this day chosen by the commons, and afterwards confirmed by the Pope; and so this (when he after the decease of his predecessor, came into a dispute with one of his competitors concerning the election) did presently, unknown to his adversary, go to _Rome_, and so obtained in person the patriarchal sea from the Pope. The common people are in their shape and habits so like unto the _Surians_, and their neighbours the _Arabians_, that except by their turbants none can know them from each other. They are a couragious and war-like people, very well provided with guns and other arms, as well as their confederates the _Trusci_; and because they are not subject, nor pay any contribution unto the _Turkish_ Sultan, therefore they still keep their bells and other privileges. They speak the _Arabian_ language, and their books are also written (as many as I could see of them in their churches) with _Arabian_ characters or letters, which they always kiss with great reverence when they take them up, or lay them down, according to the custom of all other eastern people or nations, as well Heathens as Christians. They keep a very severe order, and never eat flesh, and on their fasts neither butter nor eggs, but live upon fruits, as beans, peas, _French_-beans, and such other common victuals. But yet if any Merchants, or Pilgrims, come from _Tripoli_, or any other places, they let them want neither for meat nor drink; nay, they shew themselves to every body so benevolent (as I have found it three several times) and civil, that one would wish to stay some time with them. These live not continually in the temple of mount _Calvaria_, but go often thither on pilgrimages. CHAP. XIX. _Of the ~Latinists~ or ~Papists~._ The _Latinists_ or _Papists_, living at _Jerusalem_ in the often before-named temple, are Friers of the order of the _Lesser Franciscans_; they chiefly possess the holy Sepulchre of our Lord Jesus Christ, which they keep in very good order, and read their _Hora_’s diligently, wherefore their father stileth himself Guardian of the holy Sepulchre and mount _Sion_. Besides this, they are possessed of more holy places, as at _Bethlehem_ the stable wherein our dear Lord Christ did lie in the manger with the Ox and the Ass; in the mountains of _Judea_, the temple of St _John the Baptist_; in _Bethania_, the Sepulchre wherein _Lazarus_ had lain four days when Christ raised him from the dead, and here and there many others. These, as all know, are dispersed in a great many places and kingdoms; nay, almost thro’ all the world. Their head is the Pope of _Rome_, who pretends to be the Vicegerent of Christ, and taketh upon himself so much power, as to prescribe to all men laws according to his own pleasure, which Christendom finds every day to it’s great grief. Wherefore in the mean while they are grown into so many divisions, idolatry, and ceremonies, that they quite out-do all the before-named nations. But being that they are in these our times so very well described, that, thanks to God, they are very well known to every body, therefore I forbear to write more of them, and will only before I conclude, make mention of these brethren that live at _Jerusalem_, only in a few points, and say that these that live in the monastery at _Jerusalem_ are about twenty in number more or less, according as they go and come, and among them are _Spaniards_, _Italians_, _French-men_ and _Germans_, &c. that commonly are sent thither by Kings and Princes; but being that they have more churches and places in and without _Jerusalem_ to provide for, their Father Guardian distributeth them, sends some to _Bethlehem_ to look after the manger of Christ, others upon the hills of _Judea_; to the mount of _Olives_, and towards _Bethania_, &c. but before all others, always two and two into the temple of mount _Calvaria_, to stay there for fourteen days together. But being that the temple is always lock’d up, that the Priests that are within it may not want for food, as well as others that are with them, therefore three holes, one bigger than the other, are made in the great door of the church, that thro’ them all necessaries of meat and drink may be convey’d to them. Those that are thus lock’d up in the temple, do but look diligently after the holy Sepulchre, and read their _Hora_’s, with singing and praying, and to look after the lamps; but chiefly those that hang in the Sepulchre of Christ to illuminate it. There are about twenty of these lamps, one better and clearer than the other; they belong for the most part to great persons, as Kings and Princes, whereof they have their yearly revenue, that is sent them by their brethren; but chiefly from _Italy_ and the _Italian_ Princes, and the most Catholic King of _Spain_. But from __, _England_, and also now _Cyprus_ the isle since it hath been taken by the _Turks_, they complain they have nothing as they had in former ages; and the most Christian King of __, doth also already begin to forget them, which they have found some years since; and the number of the Pilgrims doth also decrease, which formerly used to flock thither in great numbers, and sometimes to reward them, besides meat and drink, very nobly, which they find very prejudicial to them, seeing they have no revenues of any other lands or the like. They receive the Pilgrims, that come in to them, very kindly, and treat them very well with meat and drink, and shew them all the holy places, and keep them so long until they have seen every thing to their satisfaction, and are willing to depart. They are but very meanly cloathed, like unto poor Mendicants; they live very privately, and keep their concerns very close, because of the _Arabian_ horse-men or _Beduins_, that fall upon them daily, and ravage these countries continually, wherefore they are in great danger. When they come, you must at least give them meat and drink, if not other booty, as I saw my own self at _Bethlehem_ when I first arrived there, that twelve horse-men, with guns, arrows, and darts, very well armed, came to the gates of the temple, and they were forced to satisfy them, before they would leave them, and to give them good words besides. So that they are not only sufficiently plagued by them, but also by the Sangiacks and Cadis, the _Turkish_ magistrates at _Jerusalem_, who have continually their eyes over them that are well to ; for covetousness is so great with them, that if they can but hear of one that hath money, they study night and day, how (if possible they can) they may right or wrong make him punishable. So they lately accused the Eastern Christians falsly, and punish’d them in some hundred ducats; whereat the Bashaw of _Damascus_, under whose command _Jerusalem_ is, did wink, in hopes to have a great snack out of it. [Illustration] CHAP. XX. _Of the Knights of the temple of ~Jerusalem~, the Order of the ~Johannites~._ Having made mention of these, I still another Order, that is, the _Johannites_, or _Knights Templars of Jerusalem_, which did first begin in the reign of _Baldewin de Burgo_, the second of that name, and the third King of _Jerusalem_. This Order is more secular than divine, and therefore quite differing from all the rest, for they need not to say Mass, nor perform any other devotion; but when they have heard Mass, and said so many _Pater-Nosters_ and _Ave-Marias_, they have sufficiently discharged their office. This Order was first invented by his Holiness the Pope to that end, and endow’d with many privileges, that they might resist and oppose the _Turks_, and that all Infidels and Heretics might by them and their adherents, by force of arms, be driven and routed out of the _Roman_ empire. And that he might promote this design of his more earnestly, he took in those chiefly that were well born, and had great revenues (as Princes, Counts, and other Noblemen). So it hath often happen’d formerly, chiefly when Popery was in a flourishing condition, that along with the Pilgrims, that had a mind to see the holy places, and to go to the Land of Promise, many persons of quality came, moved thereunto out of great zeal, together with them, to see them also, and to take upon them the order of that Knighthood, in the Sepulchre of our Lord Christ, as the proper place for that purpose. And besides that, other considerations there were which moved them to it, _viz._ The high title, and the authority of the place, and great privileges, whereby they hoped to be still preferr’d to greater dignities. Now as every one of them had laid before them to consider these points and articles, which every one must promise and take an oath to keep them strictly, some great and potent men found it so severe and hard, as you may see by that what followeth, that they were not only astonish’d at it, but refused openly to take it upon them. But what is laid before them that are made Knights, and also what ceremonies are used in it, I thought convenient to mention here briefly. [Illustration] If there be one or more of them ready for it, that have at the instance of the Guardian, according to the ancient custom, been at confession, and also received the Sacrament, _sub una Specie_, under one species, on mount _Calvaria_, they are with great ceremonies conducted from thence into the holy Sepulchre, whither are also convey’d some other things that belong thereunto, _viz._ A fine book, a sword richly tipp’d with gold, with a red velvet girdle, a chain weighing about a hundred _Hungarian_ ducats, whereon hangeth a golden cross of this form and shape, a pair of spurs with red velvet straps, which are laid down one by another upon the altar of the Sepulchre. As soon as the Gentleman cometh into it, they begin immediately to say Mass, and after that they sing without some Latin Psalms. In the mean while the Gentleman lieth down upon his knees in the Sepulchre before the Guardian, until the Friers have done singing. Then the Guardian bids all that stand about, to say _Our Father_ and an _Ave-Maria_, in behalf of the Gentleman that is to be knighted. When this is done, he onish’d the Gentleman, before he taketh the oath, to consider upon what condition he is itted there; when this is done, he bids the standers-by pray for him once more, and then onisheth the Gentleman again, and telleth him also, that hereafter he must be in all things subject and obedient to the _Roman_ church; that he must fight and resist the _Turks_ and _Lutherans_ as Enemies and Heretics, so long as his blood and heart is warm. Then the Guardian asketh him farther, whether he doth receive all these points, (as they are written word by word in that book, and order’d by his Holiness the Pope, and subscribed by his own hand) and whether he will swear by the holy Sepulchre to keep them. Whereupon he consents to it presently, and promiseth with great eagerness and joy to keep it with all his heart, and thanketh God that he hath made him worthy of this blessing, and for having made him capable of it. After this the Monks begin again a long song; and then the Guardian taketh up the three pieces, the chain, sword and spurs, and puts them on him, and so adorneth him as beginning Knight. At last he taketh also the book, and puts it before him, and telleth him once more what he is about, and what he is going to swear. When he hath understood it, he kneeleth down again, and puts out his two fingers, which the Guardian puts upon the red cross in the book, and readeth to him the oath; the contents whereof are these: _First_, That upon his conscience he do swear there to these following words, Not with a false heart, but that he doth confess out of zeal, with great eagerness, and with a clean heart, and also swear by God’s Omnipotence, the See of _Rome_, and his Holiness the Pope, that he is a good Catholic, educated in that religion from his infancy to that present hour; and that he never will go from it so long as he liveth, but will always defend and protect the _Roman_ church against the _Lutheran_, and their adherents, with words and deeds, so long as his heart is warm; and that he will never be in a place where any evil is taught, or spoke of his Holiness the Pope. _Secondly_, That he doth swear by God’s Omnipotence, and the Pope at _Rome_, and the Cross of _Jerusalem_, that he is a nobleman in the fifth generation, both by Father and Mother. _Thirdly_, He sweareth also, that he hath so good income that he need not to follow merchandizing, or any other trade, nor to borrow money, or to ask others for help, but that he hath so much that he can live upon his revenues, and keep three horses besides from year to year, for the service of the church of _Rome_; nay, if necessity should urge, and others should rise against the _Roman_ church to molest it, that he will then always be willing and ready, besides the three horses, to assist her with all his utmost power. He must also promise that he will so long as he shall live, diligently attend at Mass, and hear four or five every day, and also that he will keep the fasts zealously, and eat neither flesh, nor butter, nor cheese, nor eggs, on them; and also that he will confess and receive the Sacrament once a month, or every six weeks at farthest, and send his family at least once a year in Lent-time to do the same. And also that he will not forget, to the honour and encrease of the said church, to her in his last will; that he will protect and provide for the widows and fatherless; that he will maintain the Friers and Nuns, and their monasteries; and if by the Seculars any thing should be taken away from them, that he will not conceal it, but endeavour to the utmost of his power, as if it were his own, to recover it again. That he will assist those that would willingly turn _Roman_ Catholics, and endeavour to bring them over; but that he will keep none in his service, nor any ways assist them that do not firmly adhere unto it. Then there is also inserted, That he will say forty nine _Pater-Nosters_ and as many _Ave-Marias_ every day, and visit his Holiness the Pope once a year, and come into the seven church processions and perform his office; and also assist at the Sacraments and other ceremonies with due reverence; and also respect and honour the holy water. At length, to conclude, he is forbid to talk idly, to be drunk, to live loosely, and to commit sodomy, that he, being knighted, may not lead a disorderly life, and give to others ill example. When then the Guardian hath read the oaths that are written upon parchment out of the book, the Chevallier kneeleth down again, and when he bendeth his face down, and leaneth with both his arms on the book, which lieth on the altar-stone of the Sepulchre, the Guardian bids the Friers and Monks again to pray; then he draweth out the sword, and maketh with the flat side of it three crosses upon his head and shoulders, saying: At the command of God, and the See of _Rome_, and for the encrease of the church of _Rome_, I create you _N. N._ now a member of the Roman church, a Knight, in the name of the _Father, Son, and Holy Ghost_. And farther he adds: That in the room of his Holiness the Pope of _Rome_, he doth absolve him of all his sins; and that he doth also give him leave, and command him, by the oath he hath taken to his Holiness the Pope, to wear the usual red cross, as a sign whereby he may be known, publickly in his coat of arms, and on his cloaths. Also if he please, to put him in mind, as often as he shall look upon it, what he hath sworn, and to keep it the firmer. When all this is over, and they have pray’d again, the Guardian wisheth him joy of his Knighthood, and rejoyceth with the whole convent that he is come to this acknowledgement, and is become a true member of the _Roman Catholic_ church: that he and all his brethren will always pray for his long life, and that God may keep him in health, to the comfort of the See of _Rome_. Immediately approach to him all the Monks, while he is still standing in his ornaments, and call him Brother; and when they have also wish’d him joy one after the other, the Guardian beginneth the _Te Deum_, &c. and then he taketh all the ornaments away again from him. Afterwards he leadeth him about with the Vicar in procession to the holy places, to invest him also in every one of them; when that is done they go to dinner. Altho’ in former years every body was not presently itted (as you may see by what hath been here before-said) except he were a Nobleman for several generations; yet in our time it is come to that , that they it every body to it without any strict examination, that can pay the money, which amounts to eleven or twelve ducats. Nay, every Pilgrim that doth intend to take upon him that Knighthood, doth pray and persuade his companions by the way that they would do the same, that he may in case of necessity still have some friends to assist him, for his Holiness wants champions, because he taketh upon him the Civil Government as well as the Ecclesiastick, that when they can defend and prove their religion no longer by Scripture, they may defend and uphold it by power and strength of arms. Now as the Guardian, according to ancient custom, gives attestates to every Pilgrim concerning their pilgrimage, under his great Seal, that they may have it to shew, so he giveth also one to the Knight of the Order of St _John_ of _Jerusalem_, and bids them to carry the letter themselves in person to _Rome_, to shew it to the Pope. This is sufficient of the temple of mount _Calvaria_, and it’s holy places, and the Christians that are dwelling there, of their chapels, and of their errors. CHAP. XXI. _A short description of some Places, Hills, Valleys, &c. that lye near and about ~Jerusalem~. Of the mount of ~Olives~, and it’s holy places._ I having hitherto briefly described the situation of _Jerusalem_, and also related what buildings and holy places are still in being, and to be seen there, after it hath sustain’d so many wars, assaults and desolations, I cannot but speak of some adjacent places before I conclude. And so I begin with the mount of Olives, which lieth towards the east before the Temple-hill, over-against the Sheeps-gate, on the other side of the brook of _Cedron_, as the holy Prophet _Zachariah_ xiv. 4. testifieth, when he saith, ‘And his feet shall stand in that day upon the mount of _Olives_, which is before _Jerusalem_ on the east.’ This mount is about a quarter of a league, or as St _Luke_ saith, A Sabbath day’s journey, distant from _Jerusalem_, pretty high, rough and stony, full of pleasant Olive-trees, from whence it hath it’s name, and also others; as Fig-trees, Lemon, and Orange, and Citron, and _Siliqua_-trees, by the inhabitants call’d _Charnubi_, Turpentine-trees, and Palm-trees; the like I have seen but few, _&c._ There are also some good herbs, _viz._ a strange _Origanum_, _Tragoriganum_, _Roman Mother of Time_, _Spicanardi_ and a peculiar sort of _Coniza_, &c. At the foot of the mount they shew us first a great church, between the rivulet _Cedron_ and the valley of _Josaphat_, which was so cover’d with earth, that you could see nothing of it but the entry, and before it without a large place three steps deep. This church was build by Queen _Helena_, mother of _Constantine_ the Emperor, and call’d, the Sepulchre of our Lady the Mother of God; to go into it, you must go down forty four steps. Within it towards the right, there is a small chapel, where they say our Lady was buried; and therefore, by the benevolence of the Pope, there is distributed and given to the Pilgrims, full forgiveness of all transgressions and punishments for ever. Some are of opinion, that this church did formerly stand even with the ground, and that after the devastation of _Jerusalem_, when part of the valley of _Josaphat_ was fill’d up, it was cover’d thus over. This church stands (as _Nicephorus_ saith in his eighth book and the thirtieth chapter) on that place where the village _Gethsemane_ stood, whereby the garden was whither our dear Lord Christ did, just before his ion, go with his eleven disciples, after he had eaten the Paschal Lamb with them, and given thanks, according to his usual custom, over the rivulet _Cedron_, to regain us that which was formerly lost by our ancestors in the garden. There he left his eight disciples, while he went to pray, as the Scripture tells us; when he took with him _Peter_, _James_ and _John_, the two sons of _Zebedeus_, and began to mourn, to quake, and to tremble, and said to them, ‘My soul is sorrowful unto death, stay here, watch with me, and pray that you enter not into temptation;’ and he withdrew from them about a stones cast, where he kneeled down, fell three times on his face, and pray’d to his heavenly Father, where he wrestled with death, and sweat a bloody sweat, so that an angel must come down from heaven at last to comfort him. This place is underneath a great rock that hangeth over a great cave, just at the entry of the valley of _Josaphat_. This valley is still, where it cometh down from the mount of _Olives_, pretty deep, and is call’d by the holy Prophet _Joel_, chap. iii. 14, _the valley of Judgment_; which words of _Joel_ give us to understand, that the Lord, as he was (when he first came upon the earth) in this valley taken prisoner, bound and carry’d away to the place of his bitter suffering, crucifixion and dying, so he shall in his second and glorious coming, appear in this valley of _Judgment_ again to judge all people of the whole earth, _&c._ that then the impious shall see whom they have pierced. _Zacharias_ speaks also of it in the above-mention’d place. As you go from thence to the mount of _Olives_, you see below towards your left hand, near unto the bridge of the river _Cedron_, an old square building like unto a steeple. This altho’ it is believed to this day not only by Christians, but also by _Turks_ and _Moors_, to be the grave of _Absalom_, as you shall see them sling stones into it as they go by, to revenge his undutifulness shewn to his father King _David_, yet notwithstanding he was not bury’d there, as we read in the second book of _Samuel_ xviii. 17. ‘And they took _Absalom_ and cast him into a great pit in the wood, and laid a very great heap of stones upon him.’ Yet for all this, when _Absalom_ was alive (as you may farther read in the before-mention’d chapter) he erected a column in the king’s dale, for he said, ‘I have no son, therefore this shall be for a remembrance of my name,’ and call’d this pillar after his name; and it is still call’d to this day _Absalom_’s place. Of this pillar writes also _Josephus_ in the seventh book of his Antiquities and the tenth chapter, saying, And _Absalom_ did erect a kingly column of marble in the valley (_Genes._ xiv. it is call’d the King’s valley) that is two furlongs from _Jerusalem_. Just by this pillar beginneth a very steep foot-path, which parts a little above it into two, one whereof goeth southward, at the bottom of the mount of Olives towards _Bethania_ and _Jericho_, &c. down thro’ the valley that is made by this and the other part of the hill, call’d _Mashit_ in the fourth of _Kings_, chap. xxiii. but the other goeth over the height of the mount of Olives out by _Bethania_ to the house of _Mary_ and _Martha_. A little higher on this hill did our Saviour sit, over-against the temple, when he foretold his disciples that shewed him the glorious buildings thereof, ‘That not one stone should remain upon another that should not be thrown down;’ and did also tell them at length, the terrible and prodigious signs, that should come to before the desolation of _Jerusalem_, and the end of the world. To this day we still see into the _Turkish_ mosque, with it’s large paved court-yard, over the walls thereof so perfectly, that you may distinguish almost the persons that walk there. From thence, when you go up to the hill, which is very steep and rough, there is a large plain, from whence our dear Lord Jesus Christ was taken up, and ascended into Heaven, as you may see by the words of the holy Evangelist St _Luke_, in his first chapter of the _Acts_, vers. 9. where he saith, ‘And he was taken up, and a cloud received him out of their sight,’ and verse 12. ‘Then return’d they unto _Jerusalem_ from the mount call’d Olivet, which is from _Jerusalem_ a Sabbath-day’s journey.’ On this place, as _Nicephorus_ mentioneth, did Queen _Helena_ also afterwards build a stately church, which now is so decay’d, that there is no more to be seen of it but a new built chapel in a large yard surrounded with a wall. Just by it on a hill of the mount towards the north and _Galilea_, there is an old and decay’d building, which was formerly (as my guide inform’d me) an inn for the _Galileans_, where commonly did take up those that went to _Jerusalem_ from _Galilea_. Wherefore they are of opinion, that some of them were there in the time of Christ, that also were spectators of his glorious ascension, as it doth appear by the words of the two Angels, that spoke to them, and said, ‘You men of _Galilea_, why stand you here gazing up into heaven, &c.’ But if you duely consider these words, you will find, as you read it in the _Acts_ ii. 7. that the Apostles themselves were these _Galileans_, where it is written: ‘Behold, are not all those which speak _Galileans_? and how hear we every man in our own tongue, &c.’ So did also the holy Angels speak to the Apostles after the same manner, and call’d them _Galileans_, rather to bring them, as Elders of the Christian church, off their worldly thoughts, which they had conceived in their hearts, of the restoring of the worldly regiment or kingdom again, which they should have left, and instead thereof look’d upon the heavenly kingdom, whereinto Christ was ascended, into the kingdom of God, whereinto they were received as , which is a more spiritual kingdom, that doth not consist in outward things, eating and drinking, _&c._, but in a clean and faithful heart. After this they ought to strive, and to make it their only business, that it may be notify’d to all men, and be spread abroad all the world over. From the top of the mountain, you have a prospect over all the holy land, towards the north over the valley _Josaphat_, which is just at the bottom of the hill, into the country of _Galilea_; towards the east, over some naked mountains, down into a large field which extends itself to the Dead Sea, that is, as _Josephus_ mentioneth, twenty nine leagues long, and fifteen broad, whereof the Scripture maketh mention, chiefly the books of _Macchabees_, and in the second of _Samuel_, chap. xv. where it is written, That when King _David_ did fly from his son _Absolon_, he tarry’d in the plain fields until he had intelligence of him. In these is still remaining the pillar of salt that _Lot_’s wife was turn’d into, when she, against the command of God, turn’d to look back to the city. The famous Historiographer _Flavius Josephus_ did in his time see it in his own person; and the Pilgrims visit it to this day, and beat off of it some small pieces, as they do every where, chiefly in holy places, and yet it is found still whole, and without any defect; which did put some Pilgrims, that went to the Dead Sea, into great iration. Now that they might be certain and be assured of the truth of the common assertion, That whatsoever was broken off of this pillar, was always found whole again; they did, chiefly one of them, (as I was informed by one that had been there before) knock off a whole hand, and took it away with them. Now after they had been at the end of their journey, and came back again, and went to look for it on purpose, they found it whole again, and exactly like unto the old one as it had been before. Farther beyond the plain fields, at the other side of _Jordan_ that runs thro’ it, there appear the _Arabian_ mountains, that were inhabited by _Ruben_, _Gad_, and half the Tribe of _Manasse_; they are very high, and afford very good pasture for the cattle; some among them were much noted and famous of old, as the mountain of _Seir_ beyond the Dead Sea, mount _Garizim_ and _Ebal_, whereof is made mention in _Deuteronomy_ chap. xxvii. and also chap. xxxii. of mount _Abarim_, _Nebo_, and the point of _Pisgah_, situated in the land of the _Moabites_, over-against _Jericho_, which together with all the adjacent places are very well seen; as well as towards the west the rivulet _Cedron_, and the situation and largeness of the city of _Jerusalem_. After we had look’d about sufficiently, we went down to the place of the village _Bethphage_, which is at the other side on the ascent of mount Olivet, and belongeth to the Priests of _Jerusalem_; this is so ruin’d, that now-a-days there is nothing left of it save only a few foundation-walls. Into this did Christ send his disciples, to loosen the she-ass and the colt which was ty’d to the door in the road, and to bring them to him, whereon our Lord Christ also did ride to _Jerusalem_ five days before he suffered, being the true Saviour. Before it the mount is pretty plain, and is very rough and rocky, wherein _Bethania_ lieth on the right hand upon one ascent, of the other part of mount Olivet, as is before said, but the village of _Mary_ and _Martha_ (whereof you read in the Gospel of St _John_, chap. xi.) is farther out by the beginning of the road towards _Jericho_, which is still very dangerous, because of the _Arabian_ vagabonds. In these habitations did our dear Saviour oftentimes take up his lodgings with them; and in the same did _Mary_ the sister of _Lazarus_, and _Martha_ anoint the feet of our Lord Christ with a precious ointment of _Nard_, and dry them again with her hair; in our days they are quite desolated, and nothing left thereof but ruins. Near it as you come back again to _Bethania_, in the plain lieth a large stone, where also you may see the above-mention’d places very plain; where they say that _Martha_ did meet the Lord, when he came up the steps, and rested on the mount, and talked with him of the resurrection of her brother, before her sister _Mary_ did know any thing of the arrival of the Lord. Wherefore she went back again into their village, to call her sister _Mary_ secretly, who, when she heard that our Lord Christ was near at hand, did hasten and went to him, for he was not yet come into the village, and fell down at his feet, and said weeping, ‘Lord, if thou hadst been here, my brother had not dy’d;’ then he groaned in his spirit, and enquired presently after the place where _Lazarus_ his dear friend was laid, and went with them to it to _Bethania_ that village, distant a league, (about an hours going,) or as the Scripture saith: about fifteen furlongs from _Jerusalem_ on an ascent; wherein was a small chapel, and underneath it a deep cover’d cave, wherein _Lazarus_ had lain four days, as you may also see in the before quoted chapter, where it is in the thirty eighth verse said: ‘It was a cave, and a stone lay upon it.’ When the _Franciscan_ Friers would go to the grave of _Lazarus_, they were forced to go through this village, and a great concourse of the poor inhabitants used to flock about them, and did surround them, and detained them till they gave them something to be distributed amongst them; that they might evade this trouble, and not be necessitated to go thro’ this village, when they go to the grave, they have made behind at the other side on the height another avenue, but they do not escape the _Mobile_ for all that, for they meet them notwithstanding, chiefly, if they know or have intelligence, that any Pilgrims came along with them to see the grave; so we did find it, for they came and kept us lock’d up in it so long, till we had given them so much as did satisfy them. As you come out again from _Bethania_ towards _Jerusalem_, the Friers shew an old building, where _Simon_ the Leper did dwell, in which when Christ was at the table, _Mary_ the sister of _Lazarus_ did come, and did break again, yet several days after, a glass of precious unguent of _Nard_ over his head, which fill’d the whole house with a fragrant scent; which pleased Christ so well, that he took her part against his disciples, and commended her proceedings so highly, that it is recorded to her perpetual memory. From thence if you come nearer into the valley between thee mounts of Olives, there is still to be seen several fig-trees whereabouts Christ did curse one of that kind, because he found no fruit thereon when he was hungry. Just at the coming out of the valley near unto the steps of mount Olivet, you see the city again, but chiefly the mount of the temple and gate where you go up, walled up in the new wall. From this valley, when our Lord Christ came in sight, and came down the mount Olivet, the people, as he came riding along, cry’d, saying, ‘Hosanna, to the Son of David, _&c._’ and a little after when he came nearer unto it, he lamented with tears also their future misery, and the terrible destruction of the town, and went in from thence towards the golden gate into the temple and drove out the buyers and sellers. [Illustration] CHAP. XXII. _Of the ~Bethlehem~, the mountains of ~Judea~, and their famous places. Where also is made mention of my returning back from ~Jerusalem~ to ~Tripoli~._ _Bethlehem_, formerly called _Ephrata_, is situated towards the south, twenty furlongs, or a _German_ mile distant from _Jerusalem_. The nearest way to it, you go through the gate of _Hebron_, and come to the right by the upper mote, and the bloody field, up the steps over mount _Gihon_, where just before you see a cistern with good fresh water near the path, made of white stones, and well prepared; near which the star did appear again unto the three wise men of the eastern countries, and led them into _Bethlehem_. Near it there groweth a Turpentine-tree larger and higher than any that ever I saw elsewhere in my life. Farther, about half way, you over a hill, at the top whereof you may see both towns, _Jerusalem_ and _Bethlehem_. Before you is a large valley, which, altho’ it be rocky, yet it is fruitful both of corn and wine. In it, towards the right hand near the road, is an acre called the _Cicer_ field, which had it’s name (as I was informed) from the following transaction. It is said, that when _Christ_ went by at a certain time, and saw a man that was sowing Cicers, he did speak to him kindly, and asked him what he was a sowing there, the man answered scornfully, and said, _He sowed small stones._ _Then let it be_, said our Lord, _that thou reap the same seed thou sowest._ So they say, that at harvest time, he found instead of the Cicer-pease, nothing but small pebbles in shape, and colour and bigness, like unto them exactly. Now whether there be any thing of truth in it or no I cannot affirm; but this I must say, that there are to this day, such stones found in this field. For, as we went by, some of us went into it, and did gather a great many of them that were in bigness, shape and colour, so like unto these Cicers (by the _Arabians_ called _Ommos_, and in _Latin_, _Cicer arietinum_) that we could hardly distinguish them from natural ones. Hard by it, you shall see still some old ruins of old stones, where first _Abraham_ the Patriarch did build a tent as you read in _Genesis_ xii. 8. And he removed from thence unto a mountain on the east of _Bethel_, and pitched his tent, having _Bethel_ on the west, and _Hai_ on the east. _Senacherib_, the King of _Assyria_, when he went before _Jerusalem_, did come into this valley with all his might and power; and had by the angel of the Lord in one nights time, one hundred and eighty-five thousand men slain; and still to this day, there are two great holes to be seen, wherein they flung the dead bodies; one whereof is hard by the road towards _Bethlehem_, the other towards the right hand over-against old _Bethel_; which town fell to the children of _Benjamin_, and is called still to this day _Bethisella_, and is situated half a league farther towards the west, at the foot of the hill, in a very fruitful country. There did _Jacob_ the Patriarch when he fled from his brother _Esau_, see in his sleep the ladder which reached up into heaven, whereon the holy angels ascended and descended, wherefore he erected there a stone for a mark, and called the place _Bethel_, which was called _Luz_ before, as you may read in _Genesis_ xxviii. As you come nearer to _Bethlehem_, you see the grave of _Rachel_ at your right hand near the road, which _Jacob_ did erect there, when his wife died in labour with _Benjamin_, as you read in _Genesis_ xxxv. 16. ‘And they journeyed from _Bethel_, and there was but a little way to come to _Ephrath_:’ and verse 18. ‘And it came to as her soul was in departing (for she died) that she called his name _Benoni_; but his father called him _Benjamin_; and _Rachel_ died, and was buried in the way _Ephrath_, which is _Bethlehem_. And _Jacob_ set a pillar upon her grave; that is the pillar of _Rachel_’s grave unto this day.’ Before you come quite thither, there is just by without it, on the left, a good rich cistern, which is deep and wide. Wherefore the people that go to dip water, are provided with small leathern buckets and a line, as is usual in these countries; and so the Merchants that go in carravans through great desarts into far countries, provide themselves also with these, because in these countries you find more cisterns or wells, than springs that lie high. This was formerly under the gates of _Bethlehem_, whereof King _David_ longed to drink; wherefore his three champions did break into the camp of the _Philistines_, and did dip some water out of the well, and brought it to the King; but the King would not drink of it for certain reasons, as you may read in _Samuel_ chap. xxiii, and in I. _Chronicles_ chap. xii. From thence we went by the path of the mount into _Bethlehem_ the town of _David_, where he was born and anointed King by the Prophet _Samuel_; it lieth upon an ascent, it’s buildings, town walls and towers are so decayed, that now it is quite open, and nothing at all to be seen, except the well and monastery, but ruined cottages. Just without _Bethlehem_, at the other side of the path, towards the east, for formerly the town reached so far, they shew still the stable under a large rock, wherein _Jesus Christ_, the promised _Messias_, God and Man, was born of the immaculate Virgin _Mary_, and laid in a manger. Of his coming, and the place where he should be born, the holy prophet _Micah_ long before prophesied in his fifth chapter, and second verse, saying: ‘But thou _Bethlehem Ephrata_, though thou be little among the thousands of _Juda_, yet out of thee shall he come forth unto me, that is to be ruler in _Israel_; whose goings forth have been from of old, from everlasting.’ On that place hath _Helena_, mother of _Constantine_ the Great, also build a stately church; but since it is so ruined and demolished, that hardly half of it is left, as one may see by the old walls of the foundation, and other places and arches that are still left without; yet that part that still remaineth standing, is very large, covered with lead at top, and is so glorious a building, that one shall hardly find a better any where. For within it is paved with white marble all over, and upheld with a great many large and high marble pillars, each whereof is about nine spans in diameter; I told about fifty of them, they stand without before the chancel (and underneath them is the place of the holy and joyful birth of our Lord _Jesus Christ_) in four rows one behind the other, and so give a glorious ornament to the whole church. There are also to be seen on the arches and the walls about, some fine histories taken out of the Old Testament, made in _Mosaick_ work, laid in with colours very artificially; and are still so plain to be seen and discerned, as if they were made but the other day. The cave wherein _Christ_ was born, hath without, on each side of the chancel, underneath which is a peculiar way into it, one against the other, the doors thereof are commonly locked up, because behind the church, there is still another, through which they generally go down into it; therein is below at the right hand still another less one, going down two steps more, which is the true stable, wherein our Saviour _Jesus Christ_ did lie in the manger between the ox and ass; so there is still in the same place made a marble one very well wrought. Without before it we put off our shoes, and went in with the father Guardian into the holy place. Where, when I considered the joyful birth of our Lord _Jesus Christ_; where he, as the true long before promised _Messias_ and Saviour was born; I was affected, as if I saw the child wrapt up in swadling cloaths, and lying in the manger, disguised in our mortal flesh and blood, yet without sin, that we as children of wrath and eternal damnation, might be received again by God his Heavenly Father, as his children unto everlasting salvation; that did humble himself so low, as to be born in a dark stable in the miserablest poverty, that he might bring us out from the filth and mire of sin wherein we lay, into the parlour of his Heavenly Father. ‘Seeing then, my dear Lord _Jesus Christ_, that thou art come to us into the world, as the true light, to make of us, that were children of darkness and eternal damnation, children of light and eternal salvation and felicity; I return unto thee, O Lord, for these thy unspeakable benefits, eternal praises, and seeing that thou hast assumed our flesh and blood, and hast also caused these thy merits and benefits to be by thy holy angels proffered to me; therefore I pray thee let me come to thee with the poor shepherds, and see thy saving incarnation, give me and us all thy grace and holy spirit, that we may comfort our selves with this thy blessed birth, against our sinful and impure one, constantly and without cessation, that we may rejoice in it, in good and bad times, in tribulations and adversities, in prosperous success and ill fortune, in the time of this temporal life, heartily, until at length we shall, in the life to come, see thee with all the elected ones, face to face, to all eternity.’ Amen. This cave is underneath about the walls, lined with long tables of grey marble, adorned with blue, artificially laid in; the rock that cometh out over the stable only excepted. Just by the furthermost entry of the fine chapel there are others, in one whereof St _Jerom_ did live, and did translate the Bible out of the _Hebrew_ and _Chaldean_ languages into the _Latin_. In another near it, lieth buried the noble pious _Roman_ lady _Paula_, with her daughter _Eustachia_. Who, after the decease of her husband, went thither to St _Jerom_, where she led all the rest of her days in Christian piety, until at length she died in the Lord. From thence we came up again into the church, wherein without close to the chancel each side, were to be seen two altars, covered with good large marble; on one thereof on the left, the father Guardian did shew me the effigies of the old _Simeon_, holding the child _Jesus_ in his arms, and in the manger still another, with this onition. ‘That from hence we may see, conclude and learn, that it is not culpable at all to have images, seeing that nature itself alloweth so much unto stones, that images may grow in them. Wherefore they are not only not to be forbidden, but rather to be honoured.’ What every Christian ought to think of this, being quite contrary to the holy Scripture, every child that hath but begun to learn the Catechism, can easily and sufficiently decide. The _Franciscan_ monks have near the church, a large and pleasant habitation, and also by it great gardens (rich of fine plants and good fruits) defended round about with high walls, against the incursions of the _Arabians_, which they make daily. _Bethlehem_ lieth high, surrounded by the hills of _Judæa_, as you may see by the words of _Jeremiah_, chap. xxxi. verse 15. where he doth prophecy the murdering of the children, which cruel tyranny _Herod Ascalonit_ did a great while after in Christ’s time execute, the words are these: ‘Thus saith the Lord, a voice was heard in _Ramah_, lamentation and bitter weeping: _Rachel_ weeping for her children, refused to be comforted for her children because they were not.’ In this monastery, because it lieth at the top of the path, you see with pleasure, as well as on mount _Olivet_, the confines of _Jericho_, and the Dead Sea, and the mountains of _Arabia_, but chiefly within the space of a league and a half towards the south, a great and high hill, which extends itself much farther than the rest; whereupon, in former years, the strong and mighty castle of _Theckoa_ was built, whereof the holy Prophet _Jeremias_ maketh mention in his sixth chapter, and also _Amos_ (who did prophecy there) in his first chapter. The Christians had this in possession a great while, and did keep it against the Infidels and Heathens for above thirty years after _Jerusalem_ and the Holy Land were taken; for they had corn, wine, water, and other necessaries, abundantly of their own growing, so that they might have kept it longer, if a great contagious distemper had not got among them, which did increase to that degree, that they were forced to leave it, and to retire to more healthy places. When the Heathens did understand that the Christians were marched off, they fell into the castle with a great multitude, tore it all to pieces, and did demolish it to the very ground, so that now one cannot discern that such a one did stand there before. But this lost troop of the Christians, did at length settle themselves on mount _Libanus_, and began to inhabit it, where they are still remaining in our times, and call themselves (as I have told you before) _Trusci_. About _Bethlehem_, there are some valleys very well tilled with corn and vines, and among the rest a very pleasant and fruitful one that beginneth immediately by the church and fountain, and runs down towards _Jericho_ and _Jordan_. This is below pretty wide, full of Olive and Fig-trees, it also bringeth forth some comfortable herbs, _viz._ some strange _Origanums_, _Tragoriganum_, _Roman Serpillum_, which the _Arabians_ call _Sathar_, _Absinthium Santonicum_, which groweth every where in the Holy Land, this hath small ash coloured leaves, very like unto them of ours, and many small stalks full of small yellowish seeds, it is of an unpleasant smell, very bitter, with a saltish sharpness, wherefore it is reputed to be the _Scheba_ of the _Arabians_; from whence our Wormseed cometh. In this valley were the shepherds, to whom the angels of the Lord did appear, and declared to them the saving birth of our Lord _Jesus Christ_, saying, ‘Behold I bring you good tidings of great joy, which shall be to all people; for unto you is born this day, in the city of _David_, a Saviour, which is _Christ_ the Lord, _&c._ and suddenly there was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host, praising God, and saying: Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men.’ In that place, which is about half a league below _Bethlehem_, is still a church, which also Queen _Helena_ did build, as _Nicephorus_ testifieth in the thirtieth chapter of his eighth book, this is for the greatest part fallen in, so that nothing more but a small arch is to be seen of it. Hard by it did stand the tower _Ader_, as St _Jerom_ writes, whereby _Israel_ did erect a tent, (as you may read in _Genesis_:) and looked after the sheep with his twelve sons. This is in our time so demolished, that it lieth quite in ruins. Beyond it, in another valley, not far from _Bethlehem_, they shew still to this day a large orchard full of Citron, Lemon, Orange, Pomegranate, and Fig-trees, and many others; which King _Solomon_ did plant in his days, with ponds, canals, and other water works, very pleasantly prepared; as he saith himself in _Eccles._ chap. ii. verse 5. ‘I made me gardens and orchards, and I planted trees in them of all kind of fruits; I made me pools of water, to water therewith the wood that bringeth forth trees.’ This is still in our time full of good and fruitful trees, wherefore it is worthy to be seen for their sakes, and also for the ditches sake that are still there. Wherefore I really believe it to be that same whereof _Josephus_ maketh mention in his eighth book of the _Jewish Antiquities_, and the seventh chapter; saying, ‘And the King rode in a chariot, cloathed in white, and it was his custom to ride early in the morning to a place called _Hetten_, a hundred furlongs from _Jerusalem_, where he had a garden with water pools and works very pleasant, and rich. Thither went the King for his pleasure; and did always use great diligence and consideration in all things, and took delight to see every thing neat and handsome.’ _&c._ After we had seen the chiefest places within and without, near and afar off _Bethlehem_, we returned to _Jerusalem_ again by another way, that was near as far again about, and went over the mountains of _Judea_, which have first as you come from thence very good and fruitful valleys, full of vines and corn, but the nearer you come to _Jerusalem_, the higher and rougher are the mountains. In this way, half a league from _Nebeleschol_, the friers shewed us a well very rich of water, just by the road that goeth down to _Gaza_, this runneth into a small rivulet, wherein the holy Apostle _Phillip_ did baptize _Candaces_ chamberlain to the Queen of _Ethiopia_; by it, is nothing else to be seen but a small church and a fish pond. From thence we came over high, rough and steep hills into the deserts, where St _John_ the _Baptist_ did lead his life in his young age, there is nothing to be seen but a very ancient chapel, and hard by it a delicate spring on the top of the hill, where we went up to refresh ourselves a little, with eating and drinking of what we had taken along with us. About the roads grow many trees, by the inhabitants called _Charnubi_, the fruit whereof is called _St John_’s _Bread_ in our country, and is brought to us in great plenty. From thence we had still a very rough and hilly way to the church and habitation of _Zachary_, whither the Virgin _Mary_ did come (climbing over the hills) to give _Elizabeth_ a visit, _&c._ Before it, a league distance nearer to the town, at the end of the valley _Raphaim_ (whereof the holy Scripture maketh often mention, _viz._ in _Joshua_ xv. and xviii. and in I _Chronicles_ chap. xii.) stands in a very pleasant and fruitful place, the church of St _John_ the _Baptist_; and by it, before you come quite to it, falleth down the spring of _Nephthaah_, that is very rich of water. This church is very ancient, but yet pretty well built, and hath on the left hand as you go in, a deep and hidden cave, wherein _Elizabeth_ did hide herself with _John_ her child, that it might not be slain with the children of _Bethlehem_ by the servants of _Herod_, whereof you may read more in the _Proto-Evangelium_ of St _Jacob_, where it is thus written: ‘When _Elizabeth_ did hear, that among the rest of the innocents which _Herod_ had commanded to be killed, her son _John_ was also searched for, she did climb up the hills, and looked about her where she might hide him; but when she saw no place there where she could preserve him, she sighed, and cried out with a loud voice, saying: _O ye hills of ~Gad~, take both the mother and the child_; for she could not ascend them; the hill did open itself instantly, and took them into it, _&c._’ But how afterwards _Herod_ did search for _John_, and how he did threaten and exhort his father _Zachary_ to tell him where his son was, and also how his servants did kill _Zachary_ (not being satisfied with his answer) for it in the porch of the temple is at length related in the books of the martyrs of the learned and reverend _Ludowich Rabus_. As you come from the beforementioned church, nearer to the town of _Jerusalem_, there is still seen a large pillar, that is of great antiquity, and lieth very high between the mountains on a high hill, five furlongs off of _Jerusalem_, wherefore some take it to be ruins of the fortification of _Betzura_; but as far one can understand by the books of _Maccabees_, that is situated more towards the east behind mount _Olivet_. Just before it, within, stands in the valley (that is full of pleasant Olive-trees) a very old, yet well built church, called the Holy Cross, whereof some _Greek_ friers are possessed; they pretend, that in that place the tree did stand, that was made use of for the cross of Christ: this we did soon leave, and went over a small height through the gate of _Hebron_ again into _Jerusalem_, and made ourselves ready to return the next day again to _Joppe_ towards our ship. And so we rewarded the father Guardian, their interpreter, and others that had conducted us, for their faithfulness and services done us according to our ability, to their full content and satisfaction, wherefore the father Guardian did freely give to each of us a certificate under his usual seal, that we had seen all the holy places which were named in it. This done, we went away, and came the next day to _Rama_ towards _Joppe_. By the way, I found some _Lentiscus_’s, from whence the _Mastich_ cometh, _Arbutus_, _Ilex_, and a strange sort of Willows, by the inhabitants called _Sassaf_, but by _Theophrastus_, _Elæagnus_, some Olive-trees, Palm-trees, white Mulberry-trees, _Sumach_-trees, and _Styrax_, from which cometh a sweet smelling Gum, called by the same name, that is brought from thence into our country; _Spartium_, _Lycium_, which is a strange shrub, and the juice thereof retaineth the same name, and is found sometimes in our Apothecaries shops; the King and Prophet _David_ maketh mention thereof, under the _Hebrew_ name _Hadhadd_, by which also the _Arabians_ call it, their speech running much upon the _Hebrew_. Hereabout grow also very many fruits (called _Siliquæ_ by the _Latins_, and κερατιὰ and κερατονία by the _Greeks_, but by the inhabitants _Charnubi_) whereof many are brought out to us, and are very well known by the name of St _John_’s _Bread_. These are so common in these countries, that they esteem them less than we do the worst fruit we have, wherefore they give them to the cattle to eat. Wherefore it is probable, that the prodigal son desired to fill his belly with these fruits, which, as it appeareth by the _Greek_ text, the hogs did eat, and yet could not have enough of them to satisfy his hunger. Besides these, I found also by the way many Turpentine-trees, by the inhabitants called _Botin_ and _Albotin_, which are very common in __, chiefly about _Montpelier_, they have small green kernels, that are of a reddish colour, and hollow within, and are oftentimes basely sold and used by the Apothecaries for the true _Carpabalsamum_; for these and others abovementioned, as we read in _Nehemiah_, chap. viii. the _Israelites_ did take bows, and made themselves tents of them to live in, during their great feast of Tabernacles. I saw also chiefly between _Rama_ and _Joppa_ some white _Barberry_-trees, which I took first for _Paliurus_, the third kind of _Rhamnus_, unto which they are very like, except the fruits whereby I did discern them first, and besides, they are much higher, and their branches covered with a white bark. Now although they are not to be taken for the same, yet they are very like unto the second _Paliurus_, whereof _Theophrastus_ maketh mention in the fourth chapter, and the fourth verse. Among the corn, I did find a strange _Origanum_, _Serpillum_; _Smilax aspera_, _Triones_ of _Theophrastus_, whereof I have made mention above. After we had made our selves quite ready to sail for _Tripolis_, whither we had about forty _German_ miles, we went aboard the ship, and set sail with a fair wind. But this did not last long, for, as soon as we were out at sea, there arose one that was so contrary to us, that we hardly reached the confines of _Tirus_ and _Sidon_ the fourth day, where we arrived in our former voyage at night, as I have said before. I saw nothing of any buildings on the shoar, but some small houses in the place where formerly the town _Sarepta_ did stand, which (as you may read in St _Luke_, chap. iv. and in III _Kings_, chap. xvii.) was situated near unto _Sidon_, or as _Josephus_ writes in his eighth of the _Jewish Antiquities_, chap. xiii. between _Tyrus_ and _Sydon_, in the country of _Phœnicia_, wherein the holy prophet _Elias_, during the great scarcity, did live a great while with a widow, and did restore her dead son to life again. Departing thence, the night befel us before we gat overagainst _Sidon_, but we went so near the town, that we could see the houses, and some rocks butting upon them by moon-light. From thence, the nearer we came to _Tripolis_, the more the wind was for us, so that we arrived there on the first of _October_ in the year 1575, in very good health and condition. Wherefore I give eternal thanks, glory and praise unto the Almighty God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. _Amen._ CHAP. XXIII. _How I took ship at ~Tripolis~ in ~Syria~, and sail’d back from thence to ~Venice~, and travell’d home again to my own relations at ~Augspurg~._ At my arrival at _Tripolis_, when I hoped that something might have been done for the good of _Hans Ulrich Krafft_, whom I left in prison behind, as is above mention’d, towards his deliverance; that we, seeing we came out together, might have remained together a while longer, and have ended our journey to our content, I found there was not only nothing done to the purpose, but his cause came to be worse and worse, so that it was even or odd whether I should not have been cast into prison also, and beaten severely to boot. When thus he was detain’d in prison, I receiv’d a letter and command, as well from his adversary, as from my own friends, desiring me to take the cause in hand earnestly, to bring them both to an accommodation; and that if I would do so, I should do him greater service, than if I should stay a whole year longer at _Tripoli_, expecting his deliverance. Now altho’ many means were used after my departure, for his liberty, yet they proved all fruitless, unsuccessful and vain, so that he was forced to spend three intire years miserably in this severe _Turkish_ imprisonment, until at length he was miraculously deliver’d. Wherefore I got everything ready for my departure, and went aboard the ship called the St _Matthew_, on the day of St _Leonhard_, being the sixth day of _November_ in the year 1575, having first taken my leave of the above-mention’d my dear friend _Hans Ulrich Krafft_, whom I loved as my own brother, and the next day we put out, having a very good wind. So our navigation proceeded in the beginning very successfully, and we discover’d on the third day early the great island of _Cyprus_. But when we approach’d unto it, a hurricane arose suddenly, and blew so fiercely upon us, that it wound our great sail round about our main mast, so that it was a wonder to me, that it did not bring it by the board, or (as it would if the seamen had not struck it down immediately) turn the ship over, and sink her. These winds arise from a wind that is call’d by the _Greeks_, _Typhon_; and _Pliny_ calleth it _Vertex_ and _Vortex_; but as dangerous as they are, as they arise suddenly, so quickly they are laid again also. The seamen pretend, that one shall sooner perceive them in the ship below, because they come up from the depth of the sea, than above deck. After this had continued about a quarter of an hour it was quite over, so that it was perfectly calm, and the sea very quiet. So our seamen hoisted up their sail again, and steered towards the _Capo del Græco_, with an intention to run in still before sun-set into the harbour of the metropolis call’d _Famagusta_; but before we were aware of it, another wind arose that did send us back again, so we stood out at sea, and went on with it so well, that we ed the island that is one hundred and sixty _Italian_ miles long. Not long after the wind did change, and it came to be foul weather, and so contrary to us, that we went on but very slowly, and we were forced to drive upon the sea only for several days, until at length we came before the land of _Pamphylia_ and _Lycia_, which came in sight now and then, nearer to the island of _Rhodes_; then arose a northerly wind that helped us into our true road again, and blew so fresh, that in a few hours we went by that mountainous island _Scarpanthus_, and afterwards by _Solomon_’s point of the isle of _Candia_ out towards the south, which is forty leagues farther; and we had been almost quite thrown over into _Africa_, if we had not sheltered ourselves under the next mountains, so we got clear of the noise and turbulency of the wind and sea; but instead of that our ship came so near unto the shoar of _Candia_, that we feared every moment to have been shipwreck’d, which had certainly befallen us, if our _Nacchier_, that managed the sails, with his seamen (who wrought very hard, until they brought the ship out at sea again) had not for two days and nights done their utmost endeavour. When we kept thus out at sea, foul weather befel us again, and contrary and rough winds blew afresh, so that it was very dangerous sailing; wherefore our master as well as the men thought it best to get into an harbour; but finding that it was very dangerous to get in there, they went back again to the island _Calderon_, which lieth not above a _German_ mile from _Candia_, to land there, and to stay for better weather. This island is small, and so rough and sandy within, that it cannot be inhabited; but yet being full of bushes, those of _Candy_, turn, chiefly in the summer, their cattel into it. Here I found a kind of Mandrake with blew flowers in great quantity, and also very many _Oxycedri_ like unto our Juniper bushes, which are almost as high as our Pine-trees. When we, during this hard weather, were in this island _Calderon_ for shelter, we saw sometimes clouds in the shape of a pillar, that came down from the skies to the next mountain, and so extended themselves sloping down into the next sea. _Pliny_ makes mention also of them in his forty ninth chapter of the second book. When this did touch the sea, it begun to suck, as it were, thro’ a spout so fiercely, that the water began to move in that place, as if it were in a storm, so that we could not only hear the noise, but also see the great motion thereof. In the beginning it was pretty clear, but the longer it remained there the darker it grew, until at length it arose up again and ascended into the skies like unto a thick cloud. Wherefore it may very well be, that sometimes worms, frogs, fungusses, snails, muscles, _&c._ may fall down with the rain, chiefly in those places that are near to the sea; for I have myself seen it many times in my travels between _Bononia_ and _Florence_ on the high mountains, where I have found several of them. When the wind blew fair for us again, and we had sufficiently provided ourselves with wood and fresh water, we hoisted up our sails again and came away; and at length, not without great labour and changing of the wind, we got out before the island of _Candy_, which is about two hundred and fifty _Italian_ leagues long, into the open sea, with an intention to go strait away for _Venice_. In the mean time one of our seamen did catch on a hook, that he had baited with some meat, a large fish, by the Latins call’d _Lamia_, but this fish being of some hundred weight in bulk, he brought him upon the hook by degrees to the ship, then they fastened a rope about his gills, and so drew him up very safely. When they did cut it open to salt it, I found that it’s bones were but very small, and not harder than a cartilage. They gave us now and then some of it to eat, but it was so much salted, that we could not eat it, so that at last they were forced to leave it. Soon after one of the Pilgrims, that was a Priest at _Lille_ in _Flanders_, got a bloody flux so violently, that he was in danger of his life, so I took care of him, and gave him what physic I had by me in the ship. When we came to the island of _Cerygo_, else call’d _Cithera_, belonging to the _Venetians_, lying near to the _Morea_, (from whence _Paris_ took away the Queen of King _Menelaus_, and carry’d her to _Troy_) upon a sudden a hurricane arose towards night with blowing, thundering and lightening, so that we at several times did despair of our lives. For when the waves swelled as big as large rocks, and pressed very hard upon our ship, so that they did fling it now on this, and then on the other side again, with great violence; so that not only our goods, arms, trunks, and boxes were tumbled up and down in the ship, but that also we were forced to take great care of ourselves during this tempest, that we might not tumble over board, of which we were in great danger. But how terribly soever this looked in the dark night, yet it still increased; for in a little while after the place that held the cannon shot that were near unto the steerage, where I had my cabin, broke open, so that the balls ran up and down over all the ship according as she rolled. Soon after the beating of the waves knock’d off the garland that was behind at the outside of the ship, and left some nails about a finger thick, that held it in the wood, with such a power, that one might hear it almost all over the ship. After all this the great sail was also torn off and fell down into the sea, so that we thought no less than that we were all lost; for then the ship was wholly left to the mercy of the roaring waves, that flung her, and tossed her about like a football from place to place, (which you may deduce from thence, that the Guardian that held himself fast by the main mast upon the deck, was sometimes above a man’s depth under water) so that every moment we expected to be overturned, and drown’d. Yet in all this calamity, we did not give over all, but did what we could for our safety, seeing that we could not do what we would, we stood together and pulled the sail out again, yet we did not all pull together, for it was so dark that we could not see one another but when it lightened, and in the place of the torn one we put up another new one; for generally in such ships they are provided with two sails, and also with two masts and rudders. After the seamen had put on the new sail, not without great labour, difficulty and danger, they fell down upon their knees, and began to pray to their intercessors and patrons, which every one chused for himself, by their names, some to _Peter_, others to St _Paul_, others to the holy Virgin _Mary_, but chiefly and before all the rest to St _Nicholas_, who in the like imminent dangers, necessities and calamities, hath oftenest before all the rest shew’d himself by sundry tokens, according to their opinion, ready to assist and to help, so that they might be sure of his help, and so comfort themselves with a certain deliverance. After they had said their prayers, they let me understand that they had seen three burning candles on the top of the main mast, wherefore some of them for joy vowed solemnly to go a Pilgrimage to certain Holy Places, or else to give a certain Sum to one of their churches. This tempestuous weather held on all the night long and also for a great part of the next day, so that the seamen prayed three several times; I cannot justly tell whether I was more astonished at their prayers or at the tempestuousness of the sea, but chiefly when I understood, that they sought, without _Christ_ our true Saviour and Helper, in this great danger to others, and such that did not only know nothing of us, as we may see by the words of _Esaiah_, when he saith, _Abraham knoweth nothing of us, and Israel doth not know us_; but that they also (if they had been still alive) would have directed us themselves to the true and only Mediator _Jesus Christ_. And so we read, That the virgin _Mary_ her self did not know what was become of her Son, until she found him sitting amongst the teachers in the temple of _Jerusalem_: and also at the wedding of _Cana_ in _Galilea_, she did direct the servants (that told her that they wanted wine) herself to her son our Lord _Christ_, (that they might not look upon her any more) when she saith to them, _What he bids you so do_. Seeing then that the saints will not receive such honour that only belongs unto the Lord, and on the contrary, the Lord bids us come to him, I turned from them all to _Christ_ (when our ship was almost quite covered over with the waves) to awake the _Lord_ as his Disciples did when he was asleep, saying, _Lord help us or else we perish_; and with the Apostle St _Peter_, _O Lord save and deliver us, let us not sink down quite, but draw us out from the depth of the sea, and preserve us graciously in this great danger_. This tempest made our seamen so distracted, that they did hardly know whether, and how far the weather had drove us out of our way, until we came quite about the _Morea_, and saw the Island _Zant_ (formerly called _Zacynthus_). This we left on our right, and did go strait forwards to the next Island of _Cephalonia_. This is about 250 leagues distant from _Candy_, and doth belong as well as _Zant_, to the _Venetians_, and had over against us a fine large and strong port called _Argostala_, before which it was 14 days before we arrived: towards the left, a ship (being under full sail before a strong wind and missing the entry) was staved all in pieces. Into this we got (the Lord be thanked) safe, and remained there for some days to refresh ourselves. Just behind this island is the channel _Viscardo_, wherein the great _Armada_ of the _Christians_ did ride against the _Turkish_ ones, until at length it came to a fight before it, where the _Christians_ obtained a glorious victory. After we found our selves in a safer and quieter place than we were before, and did hope quickly to get good bread also, instead of our old black and worm-eaten biskets (which had been loaden in _Spain_ a great while agone, wherewith we had made shift a good while) some of us went the next morning into the next village (which was pretty large) to buy some. But we did miss our aim very much; for being that the inhabitants continually and hourly feared that the _Turks_, whose _Armada_ was not far off, would make a descent, upon them, therefore they conveyed all the goods they had into the castle, that we could see lye very high beyond the great harbour, and had kept no more but what was necessary for their daily use; so that no provision at all was to be had or found: And they had so little bread, that we went about in the village from house to house and could hardly get for money as much bread as would serve us for our dinner. But as for wine they let us have what we would, which was red, and very good, which the Merchants knew very well, wherefore they bought a considerable quantity thereof, to carry to _Venice_, and so did our ship’s master also. We also found many small grapes growing there, on the vines, as many as I saw of them, are rather less and lower than ours in our vineyards. During this our tarrying, our pilot being sick, so that he was not able to direct the ship any farther according to the com, our master strove to get another, and that the rather, because the _Adriatick_ sea, whereinto we expected to come daily, is very dangerous, because of it’s narrowness, plenty of islands, and hidden rocks, to navigate. So we got a _Greek_, and after the weather began to be fairer, we put out to sea again. But this did not continue long, for when we came a little out of the harbour, we had other winds upon the sea, that were rather contrary to us, and hindered us so very much in our navigation, that after many days we arrived only before the fort of _Corfu_, otherwise call’d _Corsica_, which we could hardly see in that misty and foggy weather, not without great pains and labour. This ill weather, with the contrary wind, lasted very long, and encreased more and more, the wind continuing high; so that we had almost been cast over into _Apulia_ against our intention, chiefly between _Cataxo_ and _Ragusa_, which _Ptolemy_ called _Epidaurus_, had we not quickly made the island of _Meleda_. So we spent our time in this navigation, not only in hard and contrary winds, with great pains and labour, but were besides obliged to be above deck, because she was filled up with goods all within to the weight of above twelve thousand centners, where we endured great cold, and must remain there in all the rain and storms. After this we went into a small channel between this and another island, where we lay at anchor all night; early in the morning we saw a galley coming from the sea upon us. As soon as we saw her, before we could well discern her, because of the too great distance, we made all ready for our defence to resist her; but when she came nearer to us, and we found by her flags that she was our friend, we were at rest again, and discharged, when she went by us, three great guns to salute her according to the usual custom of the sea. When she was past by, we weighed our anchor also, and sailed to _Curtzola_, another island and town, towards _Dalmatia_, call’d _Corcyra nigra_, which is very strong, and formerly did belong to _Ragusa_, but now it is subjected to the _Venetians_. This we left on the left hand, and went towards another, now call’d _Liesana_, by _Ptolomy_ call’d _Pharia_, which lay about fifty leagues nearer to us. This we did soon make, and arrived in the port on Christmass-eve, which is close by the town, so that one can look very pleasantly into the wide open place. In the morning early at the breaking of the day, those in the town discharged some great guns for joy, which were in the next church standing near to the harbour, according to their ancient custom on such great holy-days. When these had begun, those also that were upon the castle, which is very strong, and lieth close to the town walls up very high, did discharge some; after them, those also that were upon the six gallies, that arrived in the harbour after us, did the same; at length it came also to our turn, that lay at anchor in the harbour, as well the little as the great ones, whereof there was a great many; there it began to bounce and crackle, for in our ship we had sixteen great ones, and it made such a noise in the harbour, that one would have thought all the buildings fell over one another. This shooting also occasioned so great and thick a smoak, that we could hardly see one another. After dinner we went ashore to buy good new bread, instead of our worm-eaten biskets, whereof, God be thanked, we found enough, which did refresh us very much. In this time the Priest that was dangerously ill of the bloody flux, was so well recover’d of it, that he with his comrades went over to _Ancona_, to go from thence to _Rome_. After we had rode at anchor in this harbour for four days, by reason of bad weather, we weighed at length, and came away to the ancient and famous town _Zara_, by _Ptolomy_ call’d _Jadera_, which is thought to be one hundred and fifty leagues. Between _Liesana_ and _Zara_ there lie abundance of small islands, where a great many pirates shelter themselves, that are call’d by a peculiar name _Scacki_. These sleep in the day time, and are here and there on high places, to take notice of the ships that go up and down, that they may fall upon them in the night, and take them at a disadvantage, so that it is very dangerous to ride there; and that so much the more, because the sea is hereabouts very narrow, by reason of the many islands that lie in it, wherefore the pilots must daily take care to get in good time into a port, where they may ride securely all night; nay, sometimes even the ships in the harbours are not secure from these _Scacki_ or pirates, for so it happened that we were once in a port at anchor in our voyage, which although it was very well secured and strong, yet we were not secure there from the _Scacki_’s; as it had happened in this same harbour but a year before, to a ship called _Cantarena_, (which the _Scacki_ did get into by night,) which came off greatly by the loss, so that they had great occasion to it; wherefore we divided ourselves into four parts, and so kept watch by turns all night long. While we thus kept watching, we saw them several times come in small boats, as if they were fisher-men, yet as I am informed, there are often forty, fifty and sixty men that lie hid in these small boats, and watch their opportunity to get near to the great ships, to board them, and enter upon them. Wherefore as soon as we saw that they would come to us, we cry’d out: _Fuoco, fuoco_, that is to say, _Fire_, to shoot off the guns at them; when they heard this, they presently answer’d: _Amici, amici_; that is to say, _we are friends_, and so they went away again. Now when we believed that we were escaped all danger, we got into a greater one by the oversight of our pilot; for when he had order to go to _Zara_, he did not obey this command, fearing that our ship-master would put him out there because of his ill behaviour, and take another in his room, wherefore that he might stay longer with us, he steered for the islands of _Vergetes_, thinking that because he could get over with gallies (whom he had all along generally served) he might also get over with a merchant-man (that was heavy laden, and so drew more water) safe and without any danger. But this did not succeed well, for when we sailed along between the islands, we lost the depth of water by degrees, and at last struck with a great cracking, so that we could expect nothing but shipwreck, which would of necessity have followed, if our rudder had not remained whole in this striking, and lifted up the poop of the ship, and so shoved the fore-part sidewards into the depth; to which success the swelling sails did not also contribute a little. So did God, our dear Lord, miraculously send that the ship, chiefly by the help of the rudder, which was at least three spans deeper in the water than the ship, got off and went on her way. Having escaped again this great misery and danger, we landed in another island, that was not far off; over-against which, on the side of _Dalmatia_, lieth the village _Mortera_, between two famous towns, _viz._ _Zara_ and _Sebernis_, by _Ptolemy_ called _Ficum_, on a mountain of this island, behind which lieth a good village, you may pleasantly see the whole situation, together with the confines of the _Turks_, very plainly; in this village we took up and lodged in it, until our sloop, that we had sent out to _Zara_ for another and more expert pilot, came back again. As soon as they arrived with the new pilot, we broke up again, embarked and sailed for _Venice_, whither we had about two hundred and fifty _Italian_ leagues. When we came out before the castle of St _Michael_, which lieth in the sea over-against _Zara_ on a high mountain, a north wind arose, with such a tempestuousness, that it had almost cast us towards _Italy_, had not our pilot (who knew the shores, and landing of ships, better than the former) done his best, and landed presently, which could not be done but with great might and labour, for we were bound to go against the wind, yet we accomplish’d it; which you may easily guess, for of those six gallies that met us in _Liesena_, but two could make our harbour (because they were not strong enough for the wind, altho’ they used their utmost force in rowing) the rest were forced to go back again, and shelter themselves behind the outward islands. Into the same harbour was also just before us run in, to shun the ill weather, a yatcht, that had about eleven men on board; they did pump out the water that was run in, and dry their sails upon the land, by which we did conjecture that they also had not been in small danger. We did send some of our men on board of them to know who they were; and they answered us, That they had letters from the Great Sultan, to their masters the _Venetians_, concerning a peace that was agreed upon, which their envoy at _Constantinople_ had sent by land to _Cattaro_, one of their towns, where they were delivered up to them, to carry them to _Venice_ with all possible speed. After this great storm was over, we went on again in our voyage. By the way I saw nothing worth mentioning, but now and then a village, where sometimes, if convenient, we landed, and staid there all night. In one of them, I found a great deal of saffron, which was very like unto that of _Vienna_, both in look and goodness. So at length we came to the large and very-deep Gulph, _Carnaro_, by which within lieth the town _Segna_, where the Windy-country endeth, and the _Hister-land_ beginneth. This Gulph is about an hundred miles long, and thirty broad, so that in clear weather one may see very well over it, but it is very dangerous to sail over it, and because of it’s great motion, it is easily discern’d from the sea from without; over this we came, God be thanked, very well, and landed at _Rovigna_, a small town situated on a high rock. This belongeth, as well as others thereabout, as _Pola_, _Parentza_, &c. to the _Venetians_, from whence to _Venice_ we have still about an hundred miles. But being that it is very dangerous to go from thence with large and loaden ships to _Venice_, therefore that republic doth keep there always several experienced pilots (to prevent farther mischief) that do nothing else but conduct the ships that arrive in _Histria_ safely thither. And these do not easily put off, unless they have very good mild and clear weather; which was the occasion that our ship did tarry there; so that we all, except the seamen which we left in the ship behind, went into a barge on the fourteenth day of _January_ late, and went all night long to _Venice_, where we all safely arrived the fifteenth of the same month about noon. At my arrival I met with some very good friends and acquaintance, with whom I stay’d for several days, to refresh and rest myself after the great hardships I had endur’d, and dangers I had ed. After they had made me very welcome, and shewn unto me all kindness and civility, and I had rested myself sufficiently, I resolved to travel with a _Venetian_ post into __ again; so we travell’d together from thence to _Treviso_, _Trent_, _Botzan_, _Inspruck_, _Amberga_, &c. (whereabouts I found my cousin _Hans Widholtz_, and _George Hindermayer Botzen_ riding by him, who kept me all that night with them in their inn) so at length I arrived on the twelft day of _February_ 1576, at _Augsburg_, my dear native country, to the great rejoycing of my dear parents and relations, which I found all in indifferent good health. I thank the Almighty, merciful and good God, that is one in his Essence, and three in Person, for all his mercies he hath bestow’d upon me, in all my great dangers and necessities, both by sea and land, for his dear Son Jesus Christ’s sake. Praise, glory, and thanks be unto him, for ever and ever. _Amen._ _End of Dr ~Rauwolff~’s Travels._ [Illustration] A COLLECTION OF CURIOUS TRAVELS and VOYAGES. VOL. II. CONTAINING OBSERVATIONS MADE _By several Learned and Famous MEN_, In their Journeys thro’ the LEVANT. _VIZ._ The ISLE of CANDY, GREECE, ÆGYPT, ASIA MINOR, _&c._ By Mons. _Belon_, _Prosper Alpinus_, Dr _Huntingdon_, Mr _Vernon_, Sir _George Wheeler_, Dr _Smith_, Mr _Greaves_, Father _Vansleb_, and others. To which are added, Two Itineraries to _Mecca_, and into _Æthiopia_. [Illustration] A COLLECTION OF CURIOUS TRAVELS and VOYAGES. VOL. II. CHAP. I. _Mr ~Belon~’s remarks in the island of ~Crete~ or ~Candy~._ The roots of mount _Ida_, call’d now by the natives _Psiloriti_, extend to both the shores of the island; when I was at the top, I not only saw under me all _Candy_, but some adjacent islands, as _Milo_, _Cerigo_, &c. The snow lies all the year long on this hill, whilst the plains underneath are extreamly scorch’d, and burnt up; it is so cold, that the shepherds cannot inhabit it in the summer-time, but are forced every night to descend, and leave their flocks of goats and sheep feeding. This mountain on one side, abounds with pleasant springs, woods, many sorts of trees, shrubs, and herbs, as Maples, _Ilices_ or Holm-oaks, _Arbutus_ and _Adrachne_, _Alaterni_, _Cisti Labdaniferi_, _Firrs_, _Cypress_, _Chamælea_, _Thymelea_, _Oxycedrus_, _Nerion_ or _Oleander_ with a white flower, _Olive-trees_, _Vines_, many _Legumes_ and _Pulse_. Near round this famous mountain _Ida_ are found _Salvia Pomifera_, which is carry’d to all the markets, _Caper-shrubs_, _Mandragora Mas & fœmina_, two kinds of _Pæony_ with a white flower, _Tragium seu Androsæmum fœtidum_, _Leontepetalum_, _Melilotus vera Odorata_, _Trifolium Mœnianthe_ (perhaps our _Palustre_) _Heliocryson_, which grows so thick as to cover and shelter the hares; _Stæchas Citrina_, two kinds of _Tragacanth_, which yield no gum in this island; _Staphis agria_, common up and down; _Coris_, a sort of _Hypericum_, with leaves like Heath or Tamarisks, grows plentifully, the root hath an unpleasant taste, and vomited me. The _Anagyris_ stinks so upon the roads, that it causes the head-ach, and scarce any animal will touch it. _Tithymalus Dendroides_, _Thapsia_, _Ferula_, _Libanotis_, and _Seseli_ abound. _Agriomelea frutex_, a sort of _Sorbus_ or _Cotonaster_; a fourth species of _Aristolochia_ different from those three describ’d by the ancients; it scandent like a Smilax. The _Coccus Baphica_ or _Kermes_ is found plentifully here upon an _Ilex_, the shepherds and boys gather it in _June_, separate the red animalcules from the vesicle or excrescence by sieves, and form them into balls very gently for sale, for if they are squeezed or press’d, they dissolve, and the colour perishes. The _Dictamnus_ grows only between the fissures of the rocks, but the _Pseudo dictamus_ in other places. _Lotus Arbor_, _Zizyphus_ or _Jujube_, _Scolymnus Chrisanthemos_, call’d commonly _Ascolimbros_, whose milky root and young leaves make a common dish, _Tithymalus Myrsinites_ and _Paralius_ in the mountainous and maritime places, as also a _Gnaphalium candicans littoream_, and a wild _Brassica_, _Chamæsyce_ and _Soldanella_, a _Dracunculus_ with an Ivy-leaf; the _Halimus_ makes their common hedges up and down the island, the tops are edulous; _Agnus Castus_, _Sedum fruticescens_, _Thymum legitimum_, which last serves them for common fuel; the _Thymbra_ or _Satureia vulgaris_, all loaded with _Epithymum_ or _Didder_; the _Tribulus Terrestris_ is very noxious to their fields, and Pulse; _Scammonea_ or _Schammony_ in hilly places, _Sesamum_ and _Xylon_, or Cotton, are sown in _April_; Pitch is boyl’d out of the Pines on the mountains. There is none of our _Asparagus_, but instead of it two prickly kinds, call’d _Corruda_ and _Politricha_. Ten varieties of wild _Anemone_’s. There is a sort of Artichoak, call’d by the shepherds _Agriocinara_, whose turbinated root is sold by many Druggists for the _Costus Indicus_, the tops are eaten, the flower is white, sometimes purple. There is a sort of _Carline_ thistle, call’d _Chamœlion Albus_, whose odorate root sweats out a Gum which the women in _Candy_ chew, as they in _Scio_ do Mastich, or they in _Lemnos_ the Gum of a _Condrilla_. Two sorts of _Acanthus_, one soft, the other prickly. The inhabitants have not left off the old manner of preserving the tops of an _Anonis_, as also the tender shoots of an _Eryngium_. The island affords three kinds of _Origanum_, a sort of Squill or Sea-onion, _Orobus_, _Securidaca_, and many other legumes. It abounds with _Terebinths_ and Mastich-trees, Laurels, Styrax, and arborescent _Ricinus_, or _Palma-Christi_; _Aspalathus_, and a _Genisto spartium_ call’d _Echinopoda_. The _Ibex_, or _Steinbock_, a swift nimble animal, whose horns are heavy and long for the bulk of the creature, frequents the rocky mountains; there is also the _Strepsiceros_, a sort of _Gazella_. The bird call’d _Merops_ and _Apiastrum_, or _Beeater_, a sort of _Woodpecker_, is common in the island, catches Bees, and feeds on them in the air. The _Attagen_ and _Francolino_, as also a white large Partridge, frequent the mountains; Eagles, Vultures, and Falcons build on the rocks. The fish call’d _Scarus_, which I never observed in the _Euxine_, _Propontis_, or any other part of the Mediterranean-sea, is common on the coasts of _Candy_, and is generally taken at the same season that the inhabitants rake and gather their sweet _Labdanum_, or _Ladanum_; the only bait for this fish is made of the leaves of a _Phaseolus_, which they swallow very greedily. I observed only three kinds of Serpents in this island, the first is call’d by the country people _Ophis_; the second _Ochendra_; the third _Tephloti_; but none of these is venemous; I saw one bite and draw blood, but without any harm. Hence the ancients might say, that _Crete_ nourish’d no poisonous animal. The _Phalangium_ is common up and down; it weaves webbs like other Spiders, to catch it’s prey, as Butterflies and Flies, and other insects. It lays about sixty eggs, carries and hatches them under it’s belly; it fights much with the _Ichneumon_ Wasp. The stone call’d _Dactylus Idæus_, or _Belemnites_, erroneously taken and sold for the _Lapis Lyncis_, is plentiful on mount _Ida_. The _Vinum malvaticum_, or _Pramnium_, as also the _Moschatell_, are made here, and transported up and down. For a full catalogue of such vegetables as grow in the island of _Candy_, together with their synonymous names and places, the reader may be pleased to consult Mr _Ray_’s _Collection of Exotic Catalogues_, publish’d this year at _London_, and annex’d to the end of this Second Volume, amongst which the _Cretic_ plants are all drawn together out of _Bellonius_, _Honorio Belli_, _Alpinus_, _Pona_, &c. [Illustration] CHAP. II. _A Description of mount ~Athos~, commonly call’d ~Monte Santo~, by Mr ~Belon~._ This famous mountain so celebrated by the ancients, stands in a peninsula or promontory of _Macedonia_, stretching out into the _Ægæan_-sea; it’s shadow reaches to _Lemnos_ or _Stalamine_; it is inhabited only by monks, call’d _Caloyers_, who never marry, tho’ other priests of the _Greek_ church do. These _Caloyers_ abstain from all flesh, and even from sanguineous fishes in Lent-time; they live very hardly and severely; their ordinary dish is pickled Olives, not green like ours, but black and ripe, dry’d without pickle. There are about six thousand of these Monastics, that inhabit several places of this mountain, on which are seated twenty four large old monastries, encomed with high and strong walls, for defence against pyrates and other robbers, tho’ they who spare nobody are kind and indulgent to the _Caloyers_. In these monastries the ceremonies of the _Greek_ church are most diligently and strictly observed, and these _Caloyers_ or monks are the most reverenced of any belonging to that communion; the _Turks_ themselves will often send them alms, being taken with the sanctity of their lives; and the monks who inhabit mount _Sinai_, mount _Libanos_, the desarts of St _Anthony_, _Jerusalem_, and other holy places, are always the more valued and respected, if they have lived before on mount _Athos_, which is in as great esteem and veneration amongst the _Greeks_ as _Rome_ among the _Latins_. This place is under the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of _Constantinople_, who pays about twelve thousand ducats _per Anum_ to the Grand Signior, upon the of the _Europæan Greek_ church. The Patriarchs of _Alexandria_, _Damascus_, _Antioch_, &c. give also their particular sums to the _Turk_, who gives liberty of religion to all that pay tribute. Of these six thousand religious, or _Caloyers_ of mount _Athos_, none lead idle lives, as most of the monks in other places do, but every one hath his daily employment; some labour with the ax, spade, and sickle, dress their vineyards, cut trees, build fishing-vessels; others carry sacks full of provision, bread, and onions; some spin and weave, their distaff being made of the _Arundo Donax_, and their spindle of the herb call’d _Attractilis_; some are Taylors, Bricklayers, and Carpenters; they are generally cloath’d like hermits. This mountain is about three days journey long, and may be seen about thirty leagues off at sea; the monastries are at some distance; they give such provisions as they have _gratis_ to all travellers whatsoever, as pickled or dry’d olives, raw onions, salted beans, bisket, salted fish, sometimes fresh, for they often go a fishing, their vessels or boats being cut without great difficulty out of the thick trunks of Plane-trees; their nets, for want of Cork, are ed with _Gourds_, as they are in the _Propontis_ with the bark of _Pines_. The chief monastry is call’d _Ageas Laura_, and fronts the isle of _Lemnos_, it contains about three hundred _Caloyers_ or _Greek_ monks; those that look towards the continent of _Macedonia_, have all their peculiar names, and contain some two hundred, others one hundred and fifty _Caloyers_. Formerly there were good _Greek_ manuscripts in these monastries, but now none at all, unless of Theology; no Poets, no Historians, no Philosophers, not one of the monks learned, of six thousand scarce above two or three know how to write or read, so degenerated and depress’d is the _Greek_ nation at present; they use wax candles and lamps in their churches, as also statues, pictures and bells; they have no poultry, pigeons, or any other birds; nor sheep nor cows, nor goats; because they abstain from all flesh; they hunt no game, tho’ there is great variety and plenty, only fish near the shore. I observed abundance of those birds, call’d _Molliceps_, a sort of Chaffinch, as also of the _Torquilla_, or _Wrynecks_. No people have the privilege of living on this mountain but these _Caloyers_. Mount _Athos_ abounds with many rare plants, but because many of them are already mentioned to grow near mound _Ida_ in _Candia_; I shall industriously omit to name such of them in this place. I observed here the _Apion_ (a sort of knobbed _Spurge_) which the _Caloyers_ themselves know to be purgative. _Hippoglossum_ or Horse-tongue, _Veratrum nigrum_, or black Hellebore, common in the valleys; Beach, Hornbean, Service, Oleaster, Myrtles, Oleander with a red flower, several Bindweeds running up to the high tops of the Plane-trees, which here vie in height with the Cedars of _Libanus_, or the Firs of _Olympus_. There is a sort of _Cantharides_ on this hill call’d _Buprestis_, of a yellowish colour, very fœtid, feeding on brambles, succory, nettle, conyza, and other herbs; if any beast swallow this insect, they swell and die. There is a sort of Cray-fish in the fresh rivulets, which the _Caloyers_ eat raw, and I myself found the taste of them very sweet and pleasant; they do not crawl up from the sea, but breed in the streams above. There is a plant in the valleys call’d _Elegia_, perhaps a species of _Arundo_, whose branches serve instead of writing-pens, for neither the _Turks_ nor _Greeks_ know the use of quills. The _Caloyers_ brought us several things to eat, as rocket, roots of smallage, the bulbs of leeks, cucumbers, onions, garlic, which we eat without either oyl or vinegar; black olives, course bisket and wine; they also regaeld us with salted and dry’d fish, _Sepia_’s, _Polypi_, and _Loligines_, Crabbs, and other crustaceous and testaceous animals. These monks had rather die than eat flesh upon any occasion. We ascended to the very top of mount _Athos_, where we could not long endure the cold; we saw from thence many adjacent provinces and islands, as _Cassandria_, _Scyton_, _Lemnos_, _Thasson_, _Samothracen_, _Imbron_, &c. In our descent we observed Firrs, and Pitch-trees, which differ’d a little from those of mount _Ida_, for in these the cones adher’d so close to the branches, they would not separate; besides, these were very smooth, whereas the others were scabrous. There being no haven under this mountain, the _Caloyers_ are forced to draw their fishing-vessels ashore, and place them behind iron gates, lest the pyrates should set fire to them. They exchange their grapes, olives, figgs, onions, garlic, beans, and legumes with the mariners, who bring them some wheat; they have mills on the streams of the hill. They press an oil out of their Bay-berries, which they send into _Wallachia_, _Bulgaria_, and _Servia_, where it is sold. They take abundance of the long Oyster or _Langouste_. The multitude of springs and streams, the variety of herbage and ever-greens, the woods and pleasant shoar, do all render mount _Athos_ one of the most charming places in the world. [Illustration] CHAP. III. _An of a journey by land from mount ~Athos~, to ~Constantinople~; wherein the gold and silver mines of ~Macedonia~, together with many antiquities and natural rarieties are described._ Leaving mount _Athos_, we travelled in two days to _Saloniki_, formerly called _Thessalonica_, and in two days more we reached _Siderocapsa_, the _Chrysites_ of the ancients, where now the _Turks_, and many other nations work the rich ores, which afford yearly a very considerable treasure, and make the place much frequented and resorted to. ’Tis situated amongst the valleys, at the foot of high mountains, and yields monthly to the Grand Signior, for his share only, above 18000 gold ducats, and sometimes 30000 clear of all disbursements. There are about five or six hundred furnaces dispers’d up and down these mountains, which abound with great varieties of _Pyrites_, _Marchasites_, and other ores, which they work in a different manner from the _Germans_ and _Spaniards_: Their furnaces and work-houses are all placed on the sides of rivulets, for all their bellows play with wheels turn’d by streams of water. The white foot of the chimneys is called _Spodus_ and _Pompholix_, as it differs in colour, of which above ten pounds may be gathered every week. They separate the lead from the gold and silver by particular fusions, then the silver from the gold by _Aqua fortis_: Out of the gold, they coin their ducats, which are very flexible, and esteem’d the purest gold in the world, always clean and resplendent. From these metallic mountains we saw mount _Athos_, and great part of _Macedonia_, which appear’d hilly. I observed here two serpents never seen before by me; the _Greeks_ called them _Sapidi_ or _Sapiti_, which comes near to _Seps_, or _Sips_. The inhabitants of _Syderocapsa_ gather abundance of the _Rhus_ or _Sumach_, which they use in preparing their skins, and tanning their leather, which the _Ægyptians_ do with the pods of their _Acacia_, the _Natolians_ with the cups of the acorns of a dwarf Oak called _Esculus_, the _Illyrians_ with a black Myrtle (perhaps the _Rhus Myrtifolia_), the _French_ with Oak bark, the _Lesbians_ and _Phrygians_ with the bark of the _Picea_. The workmen use several machines in working and drawing up the ores, according as the veins lie: These works employ above 6000 men. In a lake near _Syderocapsa_, I took notice of several fishes, as one called _Laros_ by the natives (because the Gulls feed much upon it) by the _Latins Gania_, by the _French_, _Mouatte_, by those of _Diepe_ and _Newport_, _Marue_. Another called _Claria_, by those of _Lyons_, _Lotte_; by the _Parisans_, _Barbotte_. Also the _Liparis_, the Perch, young Mullets, _&c._ In the adjacent country, there are fallow Deer, Buffalo’s, wild Boar, Goats, red Deer, and our roe Deer, Porcupines, Urchins, Wolfs, Foxes, Hares; the _Chamois_, or _Rupicapra_; the _Tragelaphus_ different from the _Hippelaphus_. Leaving _Syderocapsa_, we spent two days in getting to _Cavalla_, anciently called _Boucephala_, whereas we might have gone by sea in half a day: In this journey we saw the river _Strymon_, and on it Swans, and other birds like Pelicans: At the mouth of this river, are seen the remains of a place called by the natives _Chrysopolis_, tho’ _Pliny_ puts it not far from _Chalcedon_. We saw _Ceres_ the _Cranon_ of the antients; afterwards _Tricala_, and so by the side of the mountain _Despota_, thro’ a great plain to _Philippi_, near which are many villages and several mines. We observed hereabouts Misseltoe on the Oak, as also in many other places of _Macedonia_, where they make birdlime. The ground is very much over-run with the _Paliurus_ and _Rhamnus_. The ruins of _Philippi_, are about two days journey from _Trica_ or _Tricala_, and _Philippi_ scarce three more from _Philippolis_. These were great roads in the time of the _Roman_ empire, now heaps of rubbish, and sepulchres of marble with inscriptions. The isle of _Tasso_ is but six hours distant, and from thence this great quantity of white marble might have easily been fetch’d. The magnificence of _Philippi_ may be guess’d at from the number of these noble monuments and inscriptions, from the fair amphitheatre still entire with it’s marble seats; ’Tis not oval, as those at _Otricoli_ and _Rome_, but spherical, as those at _Verona_ and _Nismes_: There are also _Doric_ and _Ionic_ pillars, with many statues belonging to the temple of _Divus Claudius_. At _Cavalla_, or _Boucephala_, there are still great cisterns of hardened Cement (as at _Baiæ_) and _Aquæducts_. Departing from _Cavalla_, we ’d by mount _Hæmus_, over the river _Nesus_, and came to _Bouron_ on the salt lake of _Bisto_, near a moist plain, full of _Cytisus_, _Halimus_, _&c._ as about _Philippi_. Here are taken great quantity of Dace, or Dare, which they pickle as we do Herrings, as also smoak and dry them. The fishing on this lake is very considerable, for from hence they supply many distant places. About six hours from _Bouron_, we came to _Commercina_, where they sell great variety of provisions; from thence we went to _Cypsella_, where they make Alum by gently calcining the stone, and letting it dissolve afterwards in the air by the dews and rains, and then boiling and crystallizing the impregnated water. In this journey we saw many old _Roman_ highways pav’d with great stones. We ed the _Marisca_, of old _Hebrus_, in a ferry, and came to _Vire_; here they wash some gold out of the sand, but are often forced to use Quicksilver in the separation. The water of _Hebrus_ is very cold in the middle of summer, and the banks are set with Tamarisks; King’s-fishers build they nests in holes on the sides, they make them of the bones and scales of little fishes. The natives hereabout often leave their habitations to work in harvest time: Their sickles differ from ours, and their corn is not thresh’d but trodden with cattle. In this journey we found great variety and plenty of _Jaspars_ and _Chalcedony_. The _Thracians_ and _Macedonians_ gather all the galls or excrescences on the Turpentine-trees, which they sell at _Prusa_, for the dying of silks. This country abounds much with Tortoises, for the _Greeks_ never eat nor destroy them, unless they catch them in their gardens or plantations of Cotton and _Sesamum_. We left the road of _Gallipoli_ on the right, and came to _Rodesto_, the old _Perinthus_, from thence we left _Heraclea_ on the left, and past _Selibria_, a days journey distant from _Constantinople_. The honey of _Heraclea_ is said to be pernicious, perhaps because the country abounds with the _Chamæleon niger_ (a sort of _Carlina_) to whose root adheres a very venomous excrescence called _Ixia_, which may affect the Bees that feed on that plant. I found hereabouts a milky plant (perhaps an _Apocynum_) with the leaves and flower of a _Nerion_, or the purple _Lysimachia_. _Thrace_ is an open country without trees, like _Picardy_; the great plains are divided here and there with ridges and little hills: About three miles before we came to _Constantinople_, we ’d two long wooden bridges that run over the salt marshes, upon which are many boats and mills, with eight wings or arms: On these lakes there is a great fishery, as also on the _Propontis_, for the Oriental People (as other nations of old) are more delighted with the fish diet than with that of quadrupeds or birds. This may be one reason why the books of the ancients treat more of fish than of fowl, or any other animals. [Illustration] CHAP. IV. _The ways of fishing on the ~Propontis~, the ~Bosphorus~, and ~Hellespont~; as also of the fishes taken. By M. ~Belon~._ These seas abound extremely with fish that between the _Euxine_ and _Mediterranean_, into which abundance of great fresh rivers empty themselves. The streights and shoars are full of little wood cottages (wherein the Fishermen watch and observe the several shoals) and great variety of nets, both loose and fastened to poles, of several figures, for the taking both of great and small frys: There is also the hook and bait-fishing up and down with long lines; the train and hand-nets, _&c._ Besides all these ways, they practise another manner of fishing by lighted torches in dark calm nights, whereby they find the great fishes asleep, and strike them very silently with sharp tridents and hooked engines: This they find the most convenient for taking the greater sorts of fish, which often break their nets and lines. The common fishes of these _Streights_ are, the Tunny, and the Pelamis, Mackrel, Scads, Giltheads, Mullets, Gurnards, Sheath-fish, Sword-fish, the Dolphin, different from our Porpess, the Wolf-fish, Lampreys, the Muræna, Sphyrena, Melanurus, Salpa, Sargus, Mena, Atherina, Exocætus which serve for baits to catch Congers, Celerinus, Sardina, Polypus, Loligo, Erythrinus, _&c._ The Garus, so common in the shops of _Constantinople_, is prepared here only out of the sanies, or, ichor of the salted intestines of the Mackrel and Scads. The red Cavear is not made of the eggs or roe of the Sturgeon, but out of the _Cyprinus_. (Q. _Whether the author means the Bream or Carp._) CHAP. V. _Of some Beasts and mechanic trades at ~Constantinople~._ Near the _Hippodromus_ at _Constantinople_, I observed some rare animals, which the _Turkish_ Emperors are much delighted with, as the _Onager_, the _Hystrix_, the _Lupus Cervarius_, the _Lynx_, the _Ponticus Mus_, or _Ermine_, many rare Weasils and odd Cats. The _Turks_ not using the Printing Trade, they levigate and polish their writing paper in box frames, by rubbing it with the _Chalcedony_ and Jaspar-stones, put at the end of sticks. They damask their cymeters with a blewish colour, by macerating _Sal Armoniac_ and Verdigrease in vinegar, and steeping the blades in this mixture, often pouring fresh upon them, this acts upon the steel, and renders it of that colour upon polishing. They granulate leather for scabbards. In the Cutlers shops one sees great variety of Horns, Teeth, _&c._ as of Bufalo’s, Gazels, Morse-teeth, and other Tusks. They colour their linnen with great variety, and with many figures, which they cut in wood and there paint, afterwards stamp and press it upon the linnen, or silk, as in printing upon paper, they first polish their linnen or cottons with pastes of fine flower. The inhabitants on these _Streights_, gather abundance of a broad leaved _Alga_, which they mix with a fat earth, and so cover their houses with it: The current running so strong, casts out great variety of marine productions, as _Alcyonium_, or _Arkeilli_, _Antipathos_ (a sort of Coralline.) _Mr ~Francis Vernon~’s Letter, written to Mr ~Oldenburg~, ~Jan. 10. 1675/6~, giving a short of some of his Observations in his travels from ~Venice~ through ~Istria~, ~Dalmatia~, ~Greece~, and the ~Archipelago~, to ~Smyrna~, where this letter was written._ _SIR_, I must beg your excuse for not having written to you in so long a space: The little rest I have had, and the great unsettledness of my condition is the reason. Neither have I now any great curiosities to impart to you; only some small circumstances of my journey I will run over. From _Venice_ I set out with those gallies which carried their Embassador that went for the _Porte_. We touch’d at most of the considerable towns of _Istria_ and _Dalmatia_ by the way. In _Istria_ we saw _Pola_, an ancient Repuplic. There remains yet an amphitheatre entire; it is of two orders of _Tuscan_ pillars, placed one over another, and the lower pillars stand on pedestals, which is not ordinary; for, commonly they have nothing but their bases to them. There is, besides a temple dedicated to _Rome_ and _Augustus_, a triumphal arch, built by a lady of the family of the _Sergii_, in honour of some of her kindred, which commanded in these countries; besides several inscriptions and ancient monuments, which are in divers parts of the town. In _Dalmatia_ I saw _Zahara_, which is now the metropolis of the country. It was anciently called _Jadera_. It is now very well fortified, being encomed on three sides with the sea, and that part which is toward the land extremely advantaged by all the contrivances of art, having a castle and a rampart of very lofty bastions to guard it. I found here several ancient inscriptions, by me copied, which will not find room in the com of a letter. We ’d in sight of _Zebenico_, and saw three forts, which belong to the town, St _Nicolo_, St _Gioanni_, and _la fortezza Vecchia_; but we went not ashore. That which is most worth seeing in _Dalmatia_, is _Spalatro_, where is _Dioclesian_’s palace, a vast and stupendious fabric, in which he made his residence when he retreated from the empire; it is as big as the whole town, for the whole town indeed is patch’d up out of it’s ruins, and is said by some to take it’s name from it. The building is massive; there is within it an entire temple of _Jupiter_, eight square, with noble porphyry pillars, and cornish, worth any body’s iration. There is a court before it, adorned with _Ægyptian_ pillars of that stone called _Pyropoicilos_, and a temple under it, now dedicated to St _Lucia_; and up and down the town several fragments of antiquity, with inscriptions and other things worth taking notice of. Four miles from _Spalatro_ is _Salona_, which shews the ruins of a great town. About as much farther from _Salona_, stands _Clissa_, upon a rocky hill, an eminent fortress of the _Venetians_, which is here the frontier against the _Turk_, from whence they repulsed him in their late wars with great honour. I was at _Lesina_, where is nothing very remarkable; but _Blondi_, that hath written our _English History_, was of it. _Trau_ is ancient, and hath good marks of it’s being so. Here I spoke with Dr _Stasileo_, who put out that fragment of _Petronius Arbiter_, and I saw his manuscript. I was in the Harbour of _Ragusi_, but not in the town, because we made no stay there. From hence we ’d the gulph of _Budua_, and saw the mountains of _Antivari_, the plain of _Durazzo_ and _Apollonia_, and came to _Sassino_ a small island, from whence we could see the town of _Valona_, and the mountains _Acroceraunii_, which are very near, and are now called mountains of _Chimæra_. I staid a fortnight in _Corfu_, and had time to view all that was considerable in the island, particularly the gardens of _Alcinous_, that is, the place where they are supposed to have been, now called _Chrysida_, a most delicious situation: The ancient port, now called Νεκροθάλατσα and several foundations of ancient fabrics. In _Zante_ I was likewise a fortnight, where I saw but little of Antiquity: What is modern is very flourishing, and the island rich and plentiful. I went from _Zante_ to _Patras_, a town in _Achaja_, of good note among the ancients. Near it is a great mountain, mentioned by _Homer_, by the name of _Petra Olenia_. In the town are several massive ruins, which few there know how to give any of. There are the remains of a large church, dedicated to St _Andrea_, who, they say, was martyr’d there. This is the first town I saw on the continent of _Greece_. The plain about it is very fruitful, full of springs and rivulets; finely wooded with Olive-trees, Cypresses, Orange and Lemon-trees. The Citrons here are counted among the best of the _Turkish_ empire, and are sent for presents to _Constantinople_. So are all their fruits in very good esteem. In _Athens_ I have spent two months. Next to _Rome_ I judge it most worthy to be seen for antiquities of any I have yet been at. The temple of _Minerva_ is as entire as the _Rotunda_. I was three times in it, and took all the dimentions with what exactness I could; but it is difficult, because the castle of _Athens_, in which it stands, is a garrison, and the _Turks_ are jealous, and brutishly barbarous, if they take notice that any measures it. The length of the _cella_ or body of the temple without side, is 168 } Feet _English_. The breadth 71 } The _portico_ of the _Doric_ order, which runs round it, hath eight pillars in front, seventeen on the sides; the length of the _portico_ is 230 feet _English_. I have taken all the dimensions within, with those of the προναὸς and _porticos_; but they are too long for a letter. The _fuste_ or shaft of the pillars is 19½ feet in circumference: The _intercolumnium_ 1¼ of the diameter of the pillars. These measures you may rely on as exact to half a foot. The temple of _Theseus_ is likewise entire, but it is much less, though built after the same model. The length of it’s _cella_ is but 73 feet, the breadth 26. The whole length of the _portico_, which goes round it 123 feet. ’Tis a _Doric_ building, as is that of _Minerva_. Both of them are of white marble. About the cornish on the outside of the temple of _Minerva_ is a _basso relievo_ of men on horseback, others in chariots, and a whole procession of people going to a sacrifice, of very curious sculpture. On the front is the history of the birth of _Minerva_. In the temple of _Theseus_, on the front within side the _portico_, at the west end, is the battel of the _Centauri_, and at the east end seems to be a continuation of that history: But there are several figures of women, which seem to be _Pirithous_’s bride, and those other ladies which were at the wedding. On the outside the _portico_, in the spaces between the _Triglyphi_, are several of the prowesses of _Theseus_, most in wrestling with several persons, in which he excelled: All his postures and looks are expressed with great art. Others are monsters, which he is made encountering with, as the bull of _Marathon_, the bear of _Calydon_, _&c._ There is a temple of _Hercules_, a round fabric, only six feet diameter, but neat Architecture. The pillars are of the _Corinthian_ order, which an _urchitrave_ and _frise_, wherein are done in _relievo_ the labours of _Hercules_. The top is but one stone, wrought like a shield, with a flower on the outside, which riseth like a plume of feathers. There is yet standing the tower of _Andronicus Cirrhestes_, which is an octogon, with the figures of eight winds, which are large, and of good workmanship; and the names of the winds remain legible in fair _Greek_ characters, where a house, which is built against it on one side, does not hinder, as ἁπηλίωτης, ευρος, βορεας, σκιρων, ζεφυρος· Each wind placed against it’s quarter in the heavens: And the roof is made of little planks of marble, broad at bottom, and which meet all in a point at top, and make an obtuse parymid of 32 or 36 sides. There is a delicate temple of the _Conic_ order in the castle, whether of _Pandrosus_, or whom, I cannot tell, but the work was most fine, and all the ornaments most accurately engraven: The length of this temple was 67 } The breadth 38 } feet. These pillars, which remain of a portico of the Emperor _Adrian_, are very stately and noble: They are of the _Corinthian_ order, and above 52 feet in height, and 19½ in circumference: They are cannellate, and there are now standing seventeen of them, which part of their cornish on the top. The building to which they belonged, I measured the area of, as near as I could conjecture, and found it near a thousand feet in length, and about six hundred and eighty in breadth. Without the town, the bridge over the _Elissus_ hath three arches of solid stone work; the middlemost is near 20 feet broad. There is the _stadium_ yet to be seen, whose length I measured, and found it 630 feet, near to what the precise measure of a _stadium_ ought to be, _viz._ 625. Towards the southern wall of the castle, there are the remains of the theatre of _Bacchus_, with the portico of _Eumenes_, which is near it; the semi-diameter, which is the right sine of the demi-circle which makes the theatre, is about 150 feet, the whole body of the scene 256. Monsieur _de la Guilliotiere_, in that book he hath written of _Athens_ hath made a cut of a theatre, which he calls that of _Bacchus_, which is a meer fancy and invention of his own, nothing like the natural one, which by the plan he has drawn of the town, I judge he did not know. I give you this one hint, that you may not be deceived by that book, which is wide from truth, as will appear to any body who sees the reality, though to one who hath not seen it, it seems plausibly written. I have dwelt long on _Athens_, but yet have said nothing. This town alone deserves a whole book to discourse of it well, which now I have neither time nor room to do; but I have memorials by me of all I saw, which one day, if it please God, I may shew you. _Thebes_ is a large town, but I found few antiquities in it, excepting some inscriptions and fragments of the old wall, and one gate, which, they say, was left by _Alexander_, when he demolish’d the rest. It is about fifty miles distant from _Athens_, as I judge. _Corinth_ is two days journey distant; the castle, or Ἀκροκόρινθος, is standing, which is very large. The main of the town is demolished, and the houses, which now are scatter’d, and a great distance from one another. So is _Argos_, which to go round would be about four or five miles, as the houses now stand; but if they stood together, they would scarce exceed a good village. _Napolo della Rumilia_ is a large town, and full of inhabitants, and the Bashaw of the _Morea_ resides there: It is but very few leagues distant from _Argos_. _Sparta_ is quite forsaken, and _Mestra_ is the town which is inhabited, four miles distant from it: But one sees great ruins thereabout; almost all the walls, several towers and foundations of temples with pillars and chapiters demolished: A theatre pretty entire. It might have been anciently nigh five miles in com, and about a quarter of a mile distant from the river _Eurotus_. The plain of _Sparta_ and of _Laconia_ is very fruitful; and long, and well watered. It will be about eighty miles in length, as I judge. The mountains on the west side of it very high, the highest I have yet seen in _Greece_; the _Maniotes_ inhabit them. But the plain of _Calamatta_, which anciently was that of _Messene_, seems rather richer. _Corone_ is very abundant in Olives. _Navarrino_, which is esteemed the ancient _Pylos_, hath a very strong castle, fortified by the _Turks_, and is the best port in all the _Morea_. _Alpheus_ is much the best river, and the deepest, and with great reason extolled by all the ancient Poets, and chosen for the seat of the _Olympic_ games, for it is very pleasant. The plains of _Elis_ are very fine and large, fit for to breathe horses in, and for hunting, but not so fruitful as that of _Argos_ and _Messene_, which are all riches. The best woods I saw in _Peloponnesus_, are those of _Achaia_, abounding with Pines and wild Pear, the _Ilex_ and _Esculus_-trees, and, where there runs water with Plane-trees. _Arcadia_ is a champain fine country, and full of cattle, but is all encom’d with hills, which are very rough and unhewn. _Lepanto_ is very pleasantly seated on the Gulph, which runs up as far as _Corinth_; and without the town, is one of the finest fountains I saw in _Greece_, very rich in veins of water, and shaded with huge Plane-trees, not inferior in any thing to the spring of _Castalia_ on mount _Parnassus_, which runs through _Delphos_, except in this, that one was chosen by the Muses, and the other not; and poetical fancies have given immortality to the one, and never mentioned the other. _Delphos_ itself is very strangely situated on a rugged hill, to which you have an ascent of about two or three leagues, and yet that is not a quarter of the way to come up to the pique of _Parnassus_, on the side of which hill it stands: It seems very barren to the eye, but the fruits are very good, where there are any. The wines are excellent, and the plants and simples, which are found there, very fragrant, and of great efficacy. About _Lebadia_, and all through _Bæotia_, the plains are very fertile, and make amends for the barrenness of the hills which encom them: But in winter they are apt to be overflown for that reason, and to be turn’d into lakes, which renders the _Bæotian_ air very thick, and so were their skulls too, if the ancients may be believed concerning them; though _Pindar_, who was one that sublimated poetry to it’s highest exaltation, and is much fancied and imitated in our age, as he was ired in his own, was born there: And _Amphion_, who was said to be so divine in his music, that he ravished the very stones, had skill enough to entice them to make up the walls of _Thebes_: So that not every thing that is born in a dull air is dull. These vales I found much planted with Cotton, _Sesamum_ and _Cummin_, of which they make great profit, and a great trade at _Thebes_ and _Lebadia_. I went from _Thebes_ into the island of _Eubæa_, or _Negropont_, and saw the _Euripus_, which ebbs and flows much after the nature of our tides, only the Moon, and sometimes Winds, make it irregular. The channel, which runs between the town and a castle which stands in an island over against it, is about fifty feet broad; and there are three mills on it, which shew all the changes and varieties that happen in the current. Near the _Euripus_, and opposite to the town, they shew a port, which they say was _Aulis_, and it is not improbable, for it must be thereabouts, Between _Negropont_ and _Athens_, is a high hill, called Ἀγιομακοῦρι, formerly very dangerous, but now guarded by _Albaneses_. It is part of mount _Parnasse_, and near it, on the left hand, lies mount _Pentelicus_, from whence the _Athenians_ anciently fetch’d their stone, and now there is a convent of _Caloyers_ there, one of the richest of all _Greece_. In going from _Athens_ by sea, I embarked in a port, which lies just by _Munichia_. That which they call _Porto Pyræo_, lies behind it a mile distant, which is a large port able to contain 500 vessels. There are the ruins of the town yet remaining, and of the walls, which ed it to the city of _Athens_. I sailed by _Porto Phalero_ the ancient haven of _Athens_, which is rather a road than a port. I saw an island called Φλέβες, where the _Athenians_ had anciently mines. I went ashore on the promontory of _Sunium_, to view the remains of the temple of _Minerva_, which stood on it. Hence I sailed among the isles of the _Archipelago_, _Macronesia_, _Thermea_, _Serphanto_, _Siphanto_, till I came to _Melo_. From _Melo_ I sailed through the _Cyclades_ to come hither. I ’d by _Andros_, _Tenos_, _Mycone_, _Delos_: _Nuxia_ and _Paros_ I saw at a distance. We sailed near the northern cape of _Scio_, and the southern of _Myteline_ or _Lesbos_, and so came into the gulph of _Smyrna_. Within this gulph stands _Burlæ_, near some small islands, which is judged to be the ancient, _Clazomenæ_: _Foja_, which is same with the ancient _Phocæa_. Near this, the river _Hermus_ discharges itself into this gulph. In this my journey, I had some misadventures. My companion, Sir _Giles Eastcourt_, died by the way. At sea I was plunder’d by the _Serphiotes_, where I lost all my letters, and yours among the rest, which you sent to my Lord Embassador at _Constantinople_, and Consul _Rycaut_, whom I find here a very civil and knowing gentleman, and am much obliged to him for his favours. I have been as curious as I could in taking the latitudes of some remarkable places: As I find them, I shall give them you. _Gr._ _M._ _Athens_ 38 5 _Corinth_ 38 14 _Sparta_ 37 10 _Corone_ 37 2 _Patras_ 38 40 _Delphos_ 38 50 _Thebes_ 38 22 _Negropont_ or _Chalcis_ 38 31 I desire you to present my humble services to the gentlemen of the _Royal Society_. _I am_, &c. [Illustration] _Some plants observed by Sir ~George Wheeler~, in his voyage to ~Greece~ and ~Asia minor~._ In the _Scoglio_, or island of St _Andre_, on the shore of _Istria_, _Scorpioides Limonii foliis, floribus luteis_. _Limonium reticulatum._ _Sideritis spinosa._ _Draba cærulea Cretica._ _Convolvulus rectus argenteis foliis._ _Polium Creticum, &c._ On the rocks near _Pota_ in _Istria_: _Cassia Poëtarum._ _Trifolium Saxatile hirsutissimum._ _Genista montana arborescens._ _Tordilium sive Seseli Creticum._ _Tragoriganum Creticum, vel potius Satureia hyberna nostras._ _Polium Rorismarini foliis._ _Salvia fruticosa._ Abundance of _Samphire_, and a curious bulbose plant, crested with little flowers striped with white and cinnamon colour. Near _Mortaro_, thirty miles from _Zara_: _Planta lactescens Altheæ foliis_; it was not blown, (it might either be a _Tithymal_, an _Apocinum_, or _Campanula major lactescens Lobel_.) _Eryngium luteum monspeliense, &c._ On the great rock near _Clissa_: _Aster verbasci foliis._ _Jacea incana seu argentea Alpin. in Exot._ _Lotus odoratus._ _Horminum creticum._ _Satureia citrii odore._ _Aster montanus folio odorato, forsan Aster montanus luteus glabro Salicis folio ~Bauhin.~_ _Libanotis Ferulæ facie._ _Linum flore luteo._ _Hieracium flore incarnato._ _Thlaspi Saxatile folio Poëtarum._ _Caucalis platyphylla ~Column.~_ _Caucalis magno flore & fructu._ _Planta Equiseti frutescentis facie_, on the steeple and hard walls, (perhaps a species of _Tithymal_) it was without leaves, but full of ts, with abundance of yellow scaly knobs by pairs, between which issue forth three or four little _Tetrapetalose_ flowers. Of this I saw an _Arborescent_ one near _Troy_. On the mountain near _Lesina_, in the island _Pharos_: _Aconitum Lycoctinum flore Delphinii, vel Napelli Species._ _Aloë_ in flower. _Asphodelus minor Junci folio, fistulosâ non bulbosâ radice._ _Malva Romana rubra._ _Juneperus major seu oxycedrus._ _Genista Spartium Septimo ~Bauhini~ simile_; the root is hot of a spicy taste. _Pilosella major pilosissima, &c._ In the Island of _Corfu_: _Thymus capitatus Dioscoridis._ _Lysimachia Hysopi folio._ _Scabiosa caule altissimo, flore nigrescente, fortè peregrina ~Bauhin.~_ _Cyperus grumineus miliaceus._ _Scammonea._ _Acarna flore patulo rubente._ _Centaurium major. album._ _Centaurium rubens Spicatum._ _Centaurium ramosum rubens._ _Centaurium ramosum album._ _Vitex flore cæruleo & albo._ _Consolida regalis fœtida._ _Glicyrrhiza._ _Pulegii Species erecto caule, latifolia, incana, & hirsuta._ With many others mention’d before. In the island of _Zant_: The Curran Grape. White and yellow Melons. A large thin-skinn’d Lemon without either seed or stone, as also the Curran Grapes are. _Genista seu spartium foliis argenteis._ _Convolvulus Sagittariæ foliis._ _Prunella spinosa._ _Coris Matthioli._ _Gossipium seu Xylon._ _Glaux Dioscoridis._ _Cistus plantaginis folio._ _Cicer Creticum, &c._ In the isle of _Cerigo_: _Dictamnus falsus._ _Chamædrys Alpina minima hirsuta._ _Thymi capitati secunda species foliis minoribus densius Stipatis._ _Salvia pomifera seu gallifera._ _Stæchas citrina._ That species of Thyme is in Dr _Plukenet_’s _Phytographia_, _Tab. 116. F. 4._ In the isle of _Tenos_ or _Tine_: _Limonium caule sinuato._ _Frutex Spinosus Jaceæ albæ capitulis._ _Stachys parva foliis argenteis._ _Genista spinosa floribus rubris._ Near the ruins of _Troy_: _Quercus glande majore._ _Gossipium._ _Sesamum._ _Anguria._ _Tragacantha._ _Tartonreira Massiliensium seu Thymelæa incana Sericea, longifolia & latifolia._ _Pastinaca echinifera ~Colum.~_ _Jacea lutea capite spinoso._ _Papaver corniculatum flore tricolore._ _Pancratium_ in flower. _Verbascum marinum laciniatis foliis._ Near _Constantinople_: _Abrotanum humile flore Chamæmeli._ _Serpilli species foliis Satureiæ._ _Androsamum flore & thecâ omnium maximis._ _Guaiacum Patavinum._ On mount _Olympus_, near _Bursa_ or _Prusa_: _Abies conis sursum spectantibus, foliis subtus argenteis._ _Cistus laurinis foliis._ _Aster montanus, Linariæ folio, flore flavo._ _Coris seu Hypericum foliis crispis._ _Hypericum foliis hirsutis, margine crinifero._ _Aster Conyzoides ~Gesn.~_ _Astragalus Matthiol. flore cæruleo._ _Pyrola frutescens Arbuti folio._ _Gentianella verna._ _Senecio incana pinguis._ _Cerinthe minor._ _Cistus argenteis foliis._ _Cymbalaria Italica._ _Calamintha montana præstantior._ _Elichryson sive Gnaphalium comâ aureâ._ _Gramen junceum Echinatum._ _Millefolium nobile odoratum._ _Hypericum seu Ascyron magno flore._ _Panax Heracleum._ _Gnaphalium repens._ _Herba Tuitia Auriculæ Affinis._ _Tragacantha._ _Helleborus niger._ _Ephedra seu Polygonum Scandens bacciferum_; climbing up to the tops of the vast Plane-trees, according to _Bellonius_. In our Journey to _Mandragorai_ and _Courougouli_: _Scordium lanuginosum sive Creticum._ _Alsine Lotoides seu Anthylloides, sive spergulæ facie ~C. B.~_ _Gingidum Hispanicum._ _Leucoium Alyssoides Clypeatum maj. ~C. B.~_ _Origanum Spicatum Montis Sipyli foliis glabris._ Near _Thyatira_: _Spartium alterum Monospermum, Pseudospartium Hispanicum Aphyllon._ A _Thapsus minor longifolia_; or rather a _Sideritis_ or _Stachis foliis Salviæ argenteis pilosis mollibus_; which is the _Panacea_ of the country people. _Scabiosa argentea min._ About _Smyrna_: Two kinds of _Jujubes_ or _Ziziphus_. Turpentine-trees, and Mastich-trees. _Smyrnion Creticum._ _Origanum perenne lignosum odoratissimum._ Several sorts of Olive-trees. _Tamarisk_ and _Ricinus_, or _Palma Christi_. Near the gulph of _Lepanto_: _Tithymalus Spinosus._ The Fust or yellow wood used to die with, call’d by the _Greeks_ _Chrisoxulo_. _Cedrus Lyciæ._ _Arisarum angustifolium._ _Lamium moschatum foliorum margine argentato._ About mount _Parnassus_, _Athens_, and other places of _Attica_ or _Achaja_: _Stachys viscoso flore luteo, odore Narcissi juncifolii._ _Petromarula Cretica_ or _Rapunculus Pyramidalis altera_. _Sabina._ _Crocus Albus & Luteus._ _Poterion Plinii_, smaller than _Tragacanth_. _Polium Gnapholoides._ _Ilex Chermifera._ _Acacia Secunda Matthioli._ _Anemones_ of all colours. Many _Asters_ and _Arisarums_. _Aristolochia Clematitis._ Two _Asphodils_. _Brassica frutescens._ _Borago variegata Cretica._ _Cneorum Matth. & Clusii, sive Thymelææ affinis facie externâ._ Several _Cisti_. _Jacea Moschata_, with other knapweeds. _Leontopetalum_ all over the plain of _Athens_. _Oleander._ _Scilla._ _Scorzonera Cretica Asphodeli sistulosi facie_, _Galocorta Græcorum_, it is the womens _Cosmetic_, and Milk-plant. _Siliqua Edulis_ or _Carob_. Two _Thymelæa_’s, _argentea_ & _tomentosa_. _Tithymalus Spinosus._ _Equisetum frutescens Aphyllon_ (perhaps a sort of _Tithymal_) _Lychnis frutescens_: With many more, which we have either mention’d in other places, or else were doubtful of, as a kind of small silver-leaved _Scabious_, and a _Dandelion_ or _Hieracium_, with Pilewort or small Colts-foot-leaves, with a root like so many Scorpions following one another. A sort of _Medica lunatâ siliqua_, or _Loto affinis siliquis hirsutis circinatis_. _Astragalus argenteus_ or _Syriacus_. Near _Corinth_ and the _Isthmus_, _Pinus Maritima_ with small cones. _Cedrus Lycia vel Sabina baccifera._ _Ceratia_ or _Siliqua Arbor_. _Lentiscus._ _Olea Sylv._ _Scabiosa argentea petræa._ _Aristolochiæ Clematitis species._ _Linaria latifolia valentina Clusii_, the flowers beautiful with three colours. _Androsemum umbelliferum._ _Scorzonera bulbosa._ _Arbutus folio non serrato_, _Comarea Dioscoridis Adrachne Theophrasti_. For these the reader may consult Mr _Ray_’s _Collection of Exotic Catalogues_, especially the _Oriental_ one, where the synonymous names are added. [Illustration] _Historical Observations relating to ~Constantinople~. By the reverend and learned ~Tho. Smith~, D. D. Fellow of ~Magd. Coll. Oxon.~ and of the ~Royal Society~._ _Constantinople_, formerly _Byzantium_, was by _Constantine_ the Great called so after his own Name[6], who being mightily pleased with the beautiful and advantageous situation of the place between two seas, and defended by narrow streights on both sides, removed the seat of the Empire hither, and laid the foundation of it’s future splendor and greatness. It was also by a special Edict or Law of the same Emperor[7], which he caused to be engraven on a marble pillar, placed near his own statue on horseback, in one of the piazza’s of his new-built city called _Strategium_, where the Souldiers used to muster as in the _Campas Martius_, called _Second_ or _New Rome_, in emulation of old _Rome_, which he designed and endeavoured this should equal in all things. Accordingly he endowed it with the same Privileges and Immunities, and establish’d the same number of Magistrates, and Orders of People, and divided the whole extent of it into fourteen Precincts or Regions[8], according to the division of _Rome_. And the _Greek_ writers were as elegant and extravagant in their commendations of it; but the usual title in their ordinary discourses and writings, when they had occasion to mention it without any flourish, was ἡ βασιλεύουσα, or ἡ βασιλὶς, that is, the imperial city, to the same sense with that of _Sidonius Apollinaris_[9]. _Salve scepturum columen, Regina orientis,_ _Orbis Roma tui._ The country about it was afterwards called _Romania_ in a limitted and restrained sense, (for that _Romania_ was anciently the same with _Orbis Romanus_, seems clear from _Epiphanius_[10]) and the people Ῥωμαῖοι. But I suppose this was not done till about the middle times of the empire, when it began to decline. The _Greeks_ still retain this name: For if you ask any of the _Greeks_ born upon the continent of _Thrace_ what countryman he is, he answers forthwith, Ῥωμαῖος, _Romios_, for so they pronounce it. The _Turks_ in like manner called a _Greek_ Christian _Urum Gaour_, or the _Roman Infidel_, as they will call sometimes the Emperor of __, _Urumler Padisha_, or Emperor of the _Romans_. Hence it was that the latter _Græcian_ Emperors stiled themselves βασιλεῖς Ῥωμαίων, Kings of the _Romans_, that is, such as were born in _Romania_, and the other countries, which made up the eastern division of the empire. Though perchance by this flourishing title they pretended a right to the government of the west; upon which vain presumption they assumed also the title of Κοσμοκράτορες, or _Emperors of the World_, as if they had been true successors of _Augustus_, and the western Emperors, usurpers; whom they called by way of contempt and indignation, Ῥῆγες, _Reges_, as _Luitprandus_[11] informs us in the of his embassy to _Nicephorus Phocas_, and afforded the people of _Italy_ no other title than that of _Longobards_ or _Lombards_[12]. The present _Greeks_ call all the western Christians Λατῖνοι, or Φράγγοι, _Latins_ or _Franks_, the _Turks_ only making use of the latter, when they speak civilly of us, and calling _Christendom_ _Phrenkistan_, in the present _Greek_ Φραγγία. The _Turks_ now as proudly call _Constantinople_, _Alempena_, or the refuge of the world; where indeed seems to be a medly of all or most nations of three parts of it, and of all religions, which are allowed to be publickly profest and exercised every where throughout the empire, except the _Persian_. For they look upon it as a corruption of, and deviation from the rules and doctrine of _Mahomet_, their great false Prophet, and therefore absolutely forbid it, as repugnant to, and destructive of the doctrine of life and salvation, as they speak. And accordingly they condemn with all imaginable fury the professors of it, who pretend to follow _Ali_, as sectaries and apostates, and entertain worse opinions of them, than of _Christians_, or _Jews_, or _Infidels_. The _Persians_ are not behindhand with them in their hatred and disrespect, deriding them as gross and stupid, and looking upon them as little less than barbarous: Interest and zeal for their several tenents heightening their differences so much, that in time of war they destroy one anothers mosques. I , that there was a great discourse in _Constantinople_ among the _Turks_, concerning an impudent hot-headed _Persian_, who publickly in the new mosque, built by the mother of the present Emperor, asserted that _Ali_ was equal to _Mahomet_. But it seems he very luckily made his escape out of their hands, at which the priests and the more zealous _Turks_ were very much scandalized. The _Greeks_ have twenty six churches within the walls of the city, besides six in _Galata_, of which I have given an elsewhere. They have also two churches at _Scutari_, one at _Kadikui_ or _Chalcedon_. So at _Staurosis_, _Chingilkui_, and several other villages upon the _Asian_ shore of the _Bosphorus_, as at _Beshictash_, _Ortakui_, _Chorouch chesme_, which church is dedicated to St _Michael_ the Archangel, _Jenikui_ or _Neochorion_, _Therapia_, _Bujukdere_, and other villages on the _European_ side. They have also a church at _Haskui_, where is their burying-place, and another near the _Bagno_, dedicated to St _Parasceve_. And at _Tatoula_ about a mile from _Pera_, upon a hill, which from the name of the church is thence called by the _Greeks_ and _Franks_, St _Demetrius_’s _hill_. Next to the holy Virgin, St _Demetrius_ and St _George_ have most churches dedicated to them. The _Armenians_ have not, if I aright, above seven churches, they being few in number in companion of the _Greeks_. The _Jews_ may have in the city and places adjacent between twenty and thirty synagogues, this being the greatest shelter of that accursed and contemptible people in the Grand Signior’s dominions, next to _Caire_ and _Saloniki_; and I believe there may be about twenty or thirty thousand families of them. They are of great use and service to the _Turks_, upon __ of their brokage and merchandise, and industry in several mechanical trades. All these I look upon as natives, or slaves rather, each paying money for his head every year. The _Jews_ indeed very wisely collect this tax among themselves, and according to an agreement made with the _Tefterdar_ or Treasurer, pay a certain sum in gross for their whole nation residing there; by which piece of cunning they are great gainers, and spare the poor among them less able to pay, by a contribution of the rich to make up the sum. The _English_ and _Dutch_ Embassadors have their chapels in their palaces common to their respective nations. The churches and chapels of the western _Christians_ of the _Roman_ communion in _Galata_, are, St _Peter_’s, belonging to the _Dominicans_, where is the famous piece of _Madonna di Constantinopoli_, as the _Italians_ call it, or of the Blessed Virgin holding the holy child _Jesus_ in her arms; which they pretend to be drawn by the hand of St _Luke_, celebrated by some of the later ecclesiastical writers to have been a famous Painter. Out of respect to this idle tradition, the credulous and superstitious _Latins_ and _Greeks_ of the _Roman_ communion shew great veneration to it, which otherwise hath little in it of proportion, art, or beauty to derive any reputation upon the designer, or upon his work. St _Francis_, belonging to the _Conventuali_, Friers of the order of St _Francis_: The ground of this by the wise conduct and intercession of _Cavaliere Molino_, the _Venetian Bailo_, after the surrendry of _Candia_, upon the peace made by the Republic with the Grand Signior, was procured to be restored, and a handsome church rebuilt, with the large contributions of money sent out of _Christendom_. St _Benedict_, belonging to the _Jesuits_, where is a rich altar curiously adorn’d with several figures in _Mosaic_. This convent was purchased for them by their great benefactor, _Henry_ the fourth of __. St _Mary_, belonging to the _Observantines_ or _Zoccolanti_, a branch of the order of St _Francis_, so called from their going in _Zoccoli_ or wooden clogs. The _Capucines_ have a little chapel dedicated to St _George_, hard by the _French_ Embassador’s palace. St _Ann_, a chapel frequented by the _Petrots_. St _Paul_ and St _Anthony_ were both taken away some years since from the Christians, and turned into mosques. The former of which is now known by the name of _Arab Giamesi_, or the mosque of the _Arabians_. Our interpreters mentioned also to me the church of St _John_, which the _Turks_ have seized upon for their use, St _George_, which the Jews are possessed of, and St _Sebastian_, which was used to be visited chiefly on holy-days. The north wind blows for the most part at _Constantinople_, which must be ascribed to it’s nearness to the _Euxine_ sea, which bears that point from it. So that for want of a southwardly wind, ships have been forced to lie a month or two sometimes near the mouth of the _Hellespont_; this was taken notice of long since by _Eunapias_, in the life of _Ædesius_ who ascribes the seldom blowing of the south wind to the situation of the mountains, whereas it is checked and overpowered by the exuberence of the vapours continually sent forth from the _Black_ and _Great Sea_, as the _Greeks_ call it in comparison of the _Mediterranean_. _Vide ad finem Codini de Origin. Constantinopol. Edit. ~Paris.~ pag. 80._ The _Hellespont_ is about forty miles in length, and at the castles of _Sestos_ and _Abydos_ the streight may be about three quarters of an _English_ mile over, or less. The length of the _Propontis_ is about a hundred and fifty miles, both shores may be seen in the middle of it. In it are _Cyzicus_ an island near the _Asian_ shore, to which it is ed by two bridges. It still retains it’s ancient name Κυξικὸ, and is the seat of a Bishop, being inhabited by a considerable number of _Greeks_. _Proconnesus_, not far from the former; now, as for some centuries past, called _Marmora_, from the excellent quarries of marble there found, the _marmor Cyzenicum_ also being famous in the time of _Pliny_. _Besbycus_, now called by the _Greeks_ καλόλιμνο, or the good haven, not far from the entrance into the bay of _Montanea_ to the north-and-by-east; the _Turks_ call it _Imramle_. There are several islands over against the bay of _Nicomedia_; formerly called _Sinus Astacenus_, according to _Strabo_, about six or seven leagues from _Constantinople_[13]. _Prote_, so called because they approach first to it, coming from _Constantinople_, to the south of this _Prencipe_ and _Pytis_, which I take to be the same with _Pyrgos_, that lies inmost toward the bay: _Chalcitis_, in modern _Greek_, _Chalce_ or _Chalcis_. _Oxia_ and _Platy_ to the north-west. I have expressed the _Turkish_ names of the lesser and uninhabited islands elsewhere, which perchance were fantastically imposed by some _Franks_. The _Seraglio_ is at the extream point of the north-east angle of _Constantinople_, where formerly stood old _Byzantium_, within which, towards the haven is a stately _Kiosk_, or Summer-house, from whence the Grand Signior usually takes barge, when he es into _Asia_, or diverts himself upon the _Bosphorus_, at which time the _Bostangibashi_, who hath the principal care of the Emperor’s palace, and hath the command of the _Bosphorus_, sits at the helm and steers. The seven towers are at the south-east extremity. The only suburbs are to the north-west, along the haven-side; for above the hill, where the three walls begin, lies an open champaign country, except that here and there at considerable distances farm-houses are Scattered. The haven runs in from the west, and so opens east. At the east end of _Galata_ is _Tophana_, where they cast their great guns. _Pera_ and _Galata_ have about six gates to the seaward. The whole tract of ground was anciently, before the times of the Emperor _Valentinian_, who enclosed and fortified _Galata_ with walls and towers, stiled Περαῖα πέραν τῆς πόλεως, on the other side of the city to the north; which is the reason of it’s name, seated on higher hills, and whose ascent is more steep and difficult. Our modern _Geographers_, such as _Mercator_ and _Ortelius_, who herein follow _Ptolemy_, place _Constantinople_ in the latitude of 43 degrees and 5 minutes: the _Arabian_ and _Persian_ Astronomers, as _Abulfeda_, _Nassir Eddin_, _Vlugh Beigh_, and so the πρόχειροι κανόνες of _Chrysococcas_, translated out of the _Persian_ tables, place it more northerly in 45°. But by later and better observation it is found, that they have erred in asg the latitude of this city, as of several other places. To salve these differences, there is no just ground of pretence to say, that the _Poles_ are moveable, and have changed their situation since their time; whereas it may be better imputed to their want of due care, or to their taking things upon trust, from the reports of _Travellers_ and _Seamen_, not having been upon the places themselves; which certainly is to be said for _Ptolemy_, whose Observations, as to places more remote from _Alexandria_, are far from being accurate and true. The learned Mr _John Greaves_, as I find in a manuscript discourse, very worthy of being printed which he presented to the most reverend and renowned archbishop _Usher_, took the height of the Pole at _Constantinople_, with a brass sextant of above 4 feet _radius_, and found it to be but 41°:6′; but by the observation we made in our court-yard at _Pera_ with a good quadrant, we found but 40°:58′ of north latitude. There is no place between the _Propontis_ and the walls of the city, except just at the _Seraglio_ point, which may be two hundred paces in length, where they have raised on a platform a battery for great guns; but from the point to the end of the haven west, the space to the gates is unequal in some places about twenty paces broad, in others three or four times as many more. The distance between _Constantinople_ and _Chalcedon_, upon the opposite _Bithynian_ shore, may be about three or four miles. In the walls are engraven the names of several Emperors, who reigned toward the declension of the _Græcian_ empire, as _Theophilus_, _Michael_, _Basilius Constantinus_, _Porphyrogenitus_, by whose care, and at whose expence the several breaches caused in them, by the sea, or by earth-quakes, were repaired. _Kumkapi_, or the sand-gate, lies toward the _Propontis_; this the _Greeks_ call in their vulgar language Κονδοσκάλι, _Contoscalium_, or the little scale or landing-place. Here formerly was an Arsenal for gallies and other small vessels it being a convenient age over sea. Over this gate was anciently engraven a curious inscription, still preserved in that excellent collection publish’d by _Gruterus_[14]. _Jedicula Kapi_, or the Gate of the seven towers, so called from it’s nearness to that _Acropolis_, is that, I guess, which the _Greeks_ formerly called Χρυσῆ or the golden gate, and by some late _Latin_ writers _Chrysea_, in _Luitprandus_, _Carea_, by a mistake either of the Transcriber or Printer, for _Aurea_, for so certainly it must be mended. Over this gate was this Inscription; _Hæc loca Theodosius decorat post fata Tyranni,_ _Aurea secla gerit, qui portam construit auro._ cited by _Sirmond_, in his notes upon _Sidonius_[15]. This gate is in the twelfth region, and was also called ὡραῖα from it’s beautiful and curious structure. The gun-gate, formerly called _Roman-gate_, not because it leads towards the continent of _Romania_ or _Thrace_, but from St _Romanus_[16] where the last Christian Emperor was killed at the assault which the _Turks_ made to force their way into the city by it. Near _Adrianople_-gate is a fair large mosque called _Alibassa_, upon a hill ed the highest in the city. The distance between tower and tower in the upper wall to the landward, may be about ninety of my paces; the space between that and the second wall about eighteen paces over. The place, where the Lyons, Leopards, and such like wild creatures are kept, (where I saw also several Jackals) was formerly, as the _Greeks_ told me, a Christian church dedicated to Παναγία, or the Blessed Virgin, where this verse is still legible: Κατὰ Σκυθῶν ἔπνευσας θερμὸν ἐν μάχαις. There is no tide or running back of the water on any side of the _Bosphorus_, into the _Black_ sea, as[17] some have imagined, whose mistake might possibly arise hence, that the wind being at north, and blowing hard, the current sets more violently at such times against the several headlands, jetting out into the channel, which its of several turnings, and so the waters are forced back to some little distance: or else because when the south-wind freshens and grows boisterous, it makes a high rolling sea in the _Propontis_ and _Bosphorus_, and being contrary to the current, gives a check to it, so that it becomes less sensible, and is easily stemmed. Where it is narrowed, the distance seems to the eye to be scarce a mile over from one shore to another; where broadest, not much above a mile and a half, unless where it runs into the deep bays, which by reason of their shallowness only harbour boats. The channel certainly is natural, and not cut by art, as some have idly fancied, not considering how the _Euxine_ sea should discharge itself otherwise of those great quantities of waters, poured into it by the _Ister_ and _Tanais_, now called _Don_, and the other rivers, whereby it becomes less salt, even very sensibly to the taste, than several parts of the _Mediterranean_. The fish, by a strange kind of instinct, in vast shoals twice a year, autumn and spring, through the _Bosphorus_, that is, out of one sea into another; of which the _Greeks_, who live several months of the year upon them, take great numbers, and supply the markets at easie rates; the cormorants and other ravenous water-fowl, which the _Turks_ will not suffer to be destroy’d, or otherwise molested, preying also upon them. The weather in some months is very inconstant, great heats and colds happenning the same day upon the change of the wind. The winters at _Constantinople_ are sometimes extraordinary severe. I have heard it related by several old _Greeks_, as a thing most certain, that the _Bosphorus_ was frozen over in the time of _Achmed_, and that a Hare was coursed over it. It happened thus; that upon a thaw, huge cakes of ice came floating down the _Danube_ into the _Black Sea_, and were driven by the current into the _Bosphorus_, where, upon the return of the frost, they were fixed so hard, that it became able. In the year 1669, there was ice in the haven, to the great amazement of the _Turks_; and some were so frighted at this unusual accident, that they look’d upon it as a dismal prodigy, and concluded that the world would be at an end that year. The _Aguglia_, or Obelisk, in the _Hypodrome_, is betwixt fifty and sixty foot high. The historical pillars in _basso relievo_, raised in honour of the Emperors _Arcadius_ and _Honorius_, may be in height about an hundred and forty seven feet. _Alexus Comnenus_, lies buried in the patriarchal church against the wall, and his daughter _Anna Comnena_, the historian, who lived about the year of _Christ_ 1117. They pretend to shew there, the relics of St _Anastasia_, who suffered martyrdom under the Emperor _Valerianus_, and of St _Euphemia_, virgin and martyr, who lost her life most gloriously for Christ’s holy religion at _Chalcedon_ under _Dioclesian_. In _Sancta Sophia_, there are pillars so great, that a man can scarce fathom them at twice. At the end of the gallery that s the other two, each about thirty of my paces wide, there is a piece of transparent marble, two or three inches thick. In the north gallery, upon the pavement, is a reddish sort of a marble stone, brought, as the _Turks_ and Christians relate, from _Palestine_, on which they fable, that the Blessed Virgin used to wash the linnen of our Saviour. I observed but one step from the body of the church to the _Bema_, or place where the altar formerly stood. The great mosque at _Chasim-bassa_ on _Pera_ side to the west, was formerly a church dedicated to St _Theodosia_. _Gianghir_, a mosque so called upon a hill at _Fondaclee_ near _Tophana_. In _Constantinople_ there are several narrow streets of trade, closed up with sheds and penthouses, which I suppose were in use before the _Greeks_ lost their empire, and are the same with the σκεπαστοὶ καὶ φρακτοὶ δρόμοι, in _Chrysalaloras_’s Epistle, p. 119. But besides these places, several trades have their distant quarters. The streets are raised for the most part on each side for the greater convenience. Not far from _Suleimania_, is the house of the _Aga_, or General of the _Janizaries_, which so often changes it’s masters. _Pompey_’s pillar, as the _Franks_ erroneously call it, is of the _Corinthian_ order, curiously wrought, about eighteen foot in height, and three in diameter. _Beshiktash_, a village within three or four miles of _Constantinople_, towards the _Bosphorus_, where lies buried the famous pirate _Ariadin_, whom the Christian writers call _Barbarossa_, who built here a handsome mosque, having two rows of pillars at the entrance. The captain Bashaw usually, before he puts to sea with his _Armada_ of gallies, visits the tomb of this fortunate robber, who had made several thousand Christians slaves, and makes his prayers at the neighbouring church for the good success of his expedition. They reckon in the city above a hundred public baths, every street almost affording one. They are esteemed works of great piety and charity, there being a continual use of them, not only upon the of religion, but of health and cleanliness: For their diet being for the most part hot spiced meats in the winter, and crude fruits in the summer; their liquor fountain water or coffee, to which we may add their lazy kind of life (for walking is never used by them for digestion, or otherwise in the way of diversion) frequent bathing becomes necessary. There are several receptacles of water under ground, and one particularly under the church of _Sancta Sophia_, as I was informed; but I did not think it worth my curiosity to descend into it. These were of great use to the poor _Greeks_ in the last fatal siege; but the _Turks_ are so secure, that they do not think that they deserve either cost or pains to keep the waters sweet, or the cisterns in repair. The aqueducts, which answer to those glorious aqueducts near _Pyrgos_, and convey the water to the great cistern near Sultan _Selim_’s mosque, are in that part of _Constantinople_ which lies between the mosque of _Mahomet_ the Great and _Shazade_. The _Turks_ began to besiege _Constantinople_ on the fifth of _April_, and took it the twenty-ninth of _May_, on _Whitsun_-tuesday morning, 1453, or as the _Turks_ reckon in the year 857, of the _Hegira_, or flight of _Mahomet_, the twenty-second day of the first _Jomad_. The chapel where _Ejub Sultan_ is interred, at whose head and feet I observed great wax candles, is inclosed with latten wire grates, for the better accommodation of such religious _Turks_, as come to pay their respect to the memory of this great Musulman Saint. In the middle of the area, there is raised a building sustained by excellent marble pillars, ascended by two several pair of stairs, where the new Emperor is inaugurated, and where he usually goes in _Biram_ time. [Illustration] _An of the city of ~Prusa~ in ~Bythinia~, and a continuation of the historical observations relating to ~Constantinople~; by the reverend and learned ~Tho. Smith~, D. D. fellow of ~Magd. Coll. Oxon.~ and of the ~Royal Society~._ _Montanea_, formerly called _Nicopolis_, according to _Bellonius_, or rather _Cios_, the bay hence called _Sinus Cianus_, lies in the bottom of a bay about fourscore miles from _Constantinople_, and is the scale or landing place for _Prusa_, from which it may be about twelve miles; in the middle way to which, is the village _Moussanpoula_. _Prusa_, now call’d by the _Turks_ _Bursia_, the chief city of _Bythinia_, is seated at the foot partly, and partly upon the rising of the mount _Olympus_, which is one of the highest hills of the lesser _Asia_. It’s top is covered with snow for nine or ten months of the year, several streams of water flowing down the hill continually, ed very unwholsome from the snow mixed with it. In the upper part of the city to the north-west, lies the Seraglio, which is walled round; but the Emperors not residing here since their acquists in _Thrace_, or scarce making visits to this imperial city, and none of their sons living here of late, according to the former policy of the _Turkish_ Emperors, who did not permit their sons, when grown up, to be near them, but sent them to some honourable employment, accompanied with a Bashaw or Cadi, to instruct them in the arts of war and government; it lies now neglected and despoiled of all it’s ornaments. In this part also are the sepulchres of _Osman_, the founder of the family which now reigns, and his son _Urchan_, who took the city, near a mosque, formerly a Christian church dedicated to St _John_, and where was formerly a convent of religious, built by _Constantinus Iconomachus_, where I saw the figure of a cross still remaining upon the wall. Here hangs up a great drum of a vast bigness, such as they carry upon the backs of camels, and I suppose is one of those which they used in the taking of the place. In the lower part, near the bottom of the hill, _Norad_ II. the father of _Mahomet_ the Great, lies buried; near whereunto was formerly the metropolitical church of the holy Apostles. The _Bezesten_, or exchange, seems to be much better and larger than the great one at _Constantinople_, as are the several _Caravanserais_ built for the use and accommodation of Merchants and travellers; in one of which, the Rice-chane, I took up my quarters. Without the city, toward the east, is the mosque and sepulchre of the Emperor _Bajazid_ I. whom the _Turks_ call _Jilderim_, or lightening, and the _Greek_ writers λαίλαψ. Not far from hence, is the mosque of _Mahomet_ I. and his sepulchre. Toward the west, upon the side of the hill, is the mosque of _Morad_ I. whom they call _Gazi_, or the Conqueror, near which he lies buried. There are in the whole about 124 mosques, several of which were formerly Christian churches, and between fifty and sixty chanes. The castles built by _Osman_, when he besieged the city, are slighted and altogether unfortified, the one to the north, the other to the south-west. At _Checkerghe_, about a mile and a half out of town, are the hot baths, much frequented both by Christians and _Turks_. They are made very convenient to bathe in, and are covered over, that they may be used in all weathers. Among others, there is a large round bason, where they usually divert themselves by swimming. What opinions the _Turks_ have of our Blessed Saviour, and the Christian religion, I shall briefly shew, as they lie dispersed in several chapters of the _Koran_, according to which they frame their discourse whensoever either zeal or curiosity puts them upon this topic; for _Mahomet_, upon his setting up to be the author of a new religion, finding such a considerable part of the world professing the doctrine of Christ, with all the mysteries of faith therein contained, was cast upon a necessity of saying something both concerning him and it. By which it will appear how great the power of truth is above imposture and subtility, and that as the devils in the possessed confessed, though against their wills, Christ to be the son of God, so this _Dæmoniac_, in the midst of all his forgeries and lyes, and ridiculous and childish narratives, not being able to contradict the universal belief of the Christians of that, and the preceeding ages, founded on the history of the Gospel, hath been forced to give testimony to several particulars of it. They confess then, that Christ was born of a pure spotless Virgin, the Virgin _Mary_, chosen by God, and sanctified above all the women in the world; and that the angel _Gabriel_ was dispatched out of heaven, to acquaint her with the news of it. That such a kind of miraculous and supernatural birth never happened to any besides, and that Christ was conceived by the Holy Ghost, and that he wrought mighty miracles, for instance, that he cleansed lepers, gave sight to the blind, restored sick persons to their health, and raised the dead. That he is a great Prophet, sent by God to convert men from the vanity and error of their false worship to the knowledge of the true God, to preach righteousness, and to correct and restore the imperfection and miscarriages of human nature; that he was of a most holy and examplary life; that he was the true Word of God, the Apostle, or Embassador of God; that his Gospel was revealed to him from heaven, and that he is in heaven standing nigh to the throne of God. They blaspheme indeed with a bruitishness and stupidity only befitting _Turks_, the mysteries of the Holy Trinity, and of the Divinity of our Blessed Saviour, and deny that he was put to death, and say, that another in his shape was crucified by the _Jews_, and that he himself was assumed into heaven in his body without dying at all, and consequently they will not own, that he satisfied Divine Justice for the sins of the world; so great an affinity is there between the heresy of _Socinus_ and professed _Mahometism_. I could never yet see any _Turkish_ translation of the _Koran_: they cry up the elegance of the stile, which being enthusiastic and high flown, by reason also of the tinkling of the periods, is very delightful to their ears, who seem to be affected with rhime mightily. Though I suppose it is upon a more politic , that they are so averse, as to the translating it into their vulgar language, not out of respect to the sacredness of the original only, whose full commanding expressions they think cannot be translated without a great diminution to the sense; but to keep it in greater veneration among the people, who might be apt to slight and dis-esteem it, should it become thus common among them. It is enough that the Priests and learned men explain the difficult ages of it to the people, and write commentaries for the use of the more curious and inquisitive. The _Persians_ on the contrary, think it no disparagement to the _Arabic_, or profanation of the sense, to translate this cursed book into their own language, and copies are frequent among them. The Grand Signior’s women are usually the choicest beauties of the Christian spoils, presented by the Bashaws or _Tartars_. The present _Sultana_, the mother of the young Prince _Mustapha_, is a _Caddiot_, the _Valide_, or the Emperor’s mother, a _Russian_, the daughter of a poor Priest, who with her relations were seized upon by the _Tartars_, in an incursion which they made into the _Muscovites_ country. She being received into the Seraglio by her beautiful complexion and cunning behaviour, gain’d the heart and the affection of Sultan _Ibrahim_, (a man wholly addicted to soft pleasures, and who seldom cared to be long absent from the womens apartment, but chose to spend his time among them.) Having the good fortune to be the mother of the Prince _Mahomet_, the eldest son of his father, who now reigns, she had all the honours that could possibly be done her, and was the beloved _Hazaki_, or chief concubine. During this height of splendour and glory, the court removing from _Constantinople_ to _Adrianople_, distant about an hundred and twenty miles, as she was ing in great state, attended with her guards through the streets of the city, in a coach much like our carriage waggons, but that they are letticed to let in the air, for no one must presume to stare or scarce look upon the women, much less must they themselves suffer their faces to be seen in this jealous country, she out of curiosity looking through the holes, saw a poor Christian slave in a shop where sugar and such like wares were sold. Upon her return she sent one of her Eunuchs to enquire for the person, and to ask him several questions about his country, relations, friends, and the time when and how long he had been a slave; his answers were so particular and satisfactory, that she was soon convinced of the truth and certainty of her apprehensions, when she first cast her eyes upon him, that he was her brother, and accordingly it proved so. Whereupon acquainting the Emperor with it, she immediately redeem’d him from his patron, and having made the poor wretch turn _Turk_, got him considerably preferr’d. The Bashaws for the most part are the sons of Christians, taken into the Seraglio, near the Emperor’s person, and so are preferr’d to considerable governments, or else they raise themselves by their conduct and valour. _Mahomet_ Bashaw, in the time of _Achmet_, whose eldest daughter he marry’d, was the first natural _Turk_ that was made chief Vizier, having before been Captain Bashaw. The chief Vizier _Mahomet Cupriuli_ (who settled the empire in the minority of this Emperor, when it was ready to be shaken into pieces, and dissolved by several powerful factions in the state, and by the mutinies and discontents of Janizaries and Spahis, who drove different ways) was an _Albanese_ by birth, the son of a _Greek_ Priest, whom out of the height of his zeal for _Mahomet_, he made turn _Turk_ in his old age, and converted the Christian church in the village where he was born into a mosque. This man also forbad the Dervises to dance in a ring and turn round, which before was their solemn practice at set times before the people, which they would do so long, till they were giddy by this swift circular motion, and fell down in a swoon, and then oftentimes upon their recovery from such trances, they pretended to revelation. The church-men are not very kind to his memory, looking upon him as a man of little or no religion; and they give out that if he had lived, he would have forbid their calling to prayers from the spires of their Mosques, and hanging out lamps; both which they look upon as solemn and essential to the exercise of religion; but he as the effect of bigottry and superstition. They have a mighty honour and esteem for Physicians, for tho’ they are of opinion, that they cannot with all their art prolong life, the period and term of it being fatal, and absolutely determin’d by God, yet they often consult them upon any violent sickness or pain, in order to make the time allotted them in this world more pleasant and easy. It is extraordinary rare, that a natural _Turk_ makes Physic his profession and study. They who practise it among them, when I was in _Turkey_, were for the most part _Greeks_ and _Jews_, who know nothing of chymical medicines, but follow the usual methods, which they learn’d in _Italy_ and _Spain_, the former having study’d in _Padua_, and the latter in _Salamanca_, where they ’d for good Catholics. And I I met with a certain Jew Physician, who had been a Capucine in _Portugal_. During the tedious siege of _Candia_, the Vizier, what with melancholy, and what with the ill air of the camp, finding himself much indisposed, sent for a Christian Physician, Signior _Massalini_, a subject of the Republic of _Venice_, but marry’d to a _Greek_ woman, by whom he had several children, who was our neighbour at _Pera_, an experienced able man, to come speedily to him, and made him a present of about a thousand dollars, in order to fit himself for the voyage, and bear the expence of it. By this worthy gentleman’s care he recover’d his health, and would not permit him to depart till after the surrender of that city, which might be about seven months after his arrival there, treating him in the mean while with all imaginable respect. During our short stay at _Bursia_, one of our Janizaries accidentally discoursing with a _Turk_ , whom they knew to be _Franks_, told him that there was a Physician in the company, who had been lately at the Grand Signior’s court at _Salonichi_ with the _English_ Embassador, and was now upon his return from _Constantinople_ to _Smyrna_, where he lived. This presently took vent, and the _Turks_ thought that they had got a man among them that could cure all diseases infallibly; for several immediately came to find us out in behalf of themselves or their sick friends, and one of the most considerable men upon the place, desired the Doctor to go to his house to visit one of his women sick in bed, who being permitted to feel her naked pulse (for usually they throw a piece of fine silk or curle over their womens wrists at such times) soon discover’d by that and other symptoms and indications of her distemper, that opening a vein would presently give her ease, and recover her; which he did accordingly; for which he received an embroidered handkerchief instead of a fee, and gained the reputation of having done a mighty cure. They have little of ingenious or solid learning among them; their chief study next to the _Koran_, being metaphysical niceties about the Attributes of God, or else the maintenance of other odd speculative notions and tenents, derived down to them from some of their famed masters and holy men, whom they pretend to follow. Their knowledge of the motion of the heavens, for which the _Arabians_ and the other eastern nations have been so deservedly famous, as their Astronomical Tables of the Longitude and Latitude of the fixed stars, and of the appulse of the Moon to them, fully evince, is now very mean, and is chiefly studied for the use of Judiciary Astrology. The great instrument they make use of is an Astrolabe, with which they make very imperfect observations, having no such thing as a Quadrant or Sextant, much less a Telescope, or any mechanical engine, to direct and assist them in their calculation. Their skill in Geography is as inconsiderable; I I heard the Captain Bashaw, whom they stile iral of the Black and White Seas, meaning the _Euxine_ and the _Mediterranean_, ask this silly question, Whether _England_ were out of the Streights? and another time the _Caymacan_, or Governor of _Constantinople_, hearing that _England_ was an island, desired to know how many miles it was about, in order, we supposed, to make an estimate of our King’s greatness and strength, by the extent and com of it. One of the great Astrologers of _Constantinople_, having heard that I had a pair of globes in my chamber, made me a visit on purpose to see their contrivance, being introduced by a worthy gentlemen of our own nation. After the first ceremonies were over, I took my terrestrial globe, and rectify’d it to the position of the place, and pointed to the several circles both without and upon it, and told him in short the several uses of them; then shewed him how _Constantinople_, beared from _Candia_, at that time besieged, _Cair_, _Aleppo_, _Mecca_, and other chief places of the empire, with the other parts of the world; at which he was mightily surprized to see the whole earth and sea represented in that figure, and in so narrow, a com, and pleased himself with turning the globe round several times together. Afterwards I set before him the celestial globe, and rectify’d that, and shew’d him how all the noted constellations were exactly described, and how they moved regularly upon their poles, as in the heavens; some rising, and others setting, some always above the horizon, and others always under, in an oblique sphere, and particularly what stars would rise that night with us at such an hour; the man seem’d to be ravish’d with the curiosity of it, turning this globe also several times together with his finger, and taking a pleasure in viewing the motion of it; and yet this silly animal ’d for a conjurer among the _Turks_, and was look’d upon as one that could foretel the events of battels, the fates of empires, and the end of the world. They have no genious for sea-voyages, and consequently are very raw and unexperienced in the art of navigation, scarce venturing to sail out of sight of land. I speak of the natural _Turks_, who trade either in the Black Sea or some part of the _Morea_, or between _Constantinople_ and _Alexandria_; and not of the pyrates of _Barbary_, who are for the most part renagado’s, and learnt their skill in Christendom, which they exercise so much to the terrour and damage of it. A _Turkish_ com consists but of eight points, the four cardinal and four collateral; they being at a mighty loss how to sail by a side-wind; when by hauling their sails sharp they might lie their course, and much more, when they are in the winds eye, not knowing how to make tacks and boards, but chuse rather to make haste into some neighbouring port, till the wind blows fair. An _English_ and _Turkish_ vessel, both bound for the bay of _Salonichi_, at the time of the Grand Signior’s being there, ’d together out of the _Hellespont_, but foul weather happening, the _Turk_ got into _Lemnos_; while our men kept at sea, and pursued their voyage, and after three weeks stay returned back to us, observing in their way, that the _Turks_ remained in the same place where they left them, for want of a fore-wind to put to sea in. They trouble not themselves with reading the histories of other nations or of ancient times, much less with the study of chronology, without which history is very lame and imperfect; which is the cause of those ridiculous and childish mistakes, which current and uncontradicted among them. For instance, they make _Job_ one of _Solomon_’s Judges, and (_Iscander_) _Alexander the Great_, Captain General of his army. They number _Philip_ of _Macedon_ among the ancestors of our Blessed Saviour, and believe that _Sampson_, _Jonas_, and St _George_ were his contemporaries. In this they are more excuseable than their false Prophet _Mahomet_, who in his _Koran_ has perverted several historical notices in the writings of the Old Testament, and is guilty of vile and absurd _Pseudo-chronisms_. To remedy this defect, of which he was very conscious, and the better to understand the state of Christendom, and the particular kingdoms and republics of it, the late great and wise Vizier _Achmet_, made his interpreter _Panagiotti_, a learned _Greek_, at leisure hours, even at the siege of _Candia_, as well as at other times, read several ancient histories to him, and render them _extempore_ into the _Turkish_ language, and particularly _Blaeus Atlas_, with which he was mightily pleased, and made great use of, and truly gained the reputation of a solid and judicious Statesman, as well as Soldier among the Christian ministers, who in the ordinary course of their negotiations apply’d themselves to him. Tho’ their year be according to the course of the moon, and so the _Turkish_ months run round the civil year in a circle of thirty three years and a few odd days, yet they celebrate the _Neuruz_, which signifies in the _Persian_ tongue, the New-year, the twenty first day of _March_, (on which day the Veneral Equinox was fixed by the _Greeks_ and other _Oriental_ Christians, in the time of the Emperor _Constantine_, who made no provision for the προήγησις ἰσημερινὴ, or procession, which in process of time the inequality between the civil and astronomical year must necessarily produce) at which time the Cadi’s and other annual magistrates, and farmers of the customs take place, and reckon to that day twelve month again. In their civil deportment and behaviour one towards another, the left hand is the more worthy and honourable place, except among their Ecclesiastics; and the reason they allege is, because they write from the right hand, and the sword is worn on the left side, and so is more at his disposal, who walks on that hand. The chief Vizier accordingly in the Divan sits at the left hand of the Mufti, each maintaining their right of precedence, according to this way of decision. In their Mosques they sit without any distinction of degrees. Some of the more zealous _Turks_ cause to be engraven on their scymeters and bucklers a sentence out of the sixty first _Surat_, which is concerning fighting or battle-arrey, and contains encouragements to fight in the way and path of God, as the Impostor’s words are; for which he assures them, besides assistance from heaven, to help them to get the victory over their enemies, and that God will pardon their sins, and bring them to Paradise. Thus spirited with zeal, a _Turk_ lays about him with fury, when he is a fighting, and seems ambitious of dying to gain the delights of Paradise, at least indifferent whether he dies or lives. The _Turks_ are, as to their temper serious, or rather enclining to morosity, seldom laughing, which is ed an argument of great vanity and lightness. They perform the exercises which they use in the way of diversion, as shooting and hunting, with a great deal of gravity, as if they designed them more for health than for pleasure; and this too but seldom. The better and richer sort who have nothing to do, sitting all day at home, lolling upon a Sofa, or raised place in their rooms, and taking tobacco, which their slaves fill and light for them; and if they retire in the Summer or Autumn for a week or fortnight, to some convenient fountain in a wood, with their women, it is chiefly to enjoy the refreshments of the cool air. In the times of triumph indeed for some great success obtained against the Christians, when the shops are open for three nights together, and hung with lights, as well as the spires of the Mosques in curious figures, they are guilty of extravagant mirth, running up and down the streets in companies, and sometimes singing and dancing after their rude way; but this fit being over, they soon return to their former melancholy. In the coffee-houses where they use to resort to tipple, there is usually one hired by the owners to read either an idle book of tales, which they ire as wit, or filthy obscene stories, with which they seem wonderfully affected and pleased, few of them being able to read. These are the schools which they frequent for their information, tho’ in times of war when things went ill with them, their discourses would be of the ill government; and the Grand Signior himself, and his chief ministers, could not escape their censures, which manifestly tending to sedition, and to the heightning of their discontents by their mutual complaints, and by this free venting of their grievances during the war at _Candia_, the wise Vizier seeing the evil consequences that would follow, if such meetings and discourses were any longer tolerated, commanded that all the public coffee-houses should be shut up in _Constantinople_, and several other great cities of the empire, where the malecontents used to rendezvouz themselves, and find fault upon every ill success and miscarriage, with the istration of affairs. The custom of the _Turks_ to salute the Emperor, or the Vizier Bashaws, with loud acclamations and wishes of health and long life, when they appear first in their houses or any public place, is derived from the _Greeks_, who took it from the _Romans_. This was done by them in a kind of singing tone; whence _Luitprandus_, Bishop of _Cremona_ tells us, that in a certain procession (προέλυσις) at which he was present, they sang to the Emperor _Nicephorus_ πολλὰ ἔτη, that is, Many Years, (which _Codinus_, who lived just about the taking of _Constantinople_ by the _Turks_, expresses by τὸ ψάλλειν τὸ πολυχρόνιον, or by τὸ πολυχρόνιζειν, and to wish or salute by πολυχρόνισμα) and at dinner the _Greeks_ then present wish’d with a loud voice to the Emperor and _Burdas_, _Ut Deus annos multiplicet_, as he translates the _Greek_. The _Turkish_ coin in itself is pitiful and inconsiderable, which I ascribe not only to their want of bullion, but to their little skill in matters relating to the mint. Hence it comes to , that Zecchines and Hungars for gold, and _Spanish_ Dollars and Zalotts for silver stamped in Christendom current among them, most of the great payments being made in them, they not caring either through ignorance or sloth, to follow the example of the _Indian_ or _Persian_ Emperors, who usually melt down the Christian money imported by the Merchants into their several countries, and give it a new stamp. The most usual pieces are the Sheriphi of gold, somewhat less than a _Venecian_ Zecchine, and Aspers, ten of which are equal to six pence _English_ and some few Asper pieces. A Mangur is an old ugly copper piece, eight of which make but one Asper, and is not I think a _Turkish_ coin, but rather _Greek_. They have no arms upon their coin, only letters embossed on both sides, containing the Emperor’s name, or some short sentence out of the _Koran_. The _Turks_ look upon earthquakes as ominous, as the vulgar do upon eclipses, not understanding the philosophy of them. During my stay in _Constantinople_, which was above two years, there happen’d but one, which was _October_ 26, 1669, about six o’clock in the morning, a stark calm preceding. It lasted very near a minute, and we at _Pera_ and _Galata_ were as sensible of it as those who were on the other side of the water; but, praised be God, nothing fell, and we were soon rid of the fears in which this frightful accident had cast us, being in our beds, and not able, by reason of the surprize, in so little a space to have past thro’ a gallery down a pair of stairs into the court, if we had attempted it. The _Turks_ made direful reflections on it, as if some calamity would inevitably fall upon the empire, quickly forgetting the great triumphings and rejoicings which they exprest but a few days before for the surrender of _Candia_. In the year 1668, in _August_, the earth shook more or less for forty seven days together in the lesser _Asia_ at _Anguri_ (_Anoyra_) and for fifteen at _Bacbaser_, as we heard from a _Scotch_ Merchant, who lived there; and particularly, that at this latter place, on the second of _August_, between three and four o’clock in the afternoon it lasted for a quarter of an hour; several houses were overthrown, and some hundred of chimneys fell (it being a very populous town) and yet there were but seven kill’d. The trembling being so violent, both _Turks_ and Christians forsook their houses, and betook themselves to the fields, vineyards and gardens, where they made their abode for several days. Their punishments are very severe, this being judg’d the most effectual way, to prevent all public disorders and mischiefs. They use no great formality in their processes; if the criminal be taken in the fact, and the witnesses ready and present to attest it, and sometimes if there be but probable circumstances, without full conviction, condemn him; and soon after sentence, sometimes an hour or less, hurry him away to execution. For an ordinary crime, hanging is the usual death; but for robbery and murder committed upon the highway, by such as rob in parties and allarm whole provinces, or for sacrilege, or for any heinous crime against the government, either gaunching or excoriation, or cutting off the legs and arms, and leaving the trunk of the body in the high-way, or empaling, that is, thrusting an iron stake through the body out under the neck or at the mouth; in which extreme torment the miserable wretch may live two or three days, if the guts or the heart happen not to be wounded by the pointed spike in it’s age. This punishment seems to have been in use among the _Romans_, _Seneca_’s Epist. 14. _Cogita hoc loco carcerem, & cruces, & eculeos, & uncum, & adactum medium hominem, qui per os emergat, stipitem._ And so in his book _De Consolatione ad Marciam, cap. 20_. _Alii capite conversos in terram suspendere; alii per obscena stipitem egerunt, alii brachia patibulo explicuerunt._ Murder is seldom pardon’d, and especially if the relations of the murder’d person demand justice. The Circumcision, though it be a sacred rite, is perform’d in their private houses, and never in the Mosques. The women colour their eye-brows and lids with an ugly black powder, I suppose, to set off their beauty by such a shadow; and their nails with the powder of _Kanna_, which gives them a tincture of faint red, like brick, as they do the tails and hoofs of horses, which they look upon as a great ornament. Their great diversion is bathing; sometimes thrice if not four times a week. They do not permit them to go to church in time of prayer, for fear they should spoil their devotion; the _Turks_ being of so brutish a temper, that their lust is raised upon the sight of a fair object. They are call’d oftentimes by the names of flowers and fruits, and sometimes fantastic names are given them, such as _Sucar Birpara_, or bit of sugar, _Dil Ferib_, or ravisher of hearts, and the like. Their skill in agriculture is very mean. In their gardens they have several little trenches to convey water where it may be most necessary for their plants and flowers. They know little or nothing of manuring their grounds; sometimes they burn their fields and vineyards after harvest and vintage, partly to destroy the vermin, and partly to enrich the soil. They tread out their corn with oxen, drawing a square plank board, about a foot and an half or two foot over, studded with flints, and winnow it upon their threshing-floors in the open air, the wind blowing away the chaff. They feed their horses with barley and chopt straw, for I do not ever to have seen any oats among them; and they make but little hay. For draught of great weight in their carts they make use of Buffalo’s. Camels will travel four days together without water, and will eat tops of thistles, shrubs, or any kind of boughs: They are very sure footed, and kneel when they are loading, and live to a considerable number of years, some even to sixty. The chief furniture of their houses are carpets, or matts of Grand _Cairo_, neatly wrought with straw, spread upon the ground; they having no occasion for chairs, couches, stools, or tables, their postures within doors being different from ours. They have no hangings, but their walls are whited and set off with painting, only adorned with a kind of porcelain; no beds closed with curtains. They seal not with wax, but ink, at the bottom of the paper, the Emperor’s name being usually written with flourishes and in perplex’d characters; nor have they any coats of arms upon their seals, there being no such thing as gentility among them. Some of them, notwithstanding their zeal for _Mahomet_ and the religion by him establish’d, retain not only a favourable and honourable opinion of our Blessed Saviour, but even place some kind of confidence in the usage of his name, or of the words of the Gospel, though it may seem to be wholly in the way of superstition. Thus in their amulets, which they call _Chaimaili_, being little bits of paper about two or three fingers breath, rolled up in pieces of silk, containing several short prayers or sentences out of the _Koran_, with several circles with other figures, they usually inscribe the holy and venerable name of _JESUS_, or the figure of the cross, or the first words of St _John_’s Gospel, and the like. They hang them about their necks, or place them under their arm-pits, or in their bosom near their hearts, (being the same with what the _Greeks_ call ἐγκόλπια) and especially when they go to war, as a preservative against the dangers of it; and indeed against any misfortune whatsoever. Some have them sow’d within their caps; and I heard of a _Turk_ who was so superstitious herein, that he always pluck’d it off, and was uncover’d, when he had occasion to make water. Some are such bigots in their religion, and so furious against Christians, that not only they treat them with all imaginable scorn and contempt, but take it ill to be salam’d or saluted by them, as if it were the effect of sawciness and unbecoming familiarity. Their malice against the Christians makes them envy the rich furs they line their vests with, and it is a trouble to these hypocritical zealots to see _Franks_ ride upon their fine _Arabian_ horses. The respect which they shew the _Koran_ is wonderful, they dare not open the leaves of it with unwashen hands, according to the advice and command written in _Arabic_ upon the cover, _Let no one touch this book, but he that is clean_. They kiss it, and bend their heads, and touch their eyes with it, both when they open and shut it. The Janizaries, when they attend upon Christian Embassadors to their audience, seem to appear in their bravery, and in a habit far from that of a soldier, being without either fire-arms or swords, which latter are not worn but in time of service, or when they are upon a march, or embodied, wearing a cap made of camels hair, with a broad flap dangling behind, a gilt embroider’d wreath running round it, and an oblong piece of brass ri from the middle of their forehead near a foot, with a great club in their hand, like inferior officers of the civil government. But when they are in the camp, they throw off their upper vest and turbants, which they wear at all other usual times, as troublesome, and put on a fez or red cap, which fits close to their head, and tuck up their _Duliman_ or long coat to their girdle, that they may be the more quick and expedite in their charge. They affect finery and neatness in their cloaths and shashes; not so much as a spot to be seen upon them, and in rainy or suspicious weather are very careful how they go abroad without their _Yamurlics_, which is a kind of coat they throw over their heads at such times. Their pans and dishes are for the most part of copper, but so handsomely tinned over, that they look like silver. There are thousands of Gypsies or _Zinganies_ in _Turkey_, who live the same idle nasty kind of life as they do in Christendom, and pretend to the same art of telling fortunes; and are look’d upon as the off-scouring of mankind. It is ed the extremest point of human misery, to be a slave to any of this sort of cattle. The _Haggi_ or Pilgrims, that have been at _Mecca_ and _Medina_, forbear to drink wine most religiously, out of a persuasion, that one drop would efface all the merits of that troublesome and expensive journey; and some have been possest with such a mad zeal, that they have blinded themselves after their having been blest with the sight of _Mahomet_’s sepulchre. After _Jatzah_, that is, an hour and an half in the night, throughout the whole year, there is as great a silence in the streets as at midnight. The Emperor _Achmet_, in the year 1611, having made an order, that no one should presume to be out of his house after that time, which is to this day most punctually observed. The _Bostangi bashi_, who has the command of all the _Agiamoglans_ in the Seraglio, the _Topgibashi_, or such great officers, attended with a great train of armed men, walking the rounds, and drubbing such as they find abroad at unseasonable hours, of what nation or quality soever, except Physicians, Chirurgions, and Apothecaries, whom they allow at all times to visit the sick. The _Turkmans_, (for so they are peculiarly called, as if they were the true descendents of the old _Turks_ or _Scythians_, whose wandring kind of life is described by the Poet, Ἁμαξόβιοι { _Nulla domus, plaustris habitant, migrare per arva_ { _Mos, atque errantes circumvectare penates._) have no fix’d residence any where, but travel with their families and cattel from place to place, carrying their wives and children upon camels; they pitch their tents usually near rivers and fountains, for the conveniency of water, and according as their necessities require, make a longer and shorter stay. Their whole estates consists in their numerous flocks and herds, which they sell upon occasion, to supply themselves with what they want, at the towns they by. Their only concern is, how to enjoy the benefits and blessings of nature, without the troubles and turmoils and disquiets of life, being contented and happy in one anothers company, void of all ambition and envy, courteous and humane to strangers, that may want their help and assistance, kindly entertaining them with such provision as their folds afford. I have met with some companies of these harmless wanderers in my travels. The country lies open without any enclosures, and the property not being vested in any one, they travel thro’ the plains unmolested, and find excellent pasture every where. The _Turks_ till no more ground than will serve their necessities, being supply’d with corn from _Egypt_, and from _Moldavia_ and _Wallachia_, by the way of the Black sea, letting vast traces of ground lie waste and uncultivated; so that their sloth herein sometimes is justly punish’d with dearths. They have nothing to shew for their houses and possessions, but an _Hogiet_, or piece of paper subscribed by the Cadi, if they have acquired them by their money, or that they were their father’s before them. The Dervises generally are melancholy, and place the greatest part of their religion in abstinence and other severities. Some cut their flesh, others vow not to speak for six or seven years, or all their lives long, though never so much provoked or distressed. Their Garments are made of a coarse sort of wool, or goats hair: They are tied up by the vow of their order ever from marrying. Several of this sect, in the height of their religious phrenzy, have attempted upon the lives of the Emperors themselves (at whose government they have taken disgust) as _Mahomet_ II, and _Achmet_, as if such desperate attempts were fatal to bigots in all religions. They pay a mighty veneration to any relic of _Mahomet_, his banner is still preserved in the treasury of the Seraglio, and is looked upon as the greatest security of the empire. They believe that it was sent from Heaven, and conveyed into the hands of _Mahomet_ by the Angel _Gabriel_, as a pledge and sign of success and victory in his battels against the Christians, and all other enemies of the _Musulman_ faith. It was sent to _Candia_, to encourage the Soldiers to endure the fatigue of that long and tedious siege; and when it was brought thence after the surrender of that city, to be deposited in it’s usual place, the Vizier gave several Christian slaves, that row’d in the galley that was fraught with this holy ware, their liberty. They pretend to have some rags of _Mahomet_’s vest, to which they ascribe great virtue. In confidence of which the Emperor _Achmet_, in the time of a great fire, which raged at _Constantinople_, when all other means failed, dipt part of them in water to be sprinkled upon the fire to abate the fury of it. Next to the Mufti or Cadaleskiers are the Mollas, of which these four are the chiefest in dignity. The Molla of _Galata_, _Adrianople_, _Aleppo_, _Prusa_; and after them are reckoned these eight, _Stambol Ephendi_, _Larissa_, _Misir_ or _Cairo_, _Sham_ or _Damuscus_, _Diarbeker_ or _Mesopotamia_, _Cutaia_, _Sophia_, _Philippi_. The Priests have no habits peculiar to their profession, whereby they are distinguished from others. If they are put from their Mosque for miscarriage or neglect of doing their duty, or if they think fit to resign and be Priests no longer, they may betake themselves without any scandal to secular employments, their former character and quality wholly ceasing. While they remain Priests, they counterfeit a more than ordinary gravity in their discourse and walking: And affect to wear turbants swelling out, and made up with more cross folds; which was all the difference which I could observe by their head-attire, which is various, though I could not find that this was constantly and strictly observed. In _Byram_-time, which is the great festival of the year, at which time every one looks cheerfully and merrily. Among other signs of mutual respect, they besprinkle one another with sweet water: They indulge to several sports; and some are mightily pleased with swinging in the open air, the ordinary sort of people especially, paying only a few Aspers for the diversion. The government is perfectly arbitrary and despotical; the will and pleasure of the Emperor having the force and power of a law, and oftentimes is above it. His bare command, without any process, is enough to take off the head of any person (though never so eminent in dignity; though usually for formality, and to silence the murmurings of the soldiery and people, the sentence is confirmed by the Mufti.) Sometimes Bashaws, who have amassed great treasures in their governments, are cut off in their own houses in the midst of their retinue, the messengers of death producing the Imperial Command, usually sent in a black purse, and not a sword drawn in their defence. Others, if they are obnoxious to the least umbrage or jealousy, though dismist the Seraglio with all possible demonstrations of the Grand Signior’s favour, and with rich presents in order to take possession of places of great command in the empire, before they have got two or three days journey from _Constantinople_, have been overtaken and strangled. In the army commands are given according to merit; courage and conduct are sure to be rewarded, the way lying open to the meanest soldier to raise himself to be the chief of his order. But other preferments depend upon meer chance, and upon the fancy of the emperor, whether the person be fit or no, and they are as soon lost. The least ill success or miscarriage proves oftentimes fatal, and a more lucky man is put in his place, and he succeeded by a third, if unfortunate in a design, though managed with never so much prudence and valour. They it of no hereditary honours, and have no respect to descent or blood, except the _Ottoman_ family; he only is great and noble whom the Emperor favours, and while his command lasts. According to a tradition that es current amongst them, a Bashaw’s son by a _Sultana_, or a daughter or sister of the Emperor, can rise no higher than to be a _Sangiachi_, or Governor of some little province, much inferiour to a Bashaw, and under his jurisdiction. Being born of slaves for the most part, they do not pride themselves in their birth, very few among them being scarce able to give any of their grandfathers. They have no sirnames, but are distinguished by their possessions and places of abode, and enjoying by law a liberty of having what women they please, they have little or no regard to alliance or kindred. Their empire owes the continuance of it’s being to the severity of the government, which oftentimes takes place without regard either to justice or equity, and to their frequent wars, which prevent all occasions of mutiny and faction among the Soldiers, which happen frequently when unemploy’d. So that tho’ ambition may put a warlike Sultan upon enlarging his territories by new conquests, yet reason of state forces a weak and effeminate Prince, such as was _Ibrahim_, to make war for his own security. Their politics are not owing to books and study, and the examples of past-times, but to experience, and the plain suggestions of nature and common sense: They have rules of government, which they firmly adhere to, holding the reins streight, especially being cruel and inexorable to criminals of state, who never are to expect any mercy or pity. Their councils formerly were open, and their designs known, and proclaimed before-hand, as if this had been a bravery becoming their greatness, and that they scorned to steal a conquest. But they have learned since the art of dissimulation, and can lye and swear for their interest, and seem excessive in their caresses to the ministers of those countries, which they intend to invade. But their preparations for arming are made with so much noise, that an ordinary jealousy is soon awakened by it to oppose them, in case of an attack. They seldom or never care to have war at both extremes of the empire at the same time, and therefore they are mighty sollicitous to secure a peace with _Christendom_, when they intend a war upon the _Persian_; and as much as is possible, they avoid quarrelling with two _Christian_ Princes at once, being usually at league either with _Poland_ and _Muscovy_, when they war upon _Hungary_, and so on the contrary; dreading nothing more than a union of the _Christian_ Princes bordering upon them, which would prove so fatal to their Empire, and quickly put a period to their greatness; for hereby they would be put upon a necessity of making a defensive war, to their great loss and disadvantage, and at last either be forced to beg a peace of the Christians, or run the hazard of losing all by a farther prosecution of war. This they are very sensible of, and therefore as they take all occasion to promote quarrels and dissentions in _Hungary_ and _Transilvania_, so they greatly rejoice, when the Christian Princes are at war one with another. This is their great time of advantage, and they know, that it is their true interest to pursue it, tho’ they do not always, by reason of the ill condition of their own affairs make use of it. During the civil wars of __, the Bashaws and other commanders of the army were very importunate with the Grand Signior, to make a war on that side, and to enlarge his conquests as far as _Vienna_, no conjuncture having been ever so favourable to consumate such a design, in which _Solyman_ so unhappily miscarry’d. They promised him an easy victory, assuring him, that the animosities of the Princes of the empire were so heightened, that there was no room left for a reconciliation, that he was but to go in the head of an army to take possession, and that _Austria_ would surrender at the first news of his march towards it. The Emperor was not to be moved at that time by these insinuations and plausible discourses; being continually urged, he as often deny’d. One day when they came to renew their advice about the _German_ war, he having given order before, that several dogs should be kept for some days without meat, commanded that they should be brought out, being almost starved, and meat thrown among them; whereupon they snarl’d and bit one another; in the midst of their noise and fighting he caused a bear to be let loose in the same area; the dogs forgetting their meat and leaving off their fighting, ran all upon the bear, ready to pray upon them singly, and at last killed him. This diversion the Emperor gave his Bashaws, and left them to make the application. A certain prophecy of no small authority runs in the minds of all the people, and has gain’d great credit and belief among them, that their empire shall be ruin’d by a northern nation, which has white and yellowish hair. The interpretation is as various as their fancy. Some fix this character on the _Moscovites_; and the poor _Greeks_ flatter themselves with foolish hopes, that they are to be their deliverers, and to rescue them from their slavery, chiefly because they are of their communion, and owe their conversion to the Christian faith, to the piety and zeal of the _Grecian_ Bishops formerly. Others look upon the _Sweeds_ as the persons described in the prophecy, whom they are most to fear. The ground and original of this fancy, I suppose, is owing to the great opinion which they have of the valour and courage of that warlike nation. The great victories of the _Sweeds_ in __, under _Gustavus Adolphus_, were loudly proclaim’d at _Constantinople_, as if there were no withstanding the shock and fury of their arms; and their continued successes confirmed the _Turks_ in their first belief, and their fears and jealousies were augmented afterwards, when _Charles Gustave_, a Prince of as heroic a courage, and as great abilities in the art and management of war, as the justly ired _Gustavus_, entered _Poland_ with his army, and carry’d all before him, seized upon _Warsaw_, and drove _Casimire_ out of his kingdom, and had almost made an entire and absolute conquest, only a few places holding out. This alarmed the Grand Signior and the Bashaws of the _Porte_, as if the prophecy were then about to be fulfilled, who did not care for the company of such troublesome neighbours, who might push on their victories, and ing with the _Cossacks_, advance their arms farther, and make their country the seat of war, which might draw after it fatal consequences. To prevent which couriers are dispatched from _Constantinople_ to _Ragotzki_, Prince of _Transilvania_, then in concert with the _Sweeds_, to command him to retire with his army out of _Poland_, as he valued the peace and safety of his own country, and the friendship of the Grand Signior, whose tributary he was, and by whose favour he had gained that principality; and the _Crim-Tartars_, the sworn enemies of the _Poles_, who at that time lay heavy upon them, were wrought upon by the same motives and reasons of state, to clap up a peace with them, that being freed from these distractions, they might unite their forces the better together, and make head against the _Sweeds_. The Embassadors of Christian Princes, when they are itted by the Grand Signior to an audience, their presents being then of course made, which are look’d upon as due, not to say as an homage, are dismist in few words, and referred by him to his _Wakil_ or deputy, as he usually stiles the chief Vizier, and a small number of their retinue only permitted the honour of kissing his vest, and then rudely enough sent away. The Grand Signiors keep up the state of the old _Asiatic_ Princes; they do not expose themselves often to the view of the people, unless when they ride in triumph, or upon some such solemn occasion; when they go to the Mosques, or divert themselves in the fields, either in riding or hunting, they do not love to be stared upon or approached. It is highly criminal to pry into the sports, such an insolent curiosity being often punished with death. The story is famous of _Morad_ the third, who baiting a bear in the old palace with a mastiff, and espying three fellows upon the tower of _Bajazid_’s Mosque, who had planted themselves to see the sport, commanded their heads to be struck off immediately and be brought before him, which was done accordingly. Instances of such capricios are frequent in the _Turkish_ history; this following happen’d during my stay at _Constantinople_. Upon the return of Vizier _Achmet_ from _Candia_, after the surrender of that city, and a happy end put by him to that tedious and bloody war, he acquainting the present Emperor, then at _Adrianople_, with the history of that famous siege at large, made such terrible representations of their and the _Venetians_ mining and countermining one another, that the Emperor was resolved out of curiosity to see the experiment made of a thing that seemed to him almost incredible. A work was soon raised and undermined, and above thirty murderers and robbers upon the highway, and such like villains were put into it, as it were to defend it. The Grand Signior stood upon an eminence at some considerable distance, expecting the issue of it: upon a signal given, the mine was sprung, and the fort demolish’d, and the poor wretches torn peacemeal, to his great satisfaction and amazement. The moon is the auspicious planet of the _Turks_; according to the course of which they celebrate their festivals. They begin their months from the first appearance of it, at which time they chuse, except a delay brings a great prejudice and inconvenience with it, to begin their great actions. The crescent is the ensign of the empire, which they paint in their banners, and place upon the spires of their Mosques. Next to the day of the appearing moon, they pitch upon Friday, to fight upon, to begin a journey, and especially their pilgrimage towards _Mecca_, or do any thing of great consequence, as very lucky and fortunate. [Illustration] _An of the latitude of ~Constantinople~ and ~Rhodes~; written by the learned Mr ~John Greaves~, sometime professor of astronomy in the university of ~Oxford~, and directed to the most reverend ~James Usher~, Archbishop of ~Ardmagh~._ Upon intimation of your Grace’s desires, and upon importunity of some learned men, having finished a table as a key to your Grace’s exquisite disquisition, touching _Asia_, properly so called; I thought myself obliged to give both you and them a reason, why in the situation of _Byzantium_, and the island _Rhodus_, (which two eminent places I have made the παραπήγματα, and bounds of the chart) I dissent from the traditions of the ancients, and from the tables of our late and best Geographers, and consequently dissenting in these, have been necessitated to alter the latitudes, if not longitudes, of most of the remarkable cities of this discourse. And first for _Byzantium_, the received latitude of it by _Appianus_, _Mercator_, _Ortelius_, _Maginnus_, and some others, is forty three degrees and five minutes. And this also we find in the _Basil_ edition of _Ptolomy_’s Geography, procured by _Erasmus_ out of a _Greek_ MS. of _Pettichius_. The same likewise is confirmed by another choice MS. in _Greek_, of the most learned and judicious Mr _Selden_, to whom for this favour and several others, I stand obliged. And as much is expressed in the late edition of _Ptolomey_ by _Bertius_, compared and corrected by _Sylburgius_, with a MS. out of the _Palatine_ library. Wherefore it cannot be doubted, having such a cloud of witnesses, but that _Ptolomy_ assigned to _Byzantium_ as our best modern Geographers have done, the latitude of 43° 5′. And this will farther appear, not only out of geography, where it is often expressed, but also out of his μεγάλη σύνταξις, or _Almagest_, as the _Arabians_ term it, where, describing the parallel ing διὰ Βυζαντίου, he assigns to it 43° 5′. What was the opinion concerning _Byzantium_ of _Strabo_ preceding _Ptolomy_, or of _Hipparchus_ preceding _Strabo_, or of _Eratosthenes_ more ancient, and it may be accurater than all of them, (for _Strabo_ (_lib. 2._) calls him τελευταῖον πραγματευσάμενον περὶ τῆς γεωγραφίας) though _Tully_ (_lib. Ep. ad Att._) makes _Hipparchus_ often reprehend _Eratosthenes_, as _Ptolomy_ after him doth _Marinus_, their writings not being now extant, (unless those of _Strabo_) cannot be determined by us. But as for _Strabo_, in our enquiry, we can expect little satisfaction; for his description of places, having more of the Historian and Philosopher, (both which he hath performed with singular gravity and judgment) than the exactness of a Mathematician, who strictly respects the position of places, without inquisition after their nature, qualities, and inhabitants, (though the best geography would be a mixture of them all, as _Abulfeda_, an _Arabian_ Prince in his _Rectification of Countries_, above three hundred years since hath done;) I say for these reasons, we can expect little satisfaction from _Strabo_, and less may we hope for from _Dionysius Afer_, _Arrianus_, _Stephanus Byzantinus_, and others. Having next therefore recourse to the _Arabians_, who in geography deserve the second place after the _Grecians_, I find in _Nassir Eddin_ the latitude of _Byzantium_, which he _Buzantiya_, and _Constantiniya_, to be 45 degrees, and in _Ulug Beg_’s Astronomical Tables the same to be expressed. _Abulfeda_ chiefly follows four principal authors as his guides, in the compiling of his Geographical Tables, those are _Alfaras_, _Albiruny_, _Hon Saiid Almagraby_, lastly, _Ptolomy_, whose geography he a _Description of the Quadrant_, (or the fourth part of the earth) inhabited; and all these, according to his assertion, place _Byzantium_ in 45 degrees of latitude. And here it may justly be wonder’d how this difference should arise between the _Greek_ copies of _Ptolomy_, and those translated into _Arabic_ by the command of _Almamon_, the learned Calife of _Babylon_; for _Abulfeda_ expressly relates, that _Ptolomy_ was first interpreted in his time, that is, in the computation of _Almecinus_, in _Erpenius_’s edition, and of _Emir Cond_, a _Persian_ Historiographer, more than 800 years since; concerning which, _Abulfeda_ writes thus, _This book_ (discoursing of _Ptolomy_’s Geography) _was translated out of the ~Grecian~ language into the ~Arabic~ for ~Almamon~_: And, in this I find, (by three fair MSS. of _Abulfeda_) _Byzantium_ to be constantly placed in 45°, and as constantly in the _Greek_ copies in 43° 5′. But in the πρόχειροι κανόνες of _Chrysococca_, out of the _Persian_ tables, (made about the year 1346, in _Scaliger_’s calculation) it is placed in 45°. To reconcile the difference between the _Greeks_ and _Arabians_, may seem impossible, for the common refuge of flying to the corruption of numbers by transcribers, and laying the fault on them, which sometimes is the author’s, will not help us in this particular; seeing the _Greek_ copies agree amongst themselves, and the _Arabic_ amongst themselves. The best way to end the dispute, will be, to give credit concerning the latitude of _Byzantium_, neither to the _Greeks_ nor _Arabians_. And that I have reason for this assertion, appears by several observations of mine at _Constantinople_, with a brass sextant of above four foot radius. Where, taking in the summer solstice, the Meridian altitude of the Sun, without using any προσθαφαίρεσις, for the parallax and refraction, (which at that time was not necessary) I found the latitude to be 41° 6′. And in this latitude in the chart, I have placed _Byzantium_, and not in that, either of the _Greeks_ or _Arabians_. From which observation, being of singular use in the rectification of geography, it will follow by way of corallary, that all maps for the north-east of _Europe_, and of _Asia_, ading upon the _Bosphorus_, _Thracius_, the _Pontus Euxinus_, and much farther, are to be corrected, and consequently the situation of most cities in _Asia_, properly so called, are to be brought more southerly than those of _Ptolomy_, by almost two entire degrees, and than those of the _Arabians_, by almost four. Concerning _Rhodes_, it may be presumed, that having been the mother and nurse of so many eminent Mathematicians, and having long flourished in navigation, by the direction of these, and by the vicinity of the _Phœnicians_, they could not be ignorant of the precise latitude of their country, and that from them _Ptolomy_ might receive a true information. Though it cannot be denied, but that _Ptolomy_, in places remoter from _Alexandria_, hath much erred. I shall only instance in our own country, where he situates λονδίνιον, that is _London_, in 54° of latitude, and the περὶ μέσον, or the middle of the _Isle of Wight_ (which in the printed copies is falsly termed οὐίκτησις, but in the MSS. rightly οὐῆκτις) in 52° and 20′ of latitude. Whereas _London_ is certainly known to have for the altitude of the pole, or latitude of the place, only 51° and 32′; and the middle of the _Isle of Wight_ not to exceed 50°, and some minutes. But in my judgment _Ptolomy_ is very excusable in these and the like errors, of several other places far distant from _Alexandria_, seeing he must for their position, necessarily have depended either upon relations of travellers, or observations of Mariners, or upon the longitude of the day, measured in those times by _Clepsydræ_; all which how uncertain they are, and subject unto error, if some celestial observations be not ed with them, and those exactly taken with large instruments, (in which kind the ancients have not many, and our times (excepting _Tycho Brayhe_, and some of the _Arabians_) but a few) I say no man, that hath conversed with modern travellers and navigators, can be ignorant. Wherefore to excuse these errors of his (or rather of others fathered by him) with a greater absurdity, by asserting the poles of the world since his time, to have changed their site, and consequently all countries their latitudes, as _Mariana_, the master of _Copernicus_, and others after him have imagined; or else to charge _Ptolomy_, being so excellent an artist, with ignorance, and that even of his own country, as _Cluverius_ hath done, from which my observations at _Alexandria_ and _Memphis_ may vindicate him; the former were too great a stupidity, and the latter too great a presumption. But to return to _Rhodes_, an island in _Eustathius_’s Comment upon _Dyonisius_’s περιήγησις of 920 furlongs circuit, where according to _Ptolomy_, the parallel ing διὰ ῥόδου, hath 36° of latitude, and so hath _Lindus_, and Ἰηλυσσός the chief cities of the island; the same is confirmed by the MS. but where the printed copy and _Eustathius_ read Ἰηλυσσὸς, which _Mercator_ renders _Talyssus_, the MS. renders Ιλισὸς. _Abulfeda_ in some copies, situates the island _Rhodes_, (for he mentions no cities there) in the latitude of 37° and 40′: And the geography of _Said Ibn Aly Algiorgany_, commended by _Gilbyrtus Gaulmyn_, in 37°, if it be not by a transposition in the MS of the numerical letters in _Arabic_, 37 for 36, which, by reason of their similitude, are often confounded in _Arabic_ MSS. By my observations under the walls of the city _Rhodes_, with a fair brass _Astrolabe_ of _Gemma Frisius_, containing 14 inches in the diameter, I found the latitude to be 37° and 50′. A larger instrument I durst not adventure to carry on shore in a place of so much jealousy. And this latitude in the chart, I have assigned to the city _Rhodes_, from the island so denominated, upon which, on the north-east side, it stands situated, better agreeing with the _Arabians_ than with _Ptolomy_, whom I know not how to excuse. [Illustration] CHAP. VI. _Some Observations made in a voyage to ~Egypt~. By M. ~Belon~._ In our sailing between _Rhodes_ and _Alexandria_, a sort of Falcon came and sate two hours upon our sails. Abundance of Quails flying from the north, southwards, fell into our ship. We observ’d in our sailing many Pelicans, and some unknown birds. At _Alexandria_, I observ’d them to burn the _Kali_ for fuel, wood being scarce; they calcine lime with the ashes, then call it _Soda_, and sell it to the _Venetians_, who melt it with a particular stone brought from _Pavia_, by the river _Tesino_, and so make their famous chrystal glass at _Muran_; but the _French_ find the sand brought from _Estampes_ to serve as well as the _Pavian_ stone. From this place they send their commodities and merchandize into all parts of the world. In my age to and from Grand _Cairo_, and during my abode there, I observed besides other things, the animals and Plants. As the _Garaffa_, or _Camelopardalus_; the _Bubalus_ of _Afric_, different from the Buffalo; flocks of the _Oryx_, and of _Gazells_ which they shoot; the _Axis_, a most beautiful creature (_by the description it may be the ~Zebra~, or ~Zembra~ of ~Afric~_) great varieties of Monkeys at _Cairo_; the _Hippopotamus_ about the lakes and rivers; Goats with very long ears hanging down almost to the ground; Sheep with great tails, and vast laps under their chin; the _Ichneumon_ tame in their houses like cats; this animal destroys Rats and Mice like Weasils, hunts Serpents which the people eat, destroys Camelions and other Lizards, it creeps and darts upon it’s prey; ’tis bigger and much stronger than a Cat. I observ’d at _Cairo_, many Civet-Cats. Two kinds of Camelions frequently sitting on the _Rhamnus_, catching of insects with their tongues as they fly by; Crocodiles common in the lakes and rivers; the little _Lacerta Chalcidica_, hunts insects under the walls; the _Stellio_ or swift Lizard, is common about the Pyramids, and the other Sepulchres, where it runs after Flies; the excrement of this animal is sold up and down for an excellent Cosmetic: I saw also the Serpent call’d _Cerastes_. The great Bats abound in the caves. Amongst the Birds, the Ostrich, whose skins and feathers are in use amongst the _Turks_, the Pelican, with whose bills and bags, the watermen of the _Nile_ throw the water out of their boots; the _Vulp-Anser_ is common in the watery places. I observed also the _Crex_ and the _Ibis_. The inhabitants never hatch their eggs under hens, but all in ovens or furnaces. The common trees are the Tamarisk, loaded with galls, or animal excrescencies; the Date-Palm; the _Acacia_, or Gum-_Arabic_-tree; the _Cassia Solutiva_; the Tamarind; the true Sycamore, or _Pharaoh_’s _Fig_-tree; the _Musa Arbor_, or the Plantane; the _Siliqua_, or _Carob_; yellow Jessamine, and yellow Roses; _Syringa_; _Alcanna_, a sort of _Ligustrum_, Cotton-trees, _&c._ The most remarkable Herbs I took notice of, were the _Papyrus Nilotica_ (a sort of _Cyperus_ out of whose threads, or filaments, the ancients made their paper.) The _Colocasia_, or great _Egyptian Arum_, whose root they boil with most of their meats: The Sugar-cane, or Reed, by the fuel whereof they melt their Metals, wood being scarce in _Egypt_; _Hyoscyamus niger_, out of whose root they prepare an oil for their lamps and other uses: A milky _Convolvulus_ on the walls (perhaps an _Apocynum_ being podded;) several _Phaseoli_ or Kidney-beans; Gourds, Pumpions, Thorn-apples, _Coloquintida_; many _Ocimums_ or wild Basils; the _Harmala_, common about _Alexandria_ (a sort of Rue, with great white flowers) the _Abrus_, two _Senna_’s, _Bammia_, _Melochia_, _Stratiotes_, &c. The Eagle-stone is found up and down _Egypt_ in very great plenty. MORE OBSERVATIONS MADE IN _EGYPT_, BY Guilandinus, Alpinus, _and others_. CHAP. I. _Of the weather and seasons in ~Egypt~._ The months of _January_ and _February_ make the spring in _Egypt_, the trees beginning to germinate and put forth, and the herbs to flower, so that then the fields and gardens are in their glory. They reckon two summers, their first is in _March_, _April_, _May_, which is the most inconstant, unequal, and most sickly season of the year, as also the hottest and most scorching; which is imputed to the east and south winds, that blow generally for fifty days together over desart sandy places, accompanied with a hot burning sand, that spoils all their eyes; Strangers during this season, retire into grotts and subterraneous places, and drink much of the water of the _Nile_, which is excellent in quenching epidemical thirst at that time. Their second summer is in _June_, _July_, _August_, which is equal, constant, and healthful, the wind blowing then from the north over sea, the _Nile_ also swelling and overflowing by the rains falling in _Ethiopia_, and the air moist and refreshing. Now all the people abstain from business and labour, follow spectacles, games, plays, _&c._ the land being under water. _September_ and _October_ make their autumn, at the end whereof they sow their wheat, which they reap in _March_ following. This autumn is temperate and salubrious. _November_ and _December_ are their winter; ice, snow, and hail are seldom or never seen: Rain falls rarely in the inner parts of _Egypt_, only a dew; but at _Alexandria_, and other places near the sea they have rain, and a more healthful air; these showers come most in _November_. CHAP. II. _Of the meats and drinks of ~Egypt~._ The inhabitants, especially the Mahometans, live abstemiously, eat little and often; their diet is generally simple, abhorring mixtures and variety. Rice boiled in mutton broth, Lentils, Pulse, and legumes; Bete, Mallows call’d _Bamia_, Cucumbers, Melons, Citruls, Dates, Figs of the Sycamore, Plantanes, Pomegranates, Grapes, Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Sugar-canes, _Colocasia_-root, _&c._ make up the greatest part of their diet. The richest sort eat mutton, poultry, and several sorts of fish from the _Nile_, which tho’ fat, are not esteemed wholsome, because the bottom of that river is very muddy, and the water much troubled. All their bread is made of Wheat, and they make abundance of milk-meats. Their kitchen herbs are water’d every day, all their gardens being planted near the banks of the _Nile_, which is one reason that their salleting is more watry and insipid than in _Italy_; yet if they did not water them every day in _Egypt_, they would soon be dried up. There are no gardens but near the river, because there is no rain nor fresh water in other parts. The ordinary people will eat Camels, Buffaloes, and Crocodiles. The water of the _Nile_, purged and clarified, either by standing in jars, or precipitated with powder and pastes of sweet Almonds, is the general drink of the country, being esteem’d the lightest, the most nutritious, and the most refreshing liquor in the world, the water running so far under a hot sun, and falling down so many cataracts. The inhabitants sleep little, indulge venery, having many wives and concubines, are generally idle, yet live long, and see more years than the _Poles_, _Germans_, and other northern nations, where gluttony and drunkenness are much more in fashion than in the _Egyptian_ climate. The _Jews_ and Christians, as also the _Turkish_ soldiers, will often debauch at Grand _Caire_, with those rich wines brought from _Candy_, _Rhodes_, and _Cyprus_; those from _Italy_, _Corfou_, and _Zant_, will not keep in _Egypt_, the heat soon pricking them. [Illustration] CHAP. III. _Of the diseases, and physic._ The most epidemical and endemical distempers of _Egypt_, are sore eyes, from the east and south winds bringing along with them a burning sand and piercing nitre mix’d with it, which makes them frequently wash and cleanse their eyes with the _Nile_ water at that season. Leprosies from their salt and rotten fish. Inflammatory phrenzies, killing in three or four hours time. A pestilential small pox, and pestilential feavers, especially at _Alexandria_ in autumn. Ruptures are very common, by reason of their moist and watry diet: But that which destroys most is the plague, which they take no care to obstruct or avoid, depending upon their principle of inevitable fate and predestination; therefore in the year 1580, they lost above 500,000 souls in six or seven months time, in the single city of Grand _Cairo_. The plague in _Egypt_ rages for the most part from the beginning of _September_ to _June_, at which time it never fails to cease, the wind turning then to the salubrious quarter of the north, and the _Nile_ swelling with fresh streams. They reckon this plague is constantly brought either from _Barbary_, _Lybia_, or other _African_ countries, or else from _Syria_ or _Greece_; that from _Barbary_ is most furious and pernicious, the other two mild and gentle. Their practical physic consists in Phlebotomy, which they ister universally in almost every disease; in cauterizing or burning, in scarrifying, in cupping, bathing in a few lenative purgatives, and cooling quieting alteratives. They bleed by cutting or pricking the veins and arteries themselves in most parts of the body; yet in eunuchs, women, children, and other soft constitutions, they take away blood by scarrifying the thighs, ears, lips, nostrils, gums, _&c._ They generally bleed after meat. Their cupping-glasses are of different figures from ours, and their cautery is Cotton set on fire. They have a gross way of cutting in dropsies to let the water out. Their manner of extracting stones out of the bladder, is by blowing and extending the _Urethra_, then pressing the stones to the neck of the bladder, by their fingers put into the _Anus_, or fundament, and afterwards sucking them out through the expanded ages. Their women bathe very much, and use all manner of arts to soften and plump their bodies. They abstain from all hot or violent purgatives, as _Scammony_, _Coloquintida_, _Elaterium_, Hellebores, _Cataputia_, _Metezon_, &c. and use only the most gentle lenitives, as _Cassia_, Tamarinds, Manna, _Myrobalans_, sometimes Rheubarb and a little _Sena_, as also cooling clysters. Their alterative physic consists of coolers and anodyns, as _Nymphæa_, Poppy, Endive, Lettice, Berberries, _China_-root (never _Guaicum_ or _Sursa_) _Opium_, flowers of the _Alcanna_, Coffee: The women will eat _Hermodactyls_ like roasted Chesnuts at night. They have few compound medicines, unless a _Theriaca_ different from the _Venetian_, or that of _Andromachus_, in the preparing of which, they seem very careful and ceremonious. Some amongst them pretend to many _Arcanums_ against feavers. For a full catalogue of such trees, shrubs, and herbs as grow in _Egypt_, together with their synonymous names and places, the reader may consult Mr _Ray_’s _Collection of Exotick Catalogues_, published at _London_ 1693, and annexed at the end of this work, amongst which he will find an _Egyptian_ one. The manner of hatching chickens at Grand _Cairo_, with a particular delineation of the ovens, fire, mats, _&c._ may be read at large in Mr _Greave_’s _Relation_, printed in the _Philosoph. Trans._ Nᵒ 137. pag. 923, 924, 925. Several conjectures and experiments upon the _Egyptian_ nitre, commonly call’d _Natron_, (found floating on the lake _Latron_ near _Nitria_, a town lower upon the _Nile_ than Grand _Cairo_) may be read in the _Philosoph. Trans._ Nᵒ 160. from pag. 609. to pag. 619. also in Nᵒ 167, pag. 837, 838. where ’tis proved to be little different from _Sal Armoniac_, and may owe it’s original to a natural union or mixture of the fossile salt of the lakes with the urinose one, that comes from the Crocodiles, _Hippopotami_, and other animal inhabitants of those waters. [Illustration] _Of the PYRAMIDS of ~Egypt~: By Mr ~Greaves~, Professor of Astronomy in the University of ~Oxford~._ _A description of the Pyramids in ~Egypt~, as I found them in the 1048th year of the ~Hegira~, or in the year 1638, and 1639 of our Lord, after the ~Dionysian~ ._ _A description of the first and fairest Pyramid._ The first and fairest of the three greater Pyramids is situated on the top of a rocky hill, in the sandy desart of _Lybia_, about a quarter of a mile distant to the west, from the plains of _Egypt_, above which the rock riseth an hundred feet or better, with a gentle and easy ascent. Upon this advantageous rise, and upon this solid foundation the Pyramid is erected; the height of the situation adding to the beauty of the work, and the solidity of the rock giving the superstructure a permanent and stable . Each side of the Pyramid, computing it according to _Herodotus_, contains in length 800 _Græcian_ feet; and in _Diodorus Siculus_’s 700. _Strabo_ reckons it less than a furlong, that is less than 600 _Græcian_ feet, or 625 _Roman_. And _Pliny_ equals it to 883. That of _Diodorus Siculus_, in my judgment, comes nearest to the truth, and may serve in some kind to confirm those proportions, which in another discourse I have assigned to the _Græcian_ measures; for measuring the north side of it near the Basis, by an exquisite Radius of ten feet in length, taking two several stations, as Mathematicians use to do, when any obstacle hinders their approach, I found it to be 693 feet, according to the _English_ standard; which quantity is somewhat less than that of _Diodorus_. The rest of the sides were examin’d by a line for want of an even level, and a convenient distance to place my instruments, both which the Area on the former side afforded. The Altitude of this Pyramid was long since measured by _Thales Milisius_, who according to _Tatianus Assyrius_ lived about the fiftieth Olympiad, but his observations are no where by the ancients express’d; only _Pliny_ tells us of a course proposed by him, how it might be found, and that is by observing such an hour, when the shadow of the body is equal to it’s height. A way at the best, by reason of the faintness and scattering of the extremity of the shadow, in so great an Altitude, uncertain, and subject unto error. And yet _Diogines Laërtius_, in the life of _Thales_, hath the same story, from the authority of _Hieronymus_, who reports, that he measured the Pyramids by their shadow, marking when they are of an equal quantity. Wherefore I shall by his, and give my own observations. The Altitude is something defective of the Latitude; tho’ in _Strabo_’s computation it exceeds; but _Diodorus_ rightly acknowledges it to be less, which if we measure by it’s perpendicular, is 481 feet; but if we take it as the Pyramid ascends inclining, as all such figures do, then it is equal, in respect of the lines subtending the several angles, to the Latitude of the Basis, that is to 693 feet. What excessive heights some fancy to themselves, or borrow from the relation of others, I shall not now examine. This I am certain of, that the shaft or spire of St _Paul_’s in _London_, before it was casually burnt, being as much or somewhat more than the Altitude of the tower now standing (1647) did exceed the height of this Pyramid. For _Cambden_ describes it to have been in a perpendicular 520 feet from the ground. If we imagine upon the sides of the Basis, which is perfectly square, four equilateral Triangles mutually propending, and enclining, till they all meet on high as it were in a point, for so the top seems to them which stand below, then shall we have a true notion of the just dimension and figure of this Pyramid: the Perimeter of each triangle comprehending 2079 feet, besides the Latitude of a little plain or flat on the top, and the Perimeter of the Basis 2772 feet; whereby the whole Area of the Basis (to proportion it to our measures,) contains 480,249 square feet, or eleven _English_ acres of ground, and 1089 of 43560 parts of an acre. A proportion so monstrous, that if the ancients did not attest as much, and some of them describe it to be more, this age would hardly be induced to give credit to it. But _Herodotus_ describing each side to contain 800 feet, the Area must of necessity be greater than that by me assigned, the sum amounting to 640,000, or computing it as _Diodorus Siculus_ doth, the Area will comprehend 490,000 feet, and in the calculation of _Pliny_, if we shall square 883, which is the number allotted by him to the measure of each side, the product 779,689, will much exceed both that of _Herodotus_ and this of _Diodorus_. Tho’ certainly _Pliny_ is much mistaken, in asg the measure of the side to be 883 feet, and the Basis of the Pyramid to be but eight _jugera_, or _Roman_ acres; for if we take the _Roman jugerum_ to contain in length 240 feet, and in breadth 120, as may be evidently proved out of _Varro_, and is expressly affirmed by _Quintilian_, then will the superficies or whole extention of the _jugerum_ be equal to 28,800 _Roman_ feet, with which if we divide 779,689, the result will be 27 _Roman jugera_, and 2089 of 28800 parts of an acre. Wherefore if we take those numbers 883 of _Pliny_ to be true, then I suppose he writ 28 _jugera_ instead of 8, or else in his proportion of the side to the Area of the Basis he hath erred. The ascent to the top of the Pyramid is contrived in this manner: From all the sides without we ascend by degrees; the lowermost degree is near four foot in height, and three in breadth. This runs about the Pyramid in a level, and at the first, when the stones were entire, which are now somewhat decay’d, made on every side of it a long but narrow walk. The second degree is like the first, each stone amounting almost to four feet in height, and three in breadth; it retires inward from the first near 3 feet, and this runs about the Pyramid in a level as the former. In the same manner is the third row placed upon the second, and so in order the rest, like so many stairs rise one above another to the top. Which ends not in a point, as mathematical Pyramids do, but in a little flat or square. Of this _Herodotus_ hath no where left us the dimensions, but _Henricus Stephanus_, an able and deserving man, in his comment hath supply’d it for him; for he makes it to be eight _orgyiæ_; where if we take the _orgyia_, as both _Hesychius_ and _Suidas_ do, for the distance between the hands extended at length, that is for the fathom, or 6 feet, then should it be 48 feet in breadth at the top. But the truth is, _Stephanus_, in this particular, whilst he corrects the errors of _Valla_’s interpretation, is to be corrected himself; for that Latitude which _Herodotus_ assigns to the irable bridge below, (of which there is nothing now remaining) he hath carry’d up, by a mistake, to the top of the Pyramid. _Diodorus Siculus_ comes nearer to the truth, who describes it to be but 9 feet. _Pliny_ makes the breadth at the top to be 25 feet, _Altitudo_ (I would rather read it _latitudo_) _à cacumine pedes 25_. By my measure it is 13 feet, and 280 of 1000 parts of the _English_ foot. Upon this flat, if we assent to the opinion of _Proclus_, it may be supposed that the _Egyptian_ Priests made their observations in Astronomy; and that from hence, or near this place they first discovered, by the rising of _Sirius_, their _annus_ κυνικὸς, or _Canicularis_, as also their _periodus Sothiaca_, or _annus magnus_ κυνικὸς, or _annus Heliacus_, or _annus Dei_, as it is termed by _Censorinus_, consisting of 1400 sidereal years, in which space their _Thoth Vagum_, and _fixum_, came to have the same beginning. That the Priests might near these Pyramids make their observations, I no way question, this rising of the hill being, in my judgments as fit a place as any in _Egypt_ for such a design, and so much the fitter by the vicinity of _Memphis_. But that these Pyramids were designed for observatories, (whereas by the testimonies of the ancients I have proved before, that they were intended for sepulchres) is no way to be credited upon the singular authority of _Proclus_. Neither can I apprehend to what purpose the Priests with so much difficulty should ascend so high, when below with more ease, and as much certainty, they might from their own lodgings hewn in the rocks upon which the Pyramids are erected, make the same observations; for seeing all _Egypt_ is but as it were one continued plain, they might from these cliffs have, over the plains of _Egypt_, as free and open a prospect of the heavens, as from the tops of the Pyramids themselves. And therefore _Tully_ writes more truly, _Ægyptii, aut Babylonii, in camporum patentium æquoribus habitantes, cum ex terra ad nihil emineret, quod contemplationi cœli officere posset, omnem curam in siderum cognitione posuerunt._ The top of this Pyramid is covered not with one[18] or three[19] massy stones, as some have imagin’d, but with nine, besides two which are wanting at the angles. The degrees by which we ascend up (as I observed in measuring many of them) are not all of an equal depth, for some are near four foot, others want of three, and these the higher we ascend, do so much the more diminish; neither is the breadth of them alike, the difference in this kind being, as far as I could conjecture, proportionable to their depth. And therefore a right line extended from any part of the Basis without, to the top, will equally touch the outward angle of every degree. Of these it was impossible for me to take an exact measure, since in such a revolution of time, if the inner parts of the Pyramid have not lost any thing of their first perfection, as being not exposed to the injury of the air[20], yet the outward parts, that is these degrees or rows of stone, have been much wasted and impaired by both. And therefore they cannot conveniently now be ascended, but either at the south side, or at the east angle on the north. They are well stiled by _Herodotus_ βωμίδες, that is, little altars, for in the form of altars they rise one above another to the top; and these are all made of massy and polish’d stones, hewn according to _Herodotus_ and _Diodorus_, out of the _Arabian_ mountains, which bound the upper part of _Egypt_, or that above the _Delta_, on the east, as the _Lybian_ mountains terminate it on the west, being so vast, that the breadth and depth of every step is one single and entire stone. The relation of _Herodotus_ and _Pomponius Mela_ is more irable, who make the least stone in this Pyramid to be thirty feet. And this I can grant in some, yet surely it cannot be itted in all, unless we interpret their words, that the least stone is thirty square, or to speak more properly, thirty cubical feet; which dimension, or a greater, in the exteriour ones, I can without any difficulty it. The number of these steps is not mentioned by the ancients, and that caused me and two that were with me, to be the more diligent in computing them, because by modern writers, and some of those too of repute, they are described with much diversity and contrariety. The degrees, saith _Bellonius_, are two hundred and fifty, each of them single contains in height forty five digits, at the top it is two paces broad; for this I take to be the meaning or what _Clusius_ renders thus: _A basi autem ad cacumen ipsius supputationem facientes, comperimus circiter, 250 gradus, singuli altitudinem habent 5 solearum calcei 9 pollicum longitudinis, in fastigio duos us habet._ Where I conceive his _us_ is in the same sense to be understood here above, as not long before he explains himself in describing the Basis below, which in his is _324 us paululum extensis cruribus_. _Albertus Lewenstainius_ reckons the steps to be 260, each of them a foot and an half in depth. _Johannes Helfricus_ counts them to be 230. _Sebastianus Serlius_, upon a relation of _Grimano_ the Patriarch of _Aquileia_, and afterwards Cardinal, who in his travels in _Egypt_ measured these degrees, computes them to be 210, and the height of every step to be equally three palms and a half. It would be but lost labour to mention the different and repugnant relations of several others; that which by experience and by a diligent calculation I and two others found, is this, that the number of degrees from the bottom to the top is 207, tho’ one of them in descending reckoned 208. Such as please, may give credit to those fabulous traditions of some, that a _Turkish_ archer standing at the top, cannot shoot beyond the bottom, but that the arrow will necessarily fall upon these steps. If the _Turkish_ bow (which by those figures which I have seen in ancient monuments, is the same with that of the _Parthians_, so dreadful to the _Romans_) be but as swift and strong as the _English_; as surely it is much more, if we consider with what incredible force some of them will pierce a plank of six inches in thickness, (I speak what I have seen) it will not seem strange, that they should carry twelve score in length, which distance is beyond the Basis of this Pyramid. _The description of the inside of the first Pyramid._ Having finish’d the description of the superficies of the greater Pyramid, with the figure and dimensions of it, as they present themselves to the view without; I shall now look inwards, and lead the reader into the several spaces, and partitions within; of which if the ancients have been silent, we must chiefly impute it to a reverend and awful regard, mixed with superstition, in not presuming to enter those chambers of death, which religion and devotion had consecrated to the rest and quiet of the dead. Wherefore _Herodotus_ mentions no more, but only in general, ‘That some secret vaults are hewn in the rock under the Pyramid.’ _Diodorus Siculus_ is silent, though both enlarge themselves in other particulars less necessary. _Strabo_ is also very concise, whose whole description both of this and the second Pyramid is included in this short expression: ‘Forty stadia, or furlongs, from the city _Memphis_, there is a certain brow of an hill, in which are many Pyramids, the sepulchres of Kings, three of them are memorable, two of these are ed amongst the seven miracles of the world; each of these are a furlong in height; the figure is quadrilateral, the altitude somewhat exceeds each side, and the one is somewhat bigger than the other. On high, as it were in the midst, between the sides, there is a stone that may be removed, which being taken out, there is an oblique, or shelving, entrance, for so I render that which by him is termed σῦριγξ σκολία leading to the tomb.’ _Pliny_ expresses nothing within, but only a well, (which is still extant) of 86 cubits in depth, to which he probably imagines, by some secret aqueduct, the water of the _Nile_ to be brought. _Aristides_ in his oration entituled Αἰγύπτιος, upon a misinformation of the _Egyptian_ Priests, makes the foundation of the structure to have descended as far below, as the altitude ascends above. Of which I see no necessity, seeing all of them are founded upon rocks; his words are these: ‘Now as with iration we behold the tops of the Pyramids, but that which is as much more under ground opposite to it, we are ignorant of, I speak of what I have received from the Priests.’ And this is that which hath been delivered to us by the ancients, which I was unwilling to pretermit, more out of reverence of antiquity, than out of any special satisfaction. The _Arabian_ writers, especially such as have purposely treated of the wonders of _Egypt_, have given us a more full description of what is within these Pyramids; but that hath been mix’d with so many inventions of their own, that the truth hath been darkn’d, and almost quite extinguish’d by them. Which traditions of theirs are little better than a _Romance_; and therefore leaving these, I shall give a more true and particular description out of my own experience and observations. On the north side ascending thirty eight feet, upon an artificial bank of earth, there is a square and narrow age leading into the Pyramid, through the mouth of which (being equidistant from the two sides of the Pyramid) we enter as it were down the steep of an hill, declining with an angle of twenty six degrees. The breadth of this entrance is exactly three feet, and 463 parts of 1000 of the English foot; the length of it beginning from the first declivity, which is some ten palms without, to the utmost extremity of the neck, or streight within, where it contracts it self almost nine feet continued, with scarce half the depth it had at the first entrance, (though it keep still the same breadth) is ninety two feet and an half. The structure of it hath been the labour of an exquisite hand, as appears by the smoothness and evenness of the work, and by the close knitting of the ts; a property long since observed, and commended by _Diodorus_, to have run through the fabric of the whole body of this Pyramid. Having ed with tapers in our hands this narrow streight; though with some difficulty (for at the farther end of it we must Serpent-like creep upon our bellies) we land in a place somewhat larger, and of a pretty height, but lying incomposed: Having been dug away, either by the curiosity or avarice of some, in hope to discover an hidden treasure; or rather by the command of _Almamon_, the deservedly renowned Calife of _Babylon_. By whomsoever it were, it is not worth the enquiry, nor doth the place merit describing, but that I was unwilling to pretermit any thing, being only an habitation for batts, and those so ugly, and of so large a size, (exceeding a foot in length) that I have not elsewhere seen the like. The length of this obscure and broken space containeth eighty nine feet, the breadth and height is various, and not worth consideration. On the left hand of this, ading to that narrow entrance through which we ed, we climb up a steep and massy stone, eight or nine feet in height, where we immediately enter upon the lower end of the first gallery. The pavement of this rises with a gentle acclivity, consisting of smooth and polish’d marble, and where not smeared with dust and filth, appearing of a white and alabaster colour; the sides and roof, as _Titus Livius Burretinus_, a _Venetian_, an ingenious young man, who accompanied me thither, observed, was of impolish’d stone, not so hard and compact as that on the pavement, but more soft and tender; the breadth almost five feet, and about the same quantity the height, if he have not mistaken. He likewise discovered some irregularity in the breadth, it opening a little wider in some places than in others; but this inequality could not be discerned by the eye, but only by measuring it with a careful Hand. By my observation with a line, this gallery contained in length an hundred and ten feet. At the end of this begins the second gallery, a very stately piece of work, and not inferiour, either in respect of the curiosity of art, or richness of materials, to the most sumptuous and magnificent buildings. It is divided from the former by a wall, through which stooping, we ed in a square hole, much about the same bigness as that by which we entred into the Pyramid but of no considerable length. This narrow age lieth level, not rising with an acclivity, as doth the pavement below and roof above of both these galleries. At the end of it, on the right hand, is the well mentioned by _Pliny_, the which is circular, and not square, as the _Arabian_ writers describe: The diameter of it exceeds three feet, the sides are lined with white marble, and the descent into it is by fastening the hands and feet, in little open spaces, cut in the sides within, opposite and answerable to one another in a perpendicular. In the same manner are almost all the wells and ages into the cisterns at _Alexandria_ contrived, without stairs or windings, but only with inlets and square holes on each side within, by which, using the feet and hands, one may with care descend. Many of these cisterns are with open and double arches, the lowermost arch being ed by a row of speckled and _Thebaic_ marble pillars, upon the top of which stands a second row, bearing the upper and higher arch: The walls within are covered with a sort of plaister for the colour white, but of so durable a substance, that neither by time, nor by the water is it yet corrupted and impaired. But I return from the cisterns and wells there to this in the Pyramid, which in _Pliny_’s calculation is eighty six cubits in depth, and it may be was the age to those secret vaults mentioned, but not described by _Herodotus_, that were hewn out of the natural rock, over which this Pyramid is erected. By my measure sounding it with a line, it contains twenty feet in depth. The reason of the difference between _Pliny_’s observation and mine, I suppose to be this, that since his time it hath almost been dammed up, and choaked with rubbage, which I plainly discovered at the bottom, by throwing down some combustible matter set on fire. Leaving the well, and going on strait upon a level, the distance of fifteen feet, we entered another square age, opening against the former, and of the same bigness. The stones are very massy, and exquisitely ted, I know not whether of that glistering and speckled marble I mentioned in the columns of the cisterns at _Alexandria_. This leadeth (running in length upon a level an hundred and ten feet) into an arched vault or little chamber, which by reason it was of a grave-like smell, and half full of rubbage, occasion’d my lesser stay. This chamber stands east and west; the length of it is less than twenty feet, the breadth about seventeen, and the height less than fifteen. The walls are entire, and plaister’d over with lime; the roof is covered with large smooth stones, not lying flat, but shelving and meeting above in a kind of arch, or rather an angle. On the east side of this room, in the middle of it, there seems to have been a age leading to some other place, whither this way the Priests went into the hollow of that huge _Sphynx_, as _Strabo_ and _Pliny_ term it, or _Androsphynx_, as _Herodotus_ calls such kinds (being by _Pliny_’s calculation 102 feet in com about the head, in height 62, in length 143, and by my observation made of one entire stone) which stands not far distant without the Pyramid, south-east of it, or into any other private retirement, I cannot determine; and it may be too this served for no such purpose, but rather as a _Theca_ or _Nicchio_, as the _Italians_ speak, wherein some idol might be placed; or else for a piece of ornament (for it is made of polish’d stone) in the Architecture of those times, which ours may no more understand than they do the reason of the rest of those strange proportions that appear, in the ages and inner rooms of this Pyramid. Returning back the same way we came, as soon as we are out of this narrow and square age, we climb over it, and going straight on, in the trace of the second gallery, upon a shelving pavement (like that of the first) rising with an angle of twenty six degrees, we at length come to another partition. The length of the gallery from the well below to this partition above, is an hundred fifty and four feet; but if we measure the pavement of the floor, it is somewhat less, by reason of a little vacuity (some fifteen feet in length) as we described before, between the well and the square hole we climbed over. And here to re-assume some part of that, which hath been spoken, if we consider the narrow entrance at the mouth of the Pyramid, by which we descend, and the length of the first and second galleries, by which we ascend, all of them lying as it were in the same continued line, and leading to the middle of the Pyramid, we may easily apprehend a reason of that strange eccho within, of four or five voices, mentioned by _Plutarch_, in his fourth book _De placitis philosophorum_; or rather of a long continued sound, as I found by experience, discharging a musquet at the entrance; for the sound being shut in, and carried in those close and smooth ages, like as in so many pipes or trunks, finding no issue out, reflects upon it self, and causes a confused noise and circulation of the air, which by degrees vanishes, as the motion of it ceases. This gallery or _Corridore_, or whatsoever else I may call it, is built of white and polish’d marble, the which is very evenly cut in spacious squares or tables. Of such materials as is the pavement, such is the roof, and such are the side-walls that flank it; the co-agmentation, or knitting of the ts is so close, that they are scarce discernable by a curious eye; and that which adds a grace to the whole structure, though it makes the age the more slippery and difficult, is the acclivity and rising of the ascent. The height of this gallery is 26 feet, the breadth is 6 feet, and 870 parts of the foot divided into a thousand of which three feet, and 435 of 1000 parts of a foot, are to be allowed for the way, in the midst; which is set, and bounded on both sides with two banks (like benches) of sleek and polish’d stone; each of these hath one foot 717 of 1000 parts of a foot in breadth, and as much in depth. Upon the top of these benches near the angle, where they close, and with the wall, are little spaces, cut in right angled parallel figures, set on each side opposite to one another, intended, no question, for some other end than ornament. In the casting and ranging of the marbles in both the side-walls, there is one piece of Architecture, in my judgment very graceful, and that is, that all the courses or ranges, which are but seven, (so great are those stones) do set and flag over one another about three inches, the bottom of the uppermost course oversetting the higher part of the second, and the lower part of this overflagging the top of the third, and so in order the rest, as they descend. Having ed this gallery, we enter another square hole, of the same dimensions with the former, which brings us into two _Anticamerette_, as the _Italians_ would call them, or _Anticlosets_, (give me leave in so unusual a structure to frame some unusual ) lined with a rich and speckled kind of _Thebaic_ marble. The first of these hath the dimensions almost equal to the second; the second is thus proportioned, the Area is level, the figure of it is oblong, the one side containing seven feet, the other three and an half, the height is ten feet. On the east and west sides, within two feet and an half of the top, which is somewhat larger than the bottom, are three cavities, or little seats, in this manner, [Illustration] This inner _Anticloset_ is separated from the former, by a stone of red speckled marble, which hangs in two mortices, like the leaf of a sluce, between two walls, more than three feet above the pavement, and wanting two of the roof. Out of this closet we enter another square hole, over which are five lines cut parallel and perpendicular. Besides these, I have not observed any other sculptures or engravings in the whole Pyramid, and therefore it may justly be wondered whence the _Arabians_ borrowed those vain traditions I before related, _That all Sciences are inscribed within in Hieroglyphics_. And as justly it may be questioned, upon what authority _Dio_, or his epitomizer _Xiphilinus_, reports that _Cornelius Gallus_ (whom _Strabo_ more truly names _Ælius Gallus_, with whom he travelled into _Egypt_, as a friend and companion) _ingraved in the Pyramids his victories_, unless we understand some other Pyramids not now existent. This square age is of the same wideness and dimensions as the rest, and is in length near nine feet, (being all of _Thebaic_ marble, most exquisitely cut) which lands us at the north end of a very sumptuous and well proportion’d room. The distance from the end of the second gallery to this entry, running upon the same level, is twenty four feet. This rich and spacious chamber, in which art may seem to have contended with nature, the curious work being not inferiour to the rich materials, stands as it were in the heart and center of the Pyramid, equidistant from all the sides, and almost in the midst between the basis and the top. The floor, the sides, the roof of it are all made of vast and exquisite tables of _Thebaic_ marble, which if they were not vailed, and obscured by the steam of tapers, would appear glittering and shining. From the top of it descending to the bottom, there are but six ranges of stone, all which being respectively sized to an equal height, very gracefully in one and the same altitude, run round the room. The stones which cover this place are of a strange and stupendious length, like so many huge beams lying flat, and traversing the room, and withal ing the infinite mass and weight of the Pyramid above. Of these there are nine which cover the roof, two of them are less by half in breadth than the rest, the one at the east end, the other at the west. The length of this chamber[21] on the south-side, most accurately taken at the t or line, where the first and second row of stones meet, is thirty four _English_ feet, and 300 and 80 parts of the foot divided into a thousand (that is 34 feet and 380 of 1000 parts of a foot). The breadth of the west side at the t or line, where the first and second row of stones meet, is seventeen feet, and an hundred and ninety parts of the foot divided into a thousand (that is 17 feet, and 190 of 1000 parts of a foot). The height is nineteen feet and an half. Within this glorious room (for so I may justly call it) as within some consecrated oratory, stands the monument of _Cheops_, or _Chemnis_, of one piece of marble, hollow within, and uncovered at the top, and sounding like a bell. Which I mention not as any rarity, either in nature or in art; (for I have observed the like sound in other tombs of marble[22] cut hollow like this) but because I find modern authors to take notice of it as a wonder. Some write, that the body hath been removed hence, whereas _Diodorus_ hath left above sixteen hundred years since, a memorable age concerning _Chemnis_ the builder of this Pyramid, and _Cephren_ the founder of the next ading. ‘Although (_saith he_) these Kings intended these for their sepulchres, yet it happened that neither of them were buried there: For the people being exasperated against them, by reason of the toilsomness of these works, and for their cruelty and oppression, threatened to tear in pieces their dead bodies, and with ignominy to throw them out of their sepulchres. Wherefore both of them dying, commanded their friends privately to bury them in an obscure place.’ This monument, in respect of the nature and quality of the stone, is the same with which the whole room is lined; as by breaking a little fragment of it I plainly discover’d, being a speckled kind of marble, with black, and white, and red spots, as it were equally mix’d, which some writers call _Thebaic_ marble; though I conceive it to be that sort of porphyry which _Pliny_ calls _Leucostictos_, and describes thus: _Rubet Porphyrites in eadem Egypto, ex eo candidis intervenientibus punctis Leucostictos appellatur. Quantislibet molibus cædendis sufficiunt lapidicinæ[23]._ Of this kind of marble there were, and still are, an infinite quantity of columns in _Egypt_; but a _Venetian_, a man very curious, who accompanied me thither, imagined that this sort of marble came from mount _Sinai_[24], where he had lived amongst the rocks, which he affirmed to be speckled with party colours, of black and white, and red, like this. And to confirm his Assertion, he alledged, that he had seen a great column left imperfect amongst the cliffs, almost as big as that huge and irable _Corinthian_ pillar[25] standing to the south of _Alexandria_, which by my measure is near four times as big as any of those vast _Corinthian_ pillars in the _Porticus_ before the _Pantheon_ at _Rome_, all which are of the same coloured marble with this monument, and so are all the obelisks with hieroglyphics, both in _Rome_ and _Alexandria_. Which opinion of his doth well correspond with the tradition of _Aristides_, who reports, that in _Arabia_ there is a quarry of excellent porphyry. The figure of this tomb without is like an altar, or more nearly to express it, like two cubes finely set together and hollowed within: It is cut smooth and plain, without any sculpture and engraving, or any relevy and imbossment. The exteriour superficies of it contains in length seven feet three inches and an half. _Bellonius_ makes it twelve feet, and Monsieur _de Breves_ nine; but both of them have exceeded. In depth it is three feet three inches and three quarters, and is the same in breadth. The hollow part within is in length, on the west side, six feet and four hundred eighty eight parts of the _English_ foot divided into a thousand parts, that is[26] 6 feet and 488 of 1000 parts of a foot, in breadth, at the north end two feet, and two hundred and eighteen parts of the foot divided into a thousand parts, (that is[27] 2 feet, and 218 of 1000 parts of a foot.) The depth is 2 feet and 860 of 1000 parts of the _English_ foot. A narrow space, yet large enough to contain a most potent and dreadful monarch, being dead, to whom living all _Egypt_ was too straight and narrow a circuit. By these dimensions, and by such other observations, as have been taken by me from several embalmed bodies in _Egypt_, we may conclude, that there is no decay in nature; (though the question is as old as _Homer_) but that the men of this age are of the same feature, they were near three thousand years ago; notwithstanding St _Augustine_ and others are of a different opinion, _Quis jam ævo isto non minor suis parentibus nascitur?_ Saith _Solinus_. It may justly be questioned how this monument could be brought hither, since it is an impossibility that by those narrow ages before described, it should have entered. Wherefore we must imagine, that by some _Machina_ it was raised, and conveyed up without, before this oratory or chamber was finished, and the roof closed. The position of it is thus, it stands exactly in the _Meridian_, north and south, and is as it were equidistant from all sides of the chamber, except the east, from whence it is doubly remoter than from the west. Under it I found a little hollow space to have been dug away, and a large stone in the pavement removed, at the angle next ading to it; which _Sands_ erroneously imagines to be a age into some other compartiment, dug away, no doubt, by the avarice of some, who might not improbably conjecture an hidden treasure to be reposited there. The ingenious reader will excuse my curiosity, if before I conclude my description of this Pyramid, I pretermit not any thing within, of how light a consequence soever. This made me take notice of two inlets or spaces, in the south and north sides of this chamber, just opposite to one another; that on the north was in breadth 700 of 1000 parts of the _English_ foot, in depth 400 of 1000 parts; evenly cut, and running in a straight line six feet, and farther, into the thickness of the wall. That on the south is larger and somewhat round, not so long as the former; and by the blackness within seems to have been a receptacle for the burning of lamps. _T. Livius Burretinus_ would gladly have believed that it had been an hearth for one of those eternal lamps, such as have been found in _Tulliola_’s tomb in _Italy_, and, if _Cambden_ be not misinformed in _England_, dedicated to the urns and ashes of the dead; but I imagine the invention not to be so ancient as this Pyramid. _A description of the second Pyramid._ From this Pyramid we went to the second, being scarce distant the flight of an arrow from it; where by the way, I observed on the west side of the first, the ruins of a pile of building, all of square and polished stone; such as _Pliny_ calls _Basaltes_, and describes to be _ferrei coloris, & duritiæ_;—_of an iron colour and hardness_. Formerly it may be some habitation of the Priests, or some monument of the dead. To the right hand of this, tending to the south, stands this second Pyramid, of which besides the miracle, the ancient and modern writers have delivered little. _Herodotus_ relates, that _Cephron_, in imitation of his brother _Cheops_, built this, but that he fell short in respect of the magnitude. _For_ (saith he) _we have measured them._ It were to be wished, for fuller satisfaction of the reader, he had expressed the quantity, and also the manner how he took his measure. He adds, _It hath no subterraneous structures, neither is the ~Nilus~ by a channel derived into it, as in the former_. _Diodorus_ somewhat more particularly describes it thus: That _for the architecture, it is like unto the former, but much inferior to it in respect of magnitude: Each side of the basis contains a ~Stadium~ in length._ That is, to comment on his words, of _Grecian_ feet, six hundred; of _Roman_, six hundred and twenty-five. So that by this computation, each side should want an hundred _Grecian_ feet of the former Pyramid. _Pliny_ makes the difference to be greater, for asg eight hundred eighty-three feet to the former, he allows to the side of the basis of this, but seven hundred thirty-seven. By my observation, the stones are of colour, white, nothing so great and large, as those of the first and fairest Pyramid; the sides rise not with degrees like that, but are smooth and equal, the whole fabrick (except where it is opposed to the south) seeming very entire, free from any deformed ruptures or breaches. The height of it, taken by as deliberate a conjecture as I could make (which it was easy to do, by reason of the nearness of this and the former, being both upon the same plain) is not inferior to it; and therefore _Strabo_ hath rightly judged them to be equal. The sides also of the basis of both are alike, as, besides the authority of _Strabo_, the _Venetian_ doctor assured me, who measured it with a line. There is no entry leading into it, and therefore what may be within, whether such spaces and compartments, as I observed in the former; or whether different, or none, I must leave to every man’s private conjecture, and to the discovery of after-times. This is bounded on the north and west sides, with two very stately and elaborate pieces, which I do not so much ire, as that by all writers they have been pretermitted. About thirty feet in depth, and more than a thousand and four hundred in length, out of the hard rock these buildings have been cut in a perpendicular, and squared by the chessel, as I suppose, for lodgings of the Priests. They run along at a convenient distance, parallel to the two sides we mentioned of this Pyramid, meeting in a right angle, and making a very fair and graceful prospect. The entrance into them is by square openings, hewn out of the rock, much of the same bigness with those I described in the first Pyramid. Whether these were symbolical, as the theology of the _Egyptians_ consisted much in mysterious figures, and the depressure and lownes of these were to teach the Priests humility, and the squareness and evenness of them, an uniform and regular department in their actions, I leave to such as have written of their Hieroglyphics to determine. The hollow space within of them all, is somewhat like to a square and well proportioned chamber, covered and arched above with the natural rock: In most of which, as I , there was a age opening into some other compartment, which the rubbage and darkness hindered me from viewing. On the north side without, I observed a line, and only one, engraven with sacred and _Egyptian_ characters, such as are mentioned by _Herodotus_ and _Diodorus_, to have been used by the Priests, and were different from the vulgar characters in civil affairs: In which former kind _Justin Martyr_ makes _Moses_ to have been skilful, as the Scripture makes him to have been learned in all the wisdom of the _Egyptians_. These ran not downwards, as the _Chinese_ in our times write, but were continued in a straight line, as we use to write; and are to be read (if any understand those mysterious sculptures) by proceeding from the right hand to the left, and, as it were imitating the motion and course of the planets: For so _Herodotus_ expressly informs us, That the _Grecians_ write and cast , going from the left hand to the right, the _Egyptians_ from the right hand to the left. And this is that which in an obscure expression is also intimated by _Pomponius Mela_: _Egyptii suis literis perverse utuntur._ A manner practised by the _Hebrews_, _Chaldeans_, and _Syrians_ to this day, and not unlikely to have been borrowed by them from the _Egyptians_, to whom the _Chaldeans_ also owed their first skill in astrology, as the _Grecians_ did their knowledge in geometry, the former being attested by _Diodorus_, and the latter confessed by _Proclus_ and other _Grecians_. And surely in imitation of these, or of the _Jews_, the _Arabians_ neighbouring upon both, have taken up this manner of writing, and continued it to our times, communicating it also by their conquests, to the _Persians_ and _Turks_. [Illustration] _A description of the third Pyramid out of Mr ~Belon~ and ~Greaves~._ Amongst many modern writers, none deserves to be placed before _Bellonius_, or rather before _P. Gillius_. For _Thuanus_ makes the other to have been a _plagiarius_, and to have published in his own name the observations of _P. Gillius_, a man very curious, and inquisitive after truth, as appears by his _Typography_ of _Constantinople_, and his _Bosphorus Thracius_, to whom _Bellonius_ served as an _Amanuensis_: ‘The third Pyramid is much less than the former two, but is a third part greater than that which is at _Rome_, near the _Mons testaceus_, as you to St _Paul_’s in the _Ostian_ way. It is still perfect, and no more corrupted, than as if it had been newly built; for it is made of a kind of marble, called _Basaltes_, or _Ethiopic_ marble, harder than iron itself.’ It will be in vain to repeat the traditions and descriptions of several others; all which by a kind of confederacy agree in the same tale for substance, only differing in some circumstances: So that I shrewdly suspect that _Diodorus_ hath borrowed most of his relation from _Herodotus_; and _Strabo_ and _Pliny_ from _Diodorus_, or from them both; and the more learned Neoterics from them all. For else how can it be imagined they should so constantly agree in that, which if my eyes and memory extreamly fail me not, is most evidently false? And therefore I have a strong jealousy, that they never came near this third Pyramid; but that they did, as I have observed all travellers in my time in _Egypt_ to do, fill themselves so full, and, as it were, to surfeit with the sight of the greater and fairer Pyramid, that they had no appetite to be spectators of the rest, where they should only see the same miracle, for the Pyramids are all of the same figure, the farther they went, decreasing, and presented as it were in a less volume. Or if they did view this, it was _quasi per transennam_, very perfunctorily and slightly, and that through a false and coloured glass; for they have mistaken both in the quality of the stone and colour of the Pyramid. I begin with _Herodotus_, who, by a notable piece of forgetfulness, if it be not a σφάλμα in the copies, makes the dimensions of each of the sides, in the basis of this, to be three hundred feet, and yet want but twenty of the first Pyramid, to which he assigns before eight hundred feet; an impossibility in arithmetic; and therefore it will be no preemption to correct the place, and instead of ἐείκοσι ποδῶν καταδέουσαν, to write, πεντεκοσίων ποδῶν καταδέουσαν. I know not how to palliate or excuse his other error, where he makes this Pyramid to be built as far as to the middle of it, with _Ethiopic_ marble. If this sort of marble be _ferrei coloris_, as it is described by _Pliny_, and granted by _Diodorus_ and _Strabo_, both of them expressing the colour to be black, and the latter bringing it from the remotest mountains of _Ethiopia_, where the marble hath the same tincture and colour with the inhabitants, then can this relation of _Herodotus_ no way to be itted; for the whole Pyramid seems to be of clear and white stone, somewhat choicer and brighter than that in either of the two other Pyramids. And therefore I wonder that _Diodorus_, _Strabo_, and _Pliny_, and amongst later authors, _Bellonius_, _Gillius_, and several others, should have all followed _Herodotus_, when with a little pains and circumspection, they might have reformed his, and their own error. It may perhaps be alledged in their defence, that they mean the buildings within are erected with black and _Ethiopic_ marble; and yet if this be granted, since there is no entrance leading into this, no more than is into the second Pyramid, what may be within depends upon the uncertainty of tradition or conjecture, both which are very fallible; though it cannot be denied, but that close by this, on the east side of it, there are the ruins of a pile of building, with a sad and dusky colour, much like that we described in ing to the second Pyramid, which might be the ground and occasion of this error. I cannot excuse the ancients, but _Bellonius_ or _Gillius_, for it is no matter which of them owns the relation, when both of them have erred, are far more inexcusable, because it might have been expected from them what _Livy_ supposes, _Novi semper scriptores, aut in rebus certius aliquid allaturos se, aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos credunt_. Whereas these on the contrary have depraved what hath been in this particular with truth delivered by the ancients; for whereas _Herodotus_ and _Diodorus_ equal the side of the basis to three hundred feet, and _Pliny_ extends it to three hundred sixty-three, these make it only a third part greater than the Pyramid at _Rome_ of _C. Cæstius_, near the _Mons testaceus_. So that either they have much enlarged that at _Rome_, or shrunk and contracted this; for the Pyramid at _Rome_, exactly measured on that side which stands within the city, is compleatly seventy-eight feet _English_ in breadth, to which if we add a third part of it, the result will be an hundred and four; which should be equal to this _Egyptian_ Pyramid in the notion and acception of _Bellonius_. _Of the rest of the Pyramids in the ~Lybian~ desart._ I have done with these three Pyramids, each of them being very remarkable, and the two first reckoned amongst the miracles of the world. The rest in the _Lybian_ desart, lying scattered here and there, are, excepting one of them, but lesser copies, and, as it were, models of these: And therefore I shall neither much trouble my self, nor the reader, with the description of them. Though to speak the truth, did not the three first, standing so near together, obscure the lustre of the rest, which lie far scattered, some of them were very considerable. And therefore I cannot but tax the omission of the ancients, and the inadvertency of all modern writers and travellers, who with too much supineness have neglected the description of one of them; which in my judgment is as worthy of memory, and as near a miracle as any of those three which I have mentioned. And this stands from these south and by west, at twenty miles distance, more within the sandy desart, upon a rocky level like these, and not far from the village whence we enter the Mummies. This as the _Venetian_ doctor assured me, and as I could judge by conjecture at a distance, hath the same dimensions that the first and fairest of these hath, graduations, or assents without, and of the same colour like that, but more decayed, especially at the top, and an entrance into it on the north side, which is barred up within; and therefore whatsoever is spoken of the first, in respect of the exterior figure, is applicable to this. _Bellonius_ exceeds in his computation of the number of them, who thus writes: _Above an hundred others are seen dispersed up and down in that plain._ I could not discover twenty. And long since, _Ion Almatoug_, in his book of the _Miracles of ~Egypt~_, reckons them to be but eighteen: _There are in the west side no more famous buildings than the Pyramids, the number of them is eighteen; of these there are three in that part which is opposite to ~Fostat~, or ~Cairo~._ [Illustration] _In what manner the Pyramids were built._ We had ended our discourse of the Pyramids, but that I find one scruple touched upon by _Herodotus_, _Diodorus_, and _Pliny_, which is worth the discussion as a point of some concernment in architecture; and that is, in what manner these Pyramids were built; and with what art and contrivance the stones, especially those vast ones in the first were conveyed up. _Herodotus_, who first raised the doubt, gives this solution: ‘They carried up the rest of the stones with little engines made of wood, raising them from the ground upon the first row: When the stone was lodged upon this row, it was put into another engine, standing upon the first step, from thence it was conveyed to the second row by another: For so many rows and orders of steps as there were, so many engines were there; or else they removed the engine, which was one, and easy to be carried to every particular row, as often as they moved a stone. We will relate that which is spoken of either part; therefore those in the Pyramid were first made, which were the highest, then by degrees the rest, last of all, those which are nearest to the ground, and are the lowest.’ The first part of this solution of _Herodotus_ is full of difficulty. How in the erecting and placing of so many machines, charged with such massy stones, and those continually ing over the lower degrees, could it be avoided, but that they must either unsettle them, or in danger the breaking of some portions of them; which mutually would have been like scars in the face of so magnificent a building? His second answer is the sounder; but I conceive the text to be imperfect. _Diodorus_ hath another fancy: ‘The stones, (saith he) at a great distance off were prepared in _Arabia_, and they report, that by the help of _Aggeres_ (engines not being then invented) the work was erected. And that which begets the greatest iration is, that so vast a structure was perfected in that place, which is all about replenished with sand, where there appears not any relics, either of the _Aggeres_, or of the hewing and polishing of the stones; so that it seems not piecemeal by the industry of men, but altogether, and at once, the whole pile, as it were by some God, was erected in the midst of the sands. Some of the _Egyptians_ relate wonders of it, and endeavour to obtrude I know not what fables; namely, That these _Aggeres_ consisting of salt and nitre, were dissolved by letting in the river, which wholly consumed them without the labour of hands, leaving this structure entire. But the truth of the business is not so, but that those multitudes of men which were employed in raising the _Aggeres_, carried them away unto their former places: For, as they report three hundred and sixty thousand men were employed in these offices, and the whole work was scarce finished in the space of twenty years.’ _Pliny_ partly agrees with him, and partly gives another answer, _the question is, by what means the cement is conveyed up to such a height_ (he rather might question how those vast stones were conveyed up,) _some say, that banks of nitre and salt were made up as the work rose, which being finished, they were washed away by the river ~Nilus~. Others imagine that bridges were made with brick; which, the work being ended, were distributed into private houses: for they conceive that the ~Nilus~ being much lower, could not come to wash them away._ If I may assume the liberty of a traveller, I imagine that they were erected, neither as _Herodotus_ describes, nor as _Diodorus_ reports, nor as _Pliny_ relates, but that first they made a large and spacious tower in the midst reaching to the top; to the sides of this tower, I conceive, the rest of the building to have been applied, piece after piece, like so many buttresses or ers, still lessening in height, till at last they came to the lower-most degree. A difficult piece of building taken in the best, and easiest projection; and therefore it is no wonder if it were not often imitated by the ancients, and no where expressed or commended by the great Master of architecture _Vitruvius_. Yet surely if we judge of things by the events, and if we reflect upon the intention of monuments, which are raised by the living, to perpetuate the memory of the dead, then is this as commendable a way as any. And therefore we see at _Rome_, that though by the revolution of so many ages the _Mausoleum_ of _Augustus_ be almost decayed, and the _Septizonium_ of _Severus_ be utterly lost, both intended for lasting and stately sepulchres, yet the Pyramid of _C. Cæstius_ stands fair and almost entire; which is no more to be compared, either for the vastness of the stones or the whole bulk and fabric of it, with these, than are the limbs and body of a dwarf to the demensions of a giant, or some large _Colossus_. I have done with the work, but the Artizans deserve not to be pretremitted; concerning whom the observation of _Diodorus_ is as true, as it is boldly delivered by him. ‘It is confessed, that these works, (speaking of the Pyramids) far excel the rest in _Ægypt_, not only in the massiness of the structures, and in the expences, but also in the industry (and skill) of the artificers.’ The _Egyptians_ think the Architects are more to be ired than the Kings, who were at the expence; for they by their abilities and study, these by their wealth received by inheritance, and by the labours of others erected them. _The Conclusion._ And thus much of the _Sciography_, or of the artificial and architectonical part; I shall shut up all with one observation in nature for the recreation of the reader, recited by _Strabo_ in these words. ‘We ought not to omit one of the strange things seen by us at the Pyramids: Some heaps of stone, being fragments hewn off, lie before the Pyramids, amongst these are found little stones, some in the similitude and bigness of lentils, some as grains of barley, which appear half unscaled; They report these are some relics of the provisions, which were given to the workmen, and have been petrified; which seems probable enough.’ These, if they were ever any such, are either consumed by time, or scattered by the winds, or buried with those tempests of sand, to which the desarts are perpetually exposed: But _Diodorus_, who not long preceded him, was not so curious as to deliver this relation. And were not _Strabo_ a writer of much gravity and judgment, I should suspect that these petrified grains (though I know such petrefactions to be no impossibility in nature; for I have seen at _Venice_ the bones and flesh of a man, and the whole head entirely transmuted into stone; and at _Rome_ clear conduit water, by long standing in Aqueducts, hath been turned into perfect alabaster) are like those loafs of bread, which are reported to be found by the Red Sea converted into stone, and by the inhabitants supposed to be some of the bread the _Israelites_ left behind them, when they ed over for fear of _Pharoah_. They are sold at Grand _Cairo_, handsomely made up in the manner of the bread of these times, which is enough to discover the imposture; for the Scripture makes them to have been unleavened cakes: _And they baked unleavened cakes of the dough which they brought fourth out of ~Egypt~._ Or else _Strabo_’s relation may be like the tradition of the rising of dead mens bones every year in _Egypt_[28]; a thing superstitiously believed by the Christians and by the Priests, either out of ignorance or policy, maintain’d as an argument of the resurrection. The possibility and truth of it, _Metrophanes_, the Patriarch of _Alexandria_ thought, but very illogically; might be proved out of the Prophet _Esaiah_: ‘And they shall go forth, and look upon the carcasses of the men that have transgressed against me, for their worm shall not die, neither shall their fire be quenched; and they shall be an abhorring unto all flesh.’ But I have digressed too far; the confutation of these, and the description of the Mummies, or of the rest of the _Egyptian_ sepulchres, for from thence comes the matter of this their supposed resurrection, and that infinite mass and variety of hieroglyphics, which I have either seen there, or bought or transcribed elsewhere, may be the argument of another discourse[29]. [Illustration] _Of the ~Pyramids~, ~Sphynx~, ~Mummies~, &c. By Father ~Vansleb~ and others._ In my first voyage to _Egypt_ I had seen the Pyramids, but having another opportunity offer’d to me, I went thither to view again these rare monuments of antiquity, to see whether I might not observe something more than I have taken notice of in my first relation. On the 27th of _April_ I went thither in the company of the _French_ Consul and many other Merchants, and with almost all his houshold; we had with us three Janizaries to guard us, so that we were in all about fifty Cavaliers well mounted upon asses, taking with us provisions sufficient for three days. 1. When we were come to the Pyramids, and had observed exactly every thing, I took notice that the place where they stood was a burying-place. This is plain to any that see the place; and doubtless it was the burying-place of the old city of _Memphis_; for all the _Arabian_ history inform us, that this city stood where the Pyramids now are, over-against old _Cairo_. 2. I took notice, that all the Pyramids have an entrance that leads to a low alley, which is very long, and at the end is a chamber, where the ancient _Egyptians_ did place the bodies of those persons for whom the Pyramids were built. This entrance is not to be seen in every one of the Pyramids, because the wind hath stopt them with sand. I saw upon some of them some Hierogliphic characters, but I had not time to write them out. 3. I took notice, that all the Pyramids were built in very good order; and that each of the three greatest were at the head of ten lesser, which are not well to be distinguish’d, because of the heaps of sand; one may yet imagine, to see the place, that in former ages there have been here one hundred Pyramids little and great. 4. I took notice, that they are all built upon an even rock cover’d over with white sand; so that it is very probable that the stones have been taken from the place, and not brought from far, as some travellers imagine, and old writers, for the greatest is nothing but a rock cut as a Pyramid, and cover’d over with a wall of stone. 5. I took notice, that of all the stones of the greatest there is scarce one intire, but either worn out with the weather and time, or broken by some other accident; so that tho’ one may ascend on all sides to the top, yet not in all places with the same ease. 6. I have taken notice, that none of the Pyramids are alike, or perfectly square, but that all have two sides longer than the others. I intended to measure the greatest; for that purpose I had with me a string of about thirty land-yards, but because the winds have heaped about it mountains of sand, I could not possibly draw a line straight from one angle to the other. On the 28th of _December_ I went to see the Pyramids the third time with some strangers. In our way we were mightily troubled with a very thick mist, which lasted till ten in the morning; and we found a great deal of mud in the trenches and ditches, which was not yet dry since the retreat of the river, so that we were carry’d over upon the _Moors_ backs that were with us. At this time I went up to the top of the great Pyramid, and I observed as at the first, that the place where the Pyramids stand is a pure rock, cover’d over with white sand, which appears sufficiently by the ditches and caves round about the Pyramids cut in the rock. 2. The rock is to be seen, upon which stands the greatest Pyramid, by a hole at one of the angles, between the east and the north sides. 3. The Pyramids are not built with marble, as some say, but with a white sandy stone very hard. 4. The greatest hath but two hundred and six steps; and tho’ Monsieur _Thevenot_ saith that it hath two hundred and eight, this proceeds from his not taking notice that two steps are broken into four. 5. On the top of the greatest Pyramid there was anciently a statue or _Colosse_. This appears, because it is not sharp as the others but plain; and there are yet to be seen great pits, which were to keep fast the _Colosse_ from falling. At present there is nothing on the top but many letters of the names of persons of all nations, who have left them to witness that they had been there. There is no sign of the play at _Manacala_, which a _Coptie_ told me was there imprinted in the days of the _Pharaohs_. 6. The Stones of the biggest Pyramid are not equal, for some of the undermost are four foot high, some three foot and an half, and five foot long. The stones of the middle are three foot and five inches high, and the uppermost stones are but two foot high, and three and an half long. 7. The sides of the Pyramids are not equal; for in the greatest it is visible, and so in the others, that the north side is longer than that which stretches from east to west. 8. In all the Pyramids there are very deep wells cut in the rock square; as I have seen in more than ten. On the 26th day of _June_ I went the fourth time to see the Pyramids, in the company of Monsieur _Sabatery_ Vice-consul of _Alexandria_. In the age to old _Cairo_, on the other side of the river, I took notice of one thing very remarkable in it’s channel; the water was perfectly green, as a cake cover’d over with green grass. This was the first time that I saw it of this colour; which caused me to ask of the boatmen what this green colour was; they told me, that the river _Nilus_ did then putrify, that it had continued so fifteen days, and would be so five more. Some of them said, that there was none could to have seen the river so green as that year, 1672. To return again to the Pyramids, I went up this time to the top of the highest Pyramid, I entered into the chamber, but saw no new thing which could cause me either to change or add to my former observation. It is needless to speak of it’s dimensions, seeing so many travellers have already publish’d them, as Monsieur _Thevenot_ in his _Levant_ travels. From the Pyramids we went to take a view of the caves that are ading. There are many, all cut in the side of a rock; their outsides are out of order, without any proportion, but their inside very equal and polish’d. In every one there is a deep square well, cut in the rock, where the _Egyptians_ did put the body of that person for whom the cave was made; for it was their sepulchre. The walls of many of these caves are full of hieroglyphic figures carved in the rock. In some they are but small, in others very lively. In one I numbered sixteen great figures, that represented eight men and eight women, holding one another by the hands, with many other small figures or shapes, on both sides. The great Pyramid is five hundred and twenty foot high upon a base of six hundred and eighty two foot square; the platform at top is sixteen foot and two thirds square, and is composed of twelve large stones, yet this from below appears to the eye a sharp point. A strong man cannot throw a stone from the top, so as to make it fall beyond the steps or basis of the Pyramid. [Illustration] _Of the SPHYNX._ We saw next the _Sphynx_, near the Pyramids, on the east side. On the top stands the head of a woman of an extraordinary bigness and height. The _Arabians_ call it _Abul-hon_, or _Abul-houl_. _Pliny_ saith, that it was the tomb of King _Amasis_. I imagine that this _Sphynx_ was a sepulchre, but we cannot understand that it belonged to _Amasis_; for all the records and traditions of this _Sphynx_ are lost. That it is a tomb may appear, first by it’s situation, which is in a place that was in former ages a burying place; and near the Pyramids and mortuary caves. Secondly, it is to be imagined that it was a sepulchre from it’s building. In the hinder part is a cave under ground, of a bigness answerable to that of the head, into which I have look’d by an entrance that leads into it, so that it could serve to no other purpose, but to keep a dead corps. Some _Franks_ have, out of an excess of curiosity, climb’d up by the means of rope-ladders, to see whether this head was hollow, or massy, and they have found it to be hollow, but filled at present with sand. The neck is worn out round about, which causeth men to imagine that it will not be able to the weight of that great head. [Illustration] _Of the wells where the ~Mummies~ are._ When we had fully view’d this _Sphynx_, we took the road that leads to _Saccara_, a village, at four hours travelling from the Pyramids, and about eight from _Cairo_ towards the south. The burying-place of the Mummies is near ading to this village. And because it was very late, and that we were to agree with the _Arabians_ of the village about the price, the number and quality of the wells that they were to open for us, we stopt there all night, and the next morning we took with us twelve horsemen, to guard us, of the _Arabians_; with them we went to this burying place, where the Mummies are in caves under ground. The first well that we saw was that of birds embalm’d; when we had caused the sand that stops the well’s mouth to be removed, through which we were to go down, and from thence to enter into the cave, we caused ourselves to be let down one after another, by tying a double rope about our middles. As soon as we were at the bottom, and that every one had lighted his taper, and several matches that we had brought, we went into the cave creeping upon our bellies. The cave is an alley in the rock, about the height of a man, and about the breadth of a perch, and of an extraordinary length. We found there many other allies on both hands, cut in the rock, where were many large stores full of earthen pots, covered over with coverings of the same substance. In these pots were embalm’d birds of all kinds, every bird in it’s own pot. And as I thought that the remembrance of a custom so ancient and superstitious was worthy of our notice, I brought about half a dozen with me, some I have sent to the King’s library. We found also some hens-eggs empty, but entire, without any ill smell or crack. When we had view’d sufficiently this cave, we returned up in the same manner that we went down, and found another open’d, called the _Virgin_, which is that was never opened before. According to our orders to the _Arabians_, Monsieur _Tiger_ and the others went down in the same manner as into the former, I alone could not follow them, because of a _quartan_ fever, which had troubled me fourteen months, and took me at that very moment; but I lost nothing by that; for these gentlemen told me at their return, that they found an horrid stench and a close air, that put out their candles and their matches also, every time that they endeavour’d to light them, which caused them to get up again without entring farther. They told me that this well was much deeper than the former. We caused another to be opened, which was not a Virgin-well, as the former, because it was not so deep. I ventured into that, notwithstanding my indisposition. We found there two Mummies, a great one and a little one of a child, both in coffins; the greatest was of marble, upon the covering it had the likeness of the person for whom it was made. We caused these biers or coffins to be open’d, but found nothing extraordinary, therefore we made no of them, and left them where we found them. We went down next into a cave, call’d _The Church_, which was not so deep as the former. It was nothing but a long alley under ground, well plaistered, and painted all over with hieroglyphic figures round about the sides. It was almost all full of sand, which caused us to creep along upon our knees. If the reader desires a prospect, and a description of this ancient burying-place, let him think upon a boundless champain, even and covered over with sand, where neither trees, nor grass, nor houses, nor any such thing is to be seen; let him represent to himself the superficies of this large field full of dry bones of arms, legs, feet, and heads; full of scattered pieces of wood of coffins, of little idols, some of wood, others of plaister embolish’d with green, and mark’d before and behind with hieroglyphic letters. These idols the _Arabians_ have taken from the broken Mummies, which they have cast away. In some places you may see great tomb-stones, full of cyphers and enigmatical figures, that represent something of chymistry, and of other sciences and mysteries, and full of strange characters that are no Hieroglyphics. Whilst I was looking upon this spectacle, the _Arabians_ brought me two, whereof I caused the copies to be drawn as soon as I was returned to _Cairo_. You have here a description of some relicts of the grandeur and vanity of the ancient _Egyptians_, and the mournful signs of man’s mortality. The first sight is able to dash a person newly arrived out of countenance, and to affright him; I mean the sight of so many bones all scattered up and down, one would think that here hath been a grievous fight. In this champain or field here are fifteen Pyramids; three are of an extraordinary bigness, which seem to have been favoured by time; for they appear entire without much decay. Here is also an entrance into every one, that shews a long alley which leads to a chamber; Monsieur _de Tiger_ went into that which is farthest from the village, commonly named _The Pyramid of Rodope_, where he found nothing in the chamber. This Pyramid is built as a pavillion. The _Franks_ say, that _Rodope_, a famous strumpet, caused it to be built with the money that she had gotten with the loss of her honour. But this is doubtless an error, if it be true what _Pliny_ saith, that the Pyramid of _Rodope_ was but small, though very beautiful; therefore this, which is one of the greatest in all _Egypt_, cannot be that of _Rodope_. These are the words of _Pliny_: _Supremumque illud ne quis Regum opes miretur, minimam extitisse laudatissimam à Rodope meretricula factam. Æsopi fabularum Philosophi conserva quondam, & contubirnalis hæc fuit, majore miraculo tantas opes meretricio esse conquisitas quæstu._ For the others that are in the same field, time hath almost worn them out; for they are but so many heaps of sand, which have scarce the shape and shadow of what they have been heretofore. Here is also a square heap of very great hewn stones. The _Arabians_ name it _Mastabet Faraoun_; for they say, that when the _Pharaohs_, Kings of _Egypt_, were to declare and give a new law to the people, they stood on the top of this heap. But these are the traditions of the poor _Arabians_ that have nothing of certainty. To return to the wells of the Mummies; as soon as the _Franks_ have visited any, the wind, or the _Arabians_ fill the entry again full of sand, to get a little money at the second opening: This is the greatest gain of these wretches. The least they take for to open a Virgin-well is thirty piasters, because they that cause the well to be opened, have the liberty to carry away all the curiosities and Mummies that he finds there. [Illustration] _A description of an entire body of a ~Mummy~._ This was a long and large body, in a very thick coffin of wood, shut close on all sides; the timber was not at all rotten, and we found it to be Sycamore-wood, which in _Egypt_ they call _Pharaoh_’s fig-tree, that does not rot so soon as other wood. Upon the coffin the face of him that was within it was cut in embossed work. Some coffins there are also of stone, with the face of the person within, cut in boss, and Hieroglyphics all along the length of it. There are two of these stones in the house of Monsieur _Fouquet_ at St _Mande_, and I had two of them also, of which one was broken at _Alexandria_, and the other, I brought home with me very whole, which weighs betwixt seven and eight hundred weight. Some of these coffins are made of several pieces of cloth pasted together, which are as strong as the wooden ones. I have one of this kind in my closet, made of above forty cloths glew’d or pasted together in thickness, which are not in the least rotten; it is cover’d all over with Idols and Hieroglyphics, painted on a very thin plaister, with which the outside cloth is daub’d over, but it is a little spoil’d, the plaister in some places being rubbed off. Among these figures there is a compartment at the lower end, two inches broad, and a foot long, being painted cross-ways over the coffin, wherein may be seen the manner how the ancient _Egyptians_ embalm’d dead bodies. In the middle of this compartment there is a long table shaped like a lion, on the back of which the body that is to be embalm’d is laid at length, and hard by there is a man with a knife in his hand opening the body; this man hath on a vizard mask, shaped like the beak of a sparrow-hawk, which without doubt was the custom of their embalmers, who made use of that kind of mask, that they might not breathe in the corruption that might evaporate from the death bodies, as the Physicians of _Italy_ do at present, who in time of a plague never stir abroad without a mask of this kind, in the long nose of which they put perfumes; though I make no doubt, but the mask I speak of is the head of _Osiris_, which the _Egyptians_ represented with the head of a sparrow-hawk, as they did _Anubis_ with the head of a dog, the _Nile_ with a lion’s head, _&c._ But as a surer mark that it is an embalming, there are four vessels without handles upon the aforesaid table, which could be nothing else but the vessels wherein the necessary drugs were kept not only for embalming, as _Balm_, _Cedria_, _&c._ but also for the wrapping up and incrustation of the body, as _Bitumen_ and others; by the sides of the table there are several persons standing and sitting in divers postures. Within this coffin is the figure of a naked maid with her arms stretched out. But to return to my first discourse. This wooden coffin I mention’d being broken to pieces with hatchets, we found an entire body in it, which lay in this manner: The face was cover’d, as commonly all the rest are, with a kind of head-piece of cloth fitted with plaister, on which the countenance of that person was represented in gold, and when we took off the helmet, we found nothing of the face remaining, which is commonly reduced to ashes; I believe it is, because it will not it of gumming so well as the other parts of the body. However, I brought to _Paris_ the head of a Mummy whole and entire, but it is all covered with fillets of cloth, so neatly fitted, that they hinder not, but one may see the shape of the eyes, nose, and mouth. The rest of the body was swathed with little bands of cloth very neatly made, but wrapped about with so many casts and turnings, that I believe there were a thousand ells in it; and certainly it is so rare a way of swathing and binding, that I think it cannot be imitated at present, as many Chirurgions have acknowledged to me. Along the brest and belly there was a band of cloth three good fingers broad, and a large foot and an half long, it was fastened to the other bands, and upon it were several Hieroglyphics done in gold. I took this writing and folded it up, that I might the more conveniently carry it up with me. I hoped to have found idols in that coffin, knowing that they interred many with their dead, either of stone, copper, or green earth, as I have several that have been found in these bodies, but finding none, I thought there might be some within his body; for after they had embowel’d them, they often enclosed idols within their bellies; for that end I had it broken up, but we could find nothing. I considered then that balm which is now quite lost, it is black, hard, and shines like pitch, having much such a smell, but more pleasant, that kept bodies entire, and, I believe, the sand contributed not a little thereto, for even in the greatest desarts of _Arabia_, sometimes the dead bodies of men and dogs, are found entire, who falling asleep, and staying behind the caravans, are covered over with an ocean of sand driven by the high winds in which the bodies being bury’d, are by the dryness and salt that is in the sand, which dries up all the humidity of them, preserved entire, and are afterwards found, when another wind blowing, carries off the sand again. Many think that the bodies so dry’d are the true Mummy; it is a mistake, and that which Merchants bring into Christendom, to be used in medicine, is the Mummy we first described. Near the room I went into there were several other full of bodies, but seeing the entries into them were full of sand, I call’d to them above to pull me up again by the same rope, with which I was let down, being much dissatisfy’d with my _Moors_, who had open’d so sorry a pit for me. When I was got up I look’d upon my cloth, whereon were characters of gold, but was much vex’d to see that all the letters disappeared, and that by my own fault, because I had folded it together when it was very humid, and so all the gold and paint stuck to the opposite sides; whereas I should have brought it up open and dry’d it in the sun. But I have others that are finer, which are only a little spoiled in the bringing. I brought with me also some hands of Mummies, which are as entire at present as ever they were. I had also the good fortune to buy upon the place some idols of the _Moors_, who come and sell them to the _Franks_ in the city. These idols are of several sorts, and in many postures, there are of them of copper, of several sorts of stone, and several sorts of earth also; at least I have some of all these kinds, all which I am very sure have been taken out of Mummies, and cannot be said to be counterfeit, for besides that they have not the art to do it, they sell them at so easy a rate, that the very materials are worth more. This is all I could observe of the Pyramids and Mummies; and hence it appears, that the ancient _Egyptians_ spent more in their tombs than during their whole lives; and one reason they gave for that was, that their houses were only for living a short time in, and their tombs the palaces that were to be inhabited by their souls for many ages. Not far from these Mummies, towards the _Nile_, are some remains of a large town, which was _Memphis_, the inhabitants whereof were buried there, the ancients never burying their dead within towns, for fear of infecting the air, none but Christians, who mind not that, bury their dead any where. Now, to prove that these great ruins are the remains of _Memphis_, _Pliny_ affirms it, when he says, that the Pyramids are betwixt the _Delta_ of _Egypt_ and the city of _Memphis_ on the side of _Africa_. At length we returned by old _Cairo_, and saw all that is curious, or worth being seen in it. [Illustration] _A Letter from ~Dublin~, concerning the ~Porphyry Pillars~ in ~Egypt~. By Dr ~Huntingdon~._ _SIR_, You engage me after a very undeniable manner, as I perceive by the minutes of your philosophical society, to send you some of the porphyry pillars in _Egypt_; and though I could have satisfied your curiosity much better in this matter, had you thought of it when I was amongst my papers in _Oxford_, yet rather than hazard your good opinion, or give the least pretence of disrespect to your worthy company, for whose persons and designs I have so just an esteem and veneration: I here send not what’s fit for me to write, or you to read, but what I can upon this subject. Nor do I intend to speak concerning the nature or composition of stones in general, or of porphyry more particularly, but meerly as to matter of fact, so far chiefly as it fell under my own cognizance, _i. e._ if you please, rather like an Historian than a Philosopher. In the first place then, I think it may be taken for granted, that there is no such quarry, or rock of stone rather, in all the lower parts of _Egypt_; for so far as the _Nile_ overflows is perfect soil. A sample whereof I hope you still retain, and let me entreat you to be very exact in weighing it this year, that you may be sure whether it be heavier in the time of the inundation, as is generally believed, than before or after: And when, and in what proportion it increases. The boundaries of this overflow, which are never ten miles from the channel, that I saw, generally scarce half of it, and in some places but a mile or two (the _Delta_ still excepted, which is universally covered, all but the north side to the sea, and a little to the east for some miles above _Damiata_) are rising hills of sand, beyond which is perfect desart, upon the _Afric_ side, the _Lybian_. [Higher south I have been told, there are rocks nearer the river, and in some places straiten it.] But under those sands is a yielding stone, not much harder than chalk, though not so white, and very easily managed, as at the _Mummies_ deep spacious vaults, which were the old repositories for the dead. And the like also may be said of those cells or sepulchres which are hewn purely out of the rocky earth three quarters of a mile on the south of _Alexandria_. Albeit nearer the sea there are stones of a harder kind, and with which they build; but by their mouldering away, as appears by the remains of houses within the walls of the city, ’tis plain they can’t endure the weather, which is sufficiently corroding there. The iron which once plated their thick wooden gates being mostly eaten away, and the deep characters upon the sides of these very porphyry pillars exceedingly defaced. Indeed about _Memphis_, _i. e._ by the Pyramids, they have a milder air, and the hieroglyphics cut in those stones will last well enough, till they shall be removed into a rougher: But then they’ll crizle and scale, as I found by sad experience. For having procured four stones, the best marked with those figures of antiquity I could meet with, and sent them down to _Alexandria_, in order to their transportation for _England_, I found them, upon my second voyage into _Egypt_, very much injured, being put into the custom-house-yard (where they lie still embargo’d) by the _Aga_, who demanded an intolerable sum for liberty to ship them, as you may I told you the story. But yet farther in the country there are mountains of harder stone: In the _Nitrian_, now the desart of St _Macarius_, and not far from the lake where the latroon or true nitre incrustates upon the top of the water, there are many, and some of them not utterly unlike porphyry. That which nearest resembles it’s colour, though not it’s consistence, is the vein that produces the eagle-stone, of which there are many in the _Bahr Batama_, a great sandy valley: But these stones are of a different complexion from porphyry, as you may perceive by those I sent you, which also will assist your conjectures of their original. However, I can’t pronounce that there is no porphyry hereabouts; for in the chief monastery of the four now remaining (of 366, as many as are days in the longest year) dedicated to the Blessed Virgin; the two stones which secure their entrance are of the like, if not the very same substance; which I more particularly observed upon the of their ingenious contrivance; for these poor people, lying otherwise at the mercy of the roving _Arabs_, with these two mill-stones (for that’s their make) thus make good their gate against them, (or rather their age) into which they run them, and then drive a great wooden wedge between them on the inside, which so fastens them, that they cannot be loosed, but upon the inside neither. And of such a sort of porphyry is the noted _Sphynx_ (a mighty head and shoulders one hundred and ten feet in com) yet standing by the northern Pyramids. I have indeed been told of the place upon mount _Sinai_, whence this porphyry came, but so they shew the very rock where the two excellent double rows of pillars in the church of _Bethlehem_ were hewn; though I went away satisfy’d that it was a quite different sort of stone. Another tells of a pillar of the same make yet lying there; and if this be certain you need seek no farther. Albeit, I must tell you, that the stones brought thence with the representation of a buck (it must needs be call’d) upon them, some of which you had, though reddish, are of a much finer and more even texture. _Wansleben_ writes of a great many more southerly; but I know him to well to believe all that he says for Gospel. And a more sober man, Father _Carlo Francisco d’Orleans_, now superior of the _Capucines_ at _Cairo_, who went three hundred leagues up the _Nile_ in the year 1569, told me of many temples, statues, and pillars at that distance; though I cannot be sure he said there were any of porphyry. But since it was in _Thebais_, why may we not suppose them of that black, white, and red speckled _Thebaic_ marble, famous in the world, and wherewith the lesser Pyramid perhaps was crusted, yet to be seen upon the ground about it, and when polish’d looks finely. Those which I have myself seen, are one of them at the _Matarea_, three or four miles east of Grand _Cairo_, and two at _Alexandria_, just within the wall upon the north side of the city; for _Pompey_’s Pillar, as they call it, half a mile without the gate to the south, is quite of another make and matter; one of these is thrown down and broken into pieces, but was of the same dimensions for breadth and thickness with the other. The _Franks_ call them _Aguglia_’s, the _English_ particularly _Cleopatra_’s needles, but the inhabitants content themselves with the general name of Pillars. They have no Basis nor Pedestals above ground; and if they never had, they must needs be very deep in the earth. The draughts I here send you will excuse all farther description. One of them was very well taken by Monsieur _Brute_ a _French Druggerman_, the other by a _Dutch_ Painter, who, you will see, has but little commended his art. If you have a fancy, upon the sight of them, to sift out the Hieroglyphic character with which they are engraven, perhaps you will find it to be the ab-original _Egyptian_ letter, long since worn out of common use in the country, as the _Samaritan_ (so it is now generally call’d) was amongst the Jews; and that it bears proportion with the _China_ now in use, where each note represents a word, or rather an entire signification. And moreover, that it is wrought the same way too, from the top to the bottom; as you have seen in the board I brought from a door in the village _Succara_, which is next to the Mummies, the largest piece of _Egyptian_ writing, perhaps at this day in _Europe_. I confess that in the vaults or Priests chambers cut out of the rock, close by the second Pyramid, the whole walls are inscribed therewith, but I speak of an original. And if all that is there written were but exactly copy’d, it might be then lawful to hope, that the language so long since dead and bury’d in the house of bondage, might have it’s resurrection in the land of liberty. That such vast monuments might be removed from place to place, is difficult indeed, but not impossible. And if one _Archimedes_ (as _Athenæus_ preserves the story for us) could launch the vast ship of _Hiero_, which all the strength of _Syracuse_ was not able to bring to sea; what might not many great masters in the same art perform, and upon their own dunghill too? For I may call _Egypt_ the mother of the Mathematics. Besides, some of these mountains are near the Red Sea, and _Suss_ from _Cairo_ but two or three days, from _Nile_ less; and how possible it is to convey mighty weights by water, let the Obelisks at _Rome_ declare; which were all of them brought from this very country; and that such things may be done by land too, tho’ not by every one, is plain enough, because we see they have been done. At _Baalbec_, which is fourteen hours from _Damascus_, for thence I went, accompany’d with Mr _Anth. Balam_ and Mr. _Jo. Verney_, both now in _England_, whom I thought fit to name for my Compurgators, if you should question the credit of the story; there is a stone about sixty six foot long on the north side of the castle-wall, and two more of sixty each; and I believe we saw the way they travel’d, having left one of their company, tho’ not quite so big in the road, as a monument thereof to this very day. If you have got the piece of this _Aguglia_, (for I have nothing here) you will thereby best discern it’s colour and composition. It is something more lively than the Porphyry of St _John_’s font (for by that name it is known) at _Ephesus_, much more vived than those four tall square pillars at _Tore_ (in it’s middle age _Palmyra_) which are each of them but of, I think, one piece, whilst all the rest, exceeding many, of another sort of stone, are of several pieces, and round. If you will attribute the clearness of their complexion in part to the air, which corrodes them especially upon the north and east; I impose not upon the liberty of your reason. If the _Ichnography_ of them (which I desire you to reserve for me) won’t excuse me from any farther description, I beg your pardon that I have said thus much, and hazarded my judgment to demonstrate my affection, how much I am, and endeavour to be, _Your faithful Friend_, _And humble Servant_, R. H. _The cuts of these pillars are not prefixt to this paper, because engraven and publish’d elsewhere. See ~Philosophical Transactions, Nᵒ 178. p. 1252~._ ‘Monsieur _Cuper_, in his letter to _l’Abbe Nicaise_, informs the world, that he had received letters from _Aleppo_, which say, that some _English_ Gentlemen, out of curiosity, going to visit the ruins of _Palmyra_, had found four hundred marble columns, of a sort of Porphyry, and also observed some temples, yet entire with tombs, monuments, _Greek_ and _Latin_ inscriptions, of all which he hopes to get copies. _Journal des Sçavans_, Nᵒ 25, _Anno 1692_.’ [Illustration] _A journey from ~Grand Cairo~ to ~Mecca~._ The day that the _Emir-Adge_ parted from _Cairo_, he encamped in tents, close by the city, and a few days after he encamped at the _Birque_, which is a great pond about twelve miles from _Cairo_, near to which they encamp. This place is the rendezvouz of all the Caravans. The _Emir-Adge_ parted from thence with the whole Caravan, Wednesday the eighth of _August_, it being the custom for the Caravan of _Cairo_ to set out fifty seven days after the beginning of the _Ramadam_, that so it may be there punctually at the time. It is very pretty to see them encamped in the night time, because of the infinite number of lamps that are in the tents and pavilions. Next day, the ninth of _August_, the Caravan of the _Magrebins_ parted also from the _Birque_, and there all of _Barbary_, who intend to make the journey, meet, and make a distinct Caravan; which depends not on the _Emir-Adge_ of _Cairo_, but have a chief of their own. That Caravan never sets out, but a day after the Caravan of _Cairo_; they travel commonly by night, and rest in the day time, as all other Caravans do, that go to other places, that so they may avoid the heat, which is almost inable; and when the moon does not shine, there are men who carry links before the Caravan. In all Caravans, the camels are ty’d tail to tail, so that let them but go, and there is no trouble of leading them. Here I will give the reader an , how many stages there are betwixt _Cairo_ and _Mecca_, how many days they stay in them, how many hours travelling there is betwixt them, and at what stages the waters are sweet or bitter, all along the way. This little itinerary I had from a Prince of _Tunis_, who made that journey whilst I was at _Cairo_. From _Cairo_ to the _Birque_ it is reckon’d four hours journey; there is fresh water there. From the _Birque_ to _Misana_, that is to say _Cistern_, ten hours; no water there. From _Misana_ to _Kalaat Aadgeroud_, which, is to say, the _Castle of Sand-pits_, twelve hours and an half; there is bitter water there. From the _Castle of Aadgeroud_ to _Navatir_, seven hours and an half, no water there. From _Navatir_ to _Rastagara_, ten hours; no water there, and the way bad. From _Rastagara_ to _Kalaat el Nahhal_, that is to say, the _Castel of Palmes_, fifteen hours; there they stay a day, and have fresh water. From the _Castle of Nahhal_ to _Abiar Alaina_, fourteen hours; only bitter water there. From _Abiar Alaina_ to _Sath el Acaba_, that is to say, the _Plain of the Hill_, fifteen hours; no water there. From _Sath el Acaba_ to _Kalaat el Acaba_, that is to say, the _Castle of the Hill_, (that is upon the side of the Red Sea) sixteen hours, there they stay two days and an half, the way is very bad, but they have fresh water. From the _Castle el Akabe_ to _Dar el Hhamar_, six hours and an half; no water there, (_Dar el Hhamar_ signifies _Asses Back_, and it is like the mountain in _Italy_, where there is an inn call’d _Scarga l’asino_.) From _Dar el Hhamar_ to _Scharafe Benigateie_, fourteen hours; no water there. From _Scharafe Benigateie_ to _Magare Chouaib_, that is to say, the _Grott of Jethro_, fourteen hours; fresh water there; that is the country of the _Midionites_. From _Magare Chouaib_ to _Eyoun el Kaseb_, fourteen hours and an half; fresh water there. It was in that place where _Jethro_’s daughters going to water their cattel, and the shepherds offering to hinder them, _Moses_ protected and defended them against those who would have hindred them to draw water. From _Eyoun el Kaseb_ to _Kalaat el Moilah_, which is by the sea side, fifteen hours; there they rest two days and a half, and have fresh water. From _Kalaat el Moilah_ to _Castel_, eleven hours; bitter water there. From _Castel_ to _Kalaat Ezlem_, fifteen hours and an half; bitter water there. From _Kalaat Ezlem_ to _Istanbel antir_, fourteen hours; fresh water there. From _Istanbel antir_ to _Kalaat el Voudge_, that is to say, the _Castle of the Face_, thirteen hours and an half; fresh water there. From _Kalaat el Voudge_ to _Ekre_, sixteen hours; no water there but what is bitter. From _Ekre_ to _Hank Krue_, that is to say, _Gulph_, twelve hours and an half; no water there. From _Hank Krue_ (going to _Hhawre_, they enter into the territory of _Mecca_) to _Hhawre_, it is thirteen hours; only bitter water there. From _Hhawre_ to _Nabte_, fifteen hours; fresh water there. From thence come the _Nabathean Arabs_, _Eurus ad auroram Nabathæaque regna recessit_. From _Nabte_ to _Hazire_, thirteen hours and an half; no water there. From _Hazire_ to _Yanbouh_, that is to say _Fountain_, fourteen hours and an half; there they stay two days and an half, and have fresh water. From _Yanbouh_ to _Soucaif_, thirteen hours; no water there. From _Soucaif_ to _Bedar Hunein_, that is to say, the moon of _Hunein_, eight hours; fresh water there. _Hunein_ was a man that shew’d the moon in his well. From _Bedar Hunein_ to _Ssbil el Mouhsin_, that is to say, the _way of Benefaction_, or _Benefit_, fourteen hours; fresh water there. _Rabii_ is a sacred place, that is to say, not to be entered into, without being well prepared and purged from all sin. Hence it is that there are two places which are call’d _Haramein_, _Sacred Places_, to wit, _Mecca_ and _Medina_, that is to say, which are two holy places, where one should take heed not to set his foot, unless he be well wash’d from all sin. From _Rabii_ to _Kawdire_, fifteen hours, no water there. From _Kawdire_ to _Bir el fan_, fourteen hours, fresh water there. From _Bir el fan_ to _Vadi fatima_, fourteen hours, fresh water there. From _Vadi fatima_ to _Mecca_ six hours. _Of the ~Aga~ sent to meet the Caravan upon their return._ About six weeks after the setting out of the Caravan of _Cairo_, when they know that it is ready to return from _Mecca_, an _Aga_ goes from _Cairo_ to guard the fresh provisions that the people of the country send to their friends and relations in the Caravan, every one sending according to their abilities and friendship, all which are well sealed up, and delivered to those they belong unto. For this effect the _Aga_ has many camels with him, and gets considerably by the Caravan, which he meets half way. This year it returned on Tuesday the thirteenth of _November_, and encamped at the _Birque_, where the Caravan of the _Magrebins_ arrived the day before. Several come to _Cairo_ the same day, and their friends go as far as the _Birque_ to welcome them; whereupon meeting, they kiss again and again five or six times, and all who know them salute and kiss them in the same manner; and indeed, for some days after there is nothing to be seen in the city, but people kissing one another, or lamenting their relations who dy’d in the journey, men, women and children, who howl and make fearful gestures, when they hear the news from the first of the Caravan whom they meet. These Pilgrims are forty five days in going, and as much in coming back to _Cairo_, besides some days they stay there; but they make but easy journeys, it being impossible that so great a body should march fast, for they must often stop to load the camels whose loads have fallen off, to unload those that fall or die, or to bury their dead, and a thousand such other accidents; and when one camel stops, all the rest must wait. They travel commonly, as I said, in the night time with links, that they may avoid the heat. In this journey they find but little water, and that exceeding bad too; as for fresh provisions, they find none, and eat only what they carry along with them; but the worst thing they meet with in the journey, are certain hot winds, which stifle the breath, and in a short time kill a great many people. The Prince of _Tunis_ told me, that in one day several hundreds died of that wind, and that he himself was much afraid, that he should have been one of the number. In fine, in this expedition there died six thousand, what of fatigue, thirst, and these hot winds. In that journey people are to be seen riding on camels, and singing verses of the _Koran_, who suddenly fall down dead. Those who return with life are so altered and extenuated, that they can hardly be known; and nevertheless vast numbers of people from all parts yearly perform that pilgrimage, and there es not a year wherein women and little children do not make it. They who have performed that journey are call’d _Adgi_, that is to say, Pilgrims, meaning tho’ only the pilgrimage of the _Kiaabe_, and they are much respected by all as long as they live, and highly credited. The _Emir-Adge_ gains much by this journey, for the goods of all that die belong to him, besides a vast deal of other profits that he makes on several occasions; and it is thought, that every expedition he gets above an hundred thousand piasters, but this year he got above three hundred thousand, for many people died. The greatest prerogative of this office is, that during the whole expedition he is absolute master of the field, and isters justice as he thinks fit. Having in my hands an exact description of _Mecca_, and considering that few or no travellers have spoken of it with any certainty, I thought it would not be amiss to add it, and make a particular chapter thereof. _Of ~Mecca~ and ~Medina~._ _Mecca_ is thirty seven days journey from _Cairo_, and all over desarts; it is a days journey from the Red sea; the port of it is call’d _Gidde_, which is a little town, wherein are two castles on the two sides of the port, one on each side, and the _Turks_ say that _Eve_ lies bury’d there; they shew her sepulchre, which is in length thirty eight or forty steps of a man’s walk, and hath no other ornament but a stone at each end. _Mecca_ is about the bigness of _Marseilles_, in the middle whereof is the _Kiaabe_ or _Beytullah_, that is to say, the _House of God_, which the _Turks_ say, was first built by the Patriarch _Abraham_. This house is about fifteen foot in length, eleven or twelve in breadth, and about five fathom high. The threshold of the door is as high from the ground as a man can reach his hand, being within filled up even with the threshold. The door is about a fathom and an half high, and a fathom wide, and is in the corner to the left hand, when one faces the house. This door is of beaten silver, and opens with two leaves; they go up to it by a ladder ed by four wheels, two whereof are fastened to the lower end of the ladder; and the other two to two wooden posts about the middle of it, by means of which wheels the ladder is run to the wall, when any body is to enter into the _Beytullah_. This house has a flat roof, ed by three pillars of an octagon figure, which are of Aloës-wood, as big as the body of a man, and about three fathom and a half long; they are of one entire piece each, and yet run in a straight line the length of the building, which is hung with red and white stuff, having here and there these words upon them, _La Illah Illallah, Mouhammed Resoul allah_. At the same corner where the door is (but on the other side of the wall) is the black stone, which they call _Hadgiar Asuad_, and is had in veneration by them, because (as they say) _Abraham_ stood upon it when he built that house, and that it served him for a scaffold, to the end he might make no hole in the wall, it rising higher or lower as he pleased, and being for that purpose brought him by the angel _Gabriel_. There is a court about this house, which the _Turks_ call _Haram_, and it is encomed with walls, with three rows of pillars, and arches on the inside of it. The four sects of _Mahometanism_ have their places of prayer in this court, which are the _Hanifi_, _Chafii_, _Maliki_, and _Hambeli_, each in one of the four parts of the court, with their faces turned always towards the _Beytullah_, or _House of God_. This house is begirt with two belts of gold, one below, and the other on high. On one side of the terrass that covers the _Beytullah_ there is a spout of beaten gold, about a fathom long, that jets out, to carry off the rain-water that falls upon the terrass. The same house is covered on the outside with hangings of black silk, which is a kind of damask, and every year there are new ones sent from _Cairo_, at the charge of the Grand Signior. Ten days journey from _Mecca_, upon the road to _Damascus_, is the city of _Medina_, three days journey from the Red Sea; the port of it is call’d _Iambo_, which is a little town of the same shape and bigness as _Gidde_. _Medina_ is about half as big as _Mecca_, but it hath a suburb as big as the town itself; much about the middle of that town there is a Mosque, in a corner whereof is the sepulchre of _Mahomet_, covered in the same manner as the monuments of the _Turkish_ Emperors are at _Constantinople_. The sepulchre is in a little tower, or round building, covered with a dome, which the _Turks_ call _Turbe_. This building is quite open, from the middle up to the dome, and all round it there is a little gallery, of which the out-side wall has several windows with silver grates to them, and the in-side wall, which is that of the little tower, is adorned with a great number of precious stones, and that place which answers to the head of the tomb. There are rich things there also, of an inestimable value, sent by the _Mahometan_ Kings, during so many ages, which are fasten’d within this gallery, all round the said turret. Among others, at the place which answers to the head of the tomb, there is a great diamond, half as long as ones fore finger, and two fingers broad, over which is the diamond which Sultan _Osman_, the son of Sultan _Ashmet_, sent thither, and is equal to that which the _Ottoman_ Emperors wear on their finger. These two diamonds were heretofore but one, which Sultan _Osman_ caused to be saw’d in two in the middle. Lower down there is a half moon of gold, set with diamonds of great worth. The Pilgrims see not _Mahomet_’s tomb, because that turret wherein it is enclosed hath no windows, being only open above, as hath been said; but such as make any stay at _Medina_ have liberty and leisure to enter into the _Turbe_, and see it, when there is no clutter of strangers there, that is to say, three or four months after the departure of the Pilgrims, who see no more but the aforesaid gallery, and the riches that are within it, thro’ the silver grates of the windows, which we mention’d before. Those then who enter into the _Turbe_, see that the tomb hangs not in the air, as many have falsly written, and (which is more) never did hang so, but is upon the flat ground raised and cover’d like the tombs of _Turkish_ Emperors and Bashaws. The _Turbe_ is hung all round with hangings of red and white silk, like damask, which cover all the wall, except at the place where the great diamonds are, for there they are tuck’d aside, that the diamonds may not be cover’d. Round all these hangings are the aforemention’d words in characters of gold, _La Illah Illallah, Mouhammed Resoul allah_. These hangings are renew’d every seven years by the _Ottoman_ Emperors, unless when a new Emperor succeeds, before the seven years be accomplish’d, for in that case the Emperor renews them so soon as he comes to the throne. The door by which they enter into the gallery is of silver, and so is the other that goes out of the gallery into the _Turbe_. When the Pilgrims (to the number of two hundred thousand souls) are come to _Mecca_ at the usual time, which is a short while before the little _Bairam_, and that it is the day before the vigil of the said _Bairam_, they go and lie at a place call’d _Myne_, half a league from _Mecca_, and next day being the vigil of _Bairam_, they go half a league farther off, to another place call’d _Arafa_, which is a great plain, in the middle whereof there is a rock, or rising hillock, and on the top of it a _Member_, or place for preaching in, into which steps a _Scheikh_, who preaches to all the people about in the plain. The Pilgrims being return’d to _Mecca_, divide themselves in several Caravans, because of the different countries they come from, and are to go back to them again. The Caravan that met at _Damascus_, upon their return by _Medina_, and visit _Mahomet_’s tomb, seeing it is upon their road. Of the rest, those who are prompted by devotion go thither, but a great part return back to their several countries, without turning out of their way to visit the said sepulchre, their law not obliging them to that, as it does to visit the other places above mention’d; so that they are grosly mistaken, who have affirm’d, that the pilgramage of the _Turks_ is to the sepulchre of _Mahomet_, who oblig’d them to it. For that false Prophet told his followers, when he drew near his death, that if any one returning from _Mecca_, had the curiosity to come and see his sepulchre, he should say a _Fatha_ for his soul (which is a prayer taken out of the _Koran_, resembling in some manner our _Pater Noster_) and be gone. _Mecca_ is the place of _Mahomet_’s birth, _Medina_ of his burial. _An Extract of a Journey thro’ part of ~Arabia Felix~, from the copy in ~Ramusio~’s collection._ We travell’d in most places of _Arabia_ by the help of a com, and were forty days and forty nights in going between _Damascus_ and _Mecca_; port _Ziden_ is forty miles distant from _Mecca_, from whence it receives the greatest part of it’s provisions by the Red Sea, from _Egypt_, _Æthiopia_, and _Arabia Felix_, the numbers of Pilgrims and camels being incredible, and fresh water very scarce, and as dear as wine in _Europe_. I stole away secretly from _Mecca_ in the disguise of a _Mammaluck_, to _Ziden_, in order to round _Arabia_ by sea into _Persia_. _Ziden_ contains about 500 houses; there lay at anchor almost 100 brigantines and foysts, with divers barks of sundry sorts, both with and without oars. After six days sailing we came to _Gezan_, a fair commodious port full of vessels; the soil is very fruitful and delicious, abounding with many rare fruits and flowers; the inhabitants for the most part go naked. Leaving _Gezan_, in the space of five or six days, we reach’d an island named _Camaran_, ten miles in circuit; in it is a town of 200 houses, the inhabitants are _Mahometans_; it hath great store of flesh and fresh water; the haven is eight miles from the continent, and is subject to the Sultan of _Arabia Felix_. In two days sailing we came to the mouth of the Red Sea. The day after our arrival at _Aden_, I being suspected for a _Portuguese_ spy, was cast into heavy chains, and thrown into Prison: After fifty five days Imprisonment, I was set upon a camel with my shackles, and in eight days journey came to _Rhada_, a city where the Sultan then lay with 30000 men, to make war against the Sultan of _Sana_ three days distant from _Rhada_. The Sultan’s guard were _Æthiopians_, with short broad swords, painted targets and darts, slings and ropes made of cotton. Having obtained my liberty, I ’d through _Almacaran_ and _Laghi_, to _Aden_, where I embark’d for _Persia_. In this journey I observed many monkeys, lyons, sheep with prodigious great tails; variety of spices, sugars, and a sort of grape without stones, very delicious; many strange gum-trees, as the Balsam, the Myrrhe, Frankincense, Coffee, Cocoes, _&c._ [Illustration] _Some observations made by Sir ~Henry Middleton~ and other ~Englishmen~, in ~Arabia Felix~, when they were most treacherously seized, and led prisoners from ~Moha~ and ~Aden~ up to ~Zenan~. Also Captain ~Payton~’s and Captain ~Heyn~’s observations in some parts of ~Arabia Felix~._ We were fifteen days in going from _Moha_ to _Zenan_, which is about 180 miles distant N. N. W. it lies in 16 degrees and 15 min. Lat. We were carried about our Christmass-time, and were almost starved with cold, there being hoary frosts and ice at _Zenan_; some of our men got furrs, this was wonderful in such a latitude; we fed much upon _Dates_ and _Plantanes_. _Zenan_ appeared to me bigger than _Bristol_, it’s situation is in a stony valley, encom’d with high hills, with many gardens and places of pleasure. The buildings are of good stone and lime. _February_ the seventeenth, we obtain’d our liberty, and began on the eighteenth our journey from _Zenan_ to _Moha_; that night we came to _Siam_, 16 miles, some on asses, others on camels; on the nineteenth to _Surage_, 18 miles; on the twentieth to the city _Damare_, in a plentiful country 20 miles from _Surage_; on the twenty first we arrived at _Ermin_, 15 miles, here we staid the twenty second; on the twenty third we came to _Nagual Samare_; the twenty fourth to _Mohader_, 13 miles from _Nackelsamar_; on the twenty fifth to _Rabattamain_, 16 miles from _Mohader_; here they make opium of a poppy, but it is not good. The twenty sixth we came to _Coughe_, call’d _Meisadine_, 16 miles from _Rabattamain_. On the twenty seventh we were at _Tayes_, half as large as _Zenan_, here they make _Indigo_ out of an herb. _March_ the first, we travell’d from _Tayes_ to _Eufras_, 16 miles distant; the second to _Assambine_ 11 miles; on the third to _Accomoth_; on the fourth to _Mousa_, 17 miles; here we observed them steeping the _Indigo_ plant; on the fifth we got to _Moha_. _Moha_ is less than _Tayes_, but very populous, it stands close by the sea in a salt and sandy soil, unwall’d; yet it hath platforms and forts; abundance of shipping resort thither from _India_, and great Caravans by land from _Syria_ and _Mecca_, to trade and exchange commodities. _Aden_ is the greatest port of _Arabia Felix_, it is situated at the foot of vast high mountains, which rise up with pikes, and run with great promontories into the sea; these hills were call’d _Cabubarre_, according to the journal of Don _John_ of _Castro_ the _Portuguese_. Captain _Dunton_, of Sir _Henry Middleton_’s fleet, observed _Aden_ to lie in 12° 35′ of N. Lat. The variation westerly was 12° 40′. It flows upright between 6 and 7 foot water on the change day. The canoes came about the _English_ ships with _Indigo_, _Olibanum_, and _Myrrhe_, but none trade with them by reason of their treachery. _Aden_ has been a great city of above 6000 houses, but Captain _Dunton_ found the buildings much decay’d, and many of them sunk. Captain _Sharpeigh_ was the first _Englishman_ that ever landed at _Aden_, he had been there 16 months before, in the year 1610. The afore-mention’d parts of _Arabia Felix_ were at that time under the subjection of the _Turks_, who had got possession of them from the _Arabians_, by tricks and treachery, whom they kept in awe by many castles built on hills and es, and by the many captives they always kept as pledges. Sir _Henry Middleton_ observed many of the mountainous parts to be under the dominion of the _Arabians_, who are very populous in all the places where he ed, and are at frequent wars with the insolent _Turks_, who pretended secret orders from the Grand Signior, to destroy all Christians that came ashore, lest they should go up to _Mecca_ and _Medina_, to ransack and burn them. Capt. _Walter Payton_, in the year 1613, found great hospitality and ingenuity in some parts of _Arabia Felix_, nearer the _Persian_ gulph, especially at _Doffar_, a very good road for ships, and a fair city, where the _Arabians_ presented his crew with bullocks, sheep, hens, goats, sugar-canes, plantanes and cocoes. This _Cape_ stands in 16° 38′ of N. Lat. and is free from the _Turkish_ yoke. Capt. _Edward Heyns_ anchored before _Moha_ or _Mocha_, in _Arabia Felix_, _An. Dom. 1618_, the governor sent him, as presents, a young bullock, two goats, mangoes, limes, cucumbers, water-melons, quinces, rack made of rice, _&c._ He went freely ashore, and found it a very neat, populous and flourishing town, built of brick and stone, curiously plaister’d over like _Paris_, two stories high with flat roofs and terrasses on the top, whereon they build summer-houses with canes and matts, wherein they sleep and receive the fresh breezes in the great heats. They excus’d the cruelty to Sir _H. Middleton_, laying it on the cruel governor at that time. _Of the ways and roads between ~Egypt~ and ~Ethiopia~._ In the month of _October_ an embassador of _Ethiopia_ came to _Cairo_, with several presents for the Grand Signior, and among others an ass that had a most delicate skin, if it was natural, for I will not vouch for that, since I did not examine it. This ass had a black list down the back, and the rest of it’s body was all begirt with white and tawny streaks, a finger broad a piece; the head of it was extraordinary long, striped and partly colour’d as the rest of the body; it’s ears like a buffle’s, were very wide at the end, and black, yellow, and white; it’s legs streaked just like the body, not long ways, but round the leg, in fashion of a garter, down to the foot, and all in so good proportion and simetry, that no lynx could be more exactly spotted, nor any skin of a tyger so pretty, this may be the _Zembra_. The embassador had two more such asses, which dy’d by the way, but he brought their skin with him, to be presented to the Grand Signior, with the live one. He had also several little black slaves of _Nubia_, and other countries, confining on _Ethiopia_, _Civet_, and other costly things for his present. These little blacks serve to look after the women in the Seraglio, after that they are gelded. The embassador was an old man, and had the end of his nose, part of the upper and under lip cut off, but was otherwise a shapely man, and of a very good presence; he was cloathed after the _Coptish_ fashion, wearing a turban like them, and spoke very good _Italian_, which gave me the opportunity of conversing with him; he told me his name was _Michael_, that he was a native of _Tripoly_ in _Syria_, and that he had made three or four voyages into Christendom; that eighteen months before he had parted from _Gontar_, the capital city of _Ethiopia_, and was so long retarded by the way, because of the contrary winds he met with on the Red Sea, by which he came. That of an hundred persons whom he had brought along with him, of his own servants, and the slaves he was to present to the Grand Signior, thirty or forty were dead. If he had come by land, he had not been so long by the way; for from _Gontar_ to _Schouaquen_ it is about six weeks journey, and from _Schouaquen_ to _Cairo_ forty or fifty days by camels; but he could not take that way because of his train. He told me many things relating to the kingdom of _Ethiopia_, which I shall here give the reader an of. But first, of the ways of ing out of _Egypt_ into _Ethiopia_. The Merchants setting out from Grand _Cairo_, are carry’d up the _Nile_ against the stream, as far as _Monfallot_, and thence travelling in Caravans, first come to _Siint_, and so in order to the following towns: _Wack_ three days journey; _Meks_ two days; _Scheb_ three; _Sellim_ three; _Moschu_ five; _Dungala_ five, ed to be the Metropolis of _Nubia_, then they come into the kingdom of _Sennar_; from _Dungala_ they travel to _Kshabi_, three days journey; _Korti_ three more; _Trere_ three; _Gerry_ one; _Helfage_ one; _Arbatg_ three; _Sennar_ four; from _Sennar_ in fourteen days they arrive at the confines of _Habessinia_, the entrance is call’d _Tshelga_. The age by sea is various, for the Merchants embark in several ports on the Red Sea, as _Suesso_, _Gidda_, _Alcossir_, and so coast it to _Suaquena_ and _Matzua_. The safest way of travelling into the kingdom of _Prester John_, is with some metropolitan or embassador. Some land at _Baylar_, a port belonging to the King of _Dengala_, in amity with the _Habessins_, but the journey thence by land is tedious, and infested by the _Gallons_. ’Tis but three months travel by land from Grand _Cairo_ to _Gontar_, the chief city of _Ethiopia_. _Of ~Ethiopia~: By ~Michael~ of ~Tripoly~, Embassador from the ~Habessine~ Emperor to the Grand Signior._ _Ethiopia_, or the country of the _Abyssins_, called in _Arabic Abesch_, from whence comes the word _Abyssin_, is a great empire, being above seven months travel in circuit: On the east side it is bordered by the Red Sea, and _Zanguebar_, on the south with _Zeila_, _Avousa_, _Naria_, _&c._ On the west by the country of the _Negroes_ and _Nubia_, and on the north, with the country of _Nubia_ and _Bugia_, because to come from _Ethiopia_ into _Egypt_, one must cross _Nubia_ down the _Nile_. About an hundred years ago, _Greyu Mahomet_, King of _Zeila_, of which the inhabitants are all _Moors_, invaded _Ethiopia_, and forced the King to save himself on a mountain, from whence he sent to demand assistance of the King of _Portugal_, who immediately sent it him, but hardly was he who commanded these auxiliaries enter’d the country, when he resolved to return back again, finding that they eat raw flesh there: However, his brother Don _Christopher_ had more courage, and would not return without doing some exploit: He marched up into the country with about three hundred musqueteers, fought, vanquished, and killed the _Moorish_ King, and then re-established the lawful King of _Ethiopia_: For reward of which service, the King of _Ethiopia_ gave lands and estates to all the _Portuguese_ that staid within his dominions, and their offspring are still in that country. The father of this present King was a Catholic, but he dying about thirty odd years ago, the Queen his wife, who was a great enemy to the _Jesuits_, and no Catholic, and who suffered impatiently, that they should govern, as they pleased, the late King her husband, wrought upon her son that succeeded him, to persecute all the _Roman_ Catholics, in such a manner, that the _Jesuits_ were obliged to make their escape, and he put to death all the Capuchins whom he found. Since that time, three Capuchins more were put to death at _Schouaken_; for the King of _Ethiopia_ knowing that they had a mind to come into his kingdom, sent to the Governor of _Schouaken_ praying him to put to death those three religious _Franks_. The Governor of _Schouaken_, caused their heads to be immediately struck off, and sent them to the King of _Ethiopia_, who, as a reward, made him a present of three bags of gold dust, promising him as many bags of gold dust, as he should send him heads of _Franks_. And fifteen or sixteen years since, two others have been put to death in the province of _Oinadaga_, whose names were Father _Fioravanti_, and Father _sco_. In short, this King is a declared enemy to all _Franks_, whom he accuses of being heretics, and of having conspired to put the crown upon the head of one of his enemies: So that a _Frank_ who would go into that country, must for an _Armenian_ or _Cophte_, for the King and his people are of the _Cophtish_ Religion. They believe but one nature in _Jesus Christ_. At the end of eight days they circumcise as the _Jews_ do, and baptize a fortnight after. Before the _Jesuits_ went thither, they baptized none before they were thirty or forty years of age. They say mass as the _Cophtes_ do, but their church books are in the _Ethiopic_ language. Their Patriarch depends on the Patriarch of _Alexandria_, and when the Patriarch of the _Abyssines_ dies, they send deputies to _Alexandria_, to entreat the Patriarch to send them another, and he convocating his Clergy, chuses out the fittest among them, whom he sends, but is never any more heard of in _Egypt_, till he be dead. There are four Kings that pay tribute to the King of _Ethiopia_, to wit, the King of _Sennar_, who pays his tribute in horses. _Sennar_ is a very hot country. The King of _Naria_, who pays his tribute in gold. The King of _Bugia_, and King of _Dangala_. _Naria_ is a good country, and in that country are the mines out of which they have the gold that es on the coasts of _Soffala_ and _Guiney_. These mines are not deep, as in many other countries. From that country also comes the civet. I think it will not be amiss here to say somewhat of Civets, which so rare in our country, as that they deserve to be taken notice of where one can find them. They are called Civet Cats, come from _Naria_, (as I just now said) and are taken in snares. The _Jews_ in _Cairo_ keep many of them in their houses, where for buying a few drachms of civet one may see them. It is a beast almost as big as a good Dog: It hath a sharp snout, small eyes, little ears, and mustachios like a Cat: The skin of it is all spotted black and white, with some yellowish specks, and hath a long bushy tail, almost like a Fox. It is a very wild creature, and I believe the bite of it would put a body to no small pain. The _Jews_ keep them in great square wooden cages, where they feed them with raw mutton and beef, cut into small pieces. When they would get from them that which is called civet, and is the sweat of this beast that smells so sweet, they make him go back with a stick, which they thrust in betwixt the bars of the cage, and catch hold of his tail; when they have that fast, they take hold also of his two hind legs, pulling him half out of the cage by the door, which falls down upon his back, and keeps him fast there, then another opens a certain cod of flesh that these beasts have, which is shaped like a split gyserne, and with an iron spatula scrapes all the sweat off it within. The males have that piece of flesh betwixt their stones and yard, which is like a Cat’s. The females have it betwixt their fundament and privities, and it is emptied of the sweat but twice a week, each beast yielding about a drachm at a time, by what I could discern. When that sweat, or excrement is taken out, it is of whitish grey, but by little and little, in some short space, it turns to a very brown colour. It smells very sweat at a distance, but near hand it stinks and causes a head-ach. There are as many kinds of civet sweat, as there are of Civet Cats, for it is more whitish, greyish, or yellowish, and drier in some than in others, and yet they mingle all together. After all, it is in vain to think to have pure civet, for the _Jews_ falsify it; and if a man imagine it to be pure, because he has seen it taken from the beast, he is mistaken, for before people come to their houses, they rub the inside of that piece of flesh, with a little oil, or some such stuff, that so the sweat and it together may make more weight, but when nobody is present, they take it out pure, and mingle it afterwards. To find out the truth of this, I went one day to the house of a _Jew_ that kept Civet Cats, without giving him notice before, (for because I had bought a little of him, and promised to come again another time, he asked me as often as he saw me, what day I would come) and having desired him to get me some fresh civet, he told me, that it was not the day he used to take it out; and having returned without acquainting him before, upon one of the days when he said he was accustomed to gather it, he refused then also to do it, pretending business, which confirmed all that had been told me of that matter. In the mean time they hold these beasts very dear; for having asked that _Jew_, and others also, how much they would have of me for a Civet Cat, they all told me, an hundred chequins. _Dangala_ is the capital city of _Nubia_, the King of _Dangala_ is King of the _Barberins_, who are a kind of blacks, of the Musulman religion, that came in crowds to _Cairo_, to get services; they are somewhat silly, but very faithful, and serve for a small matter, for two maidins a day, or a maidin and their diet: You may make them do whatsoever you please. They wear a blew shirt, plat all their hair in tresses, and then rub it over with a certain oil, to keep their head from being lousy. At _Cairo_, when they have any falling out, they go before the _Scheiks_ of their own nation, who make them friends, and if they think it convenient, adjudge them to pay a fine, with which they feast and make merry together. They are great lovers of Crocodiles flesh; and when any _Frank_ has got one for the skin, they come and beg the flesh, which they dress with a pretty good sauce. When these blades have scraped together ten or twelve piastres, they return home again wealthy to their own country, provided they escape being robbed by the _Arabs_ upon the way, who many times serve them so, therefore they commonly return in companies, as they came. The King of _Dangala_ pays his tribute to the King of _Ethiopia_ in cloth. The provinces of _Ethiopia_ are _Gouyan_, (where the King keeps a Viceroy) _Beghandir_, _Dambia_, _Amara_ (which is a great province, full of mountains and good castles) _Damoud Tegre_, and _Barnegas_. Besides, there are several provinces governed by Princes, who are vassals to the King of _Ethiopia_. In short, the kingdom of _Ethiopia_ comprehends twenty-four _Tambours_, or Vice-roys. The capital city is called _Gonthar_, and is in the province of _Dambia_. _Ethiopia_ (as the Embassador told me) is as cold as _Aleppo_ or _Damascus_, only the countries near the Red Sea, and the country of _Sennar_ are hot. The King of _Ethiopia_ has above an hundred wives, and keeps no Eunuchs to look after them, because they look upon it as a sin to geld a man; so that the women have the same liberty there as in _Christendom_. He is a King of very easy access, and the poorest have the freedom to come and speak to him when they please. He keeps all his children on a mountain, called _Ouhhni_, in the province of _Oinadaga_, which is a mountain two days journey distant from _Gonthar_; there is a place like a cistern on the top of the mountain, into which they are let down every night, and taken up again in the day-time, and suffered to play and walk about. When the King dies, they chuse out one of the wittiest of them, and make him King, without any regard to birthright; and when he comes to have children, he sends his brothers prisoners to some other place, and places his children at _Ouhhni_. The place where the Kings are buried, is called _Ayesus_, and is a kind of grott, where the aged are laid in one side, and the young in the other. Heretofore there was a church there of the same name, in time of the Jesuits; and in the same place there is a library. The Embassador assured me, that he had been in that library, and I fancy it is the old library of the ancient _Ethiopians_. _Ethiopia_ is a good and fertile country, producing wheat, barley, _&c._ The greatest desarts of it are not above three or four days journey over; and nevertheless, when the King makes any progress, he lodges in tents. The houses of the great lords are like those of _Cairo_, that is to say, very mean, in respect of the houses of _Europe_, and the rest are only of mud. The country affords men of all trades, except watch-makers. They have no camels there, but mules, asses, oxen, and horses. All the people of this country eat raw flesh, except the King, who has it dress’d, and drinks wine of grapes; the rest drink only wine made of millet, or sarasin wheat, but as strong as ours, and brandy made of the same grain. They are cloathed after the fashion of the _Franks_, and wear cloth, velvet, and other stuffs imported to them by the Red Sea. They have harquebusses from the _Turks_, and of those people there are not above three or four hundred who serve in the wars with harquebusses. In trading, they make no use of coined money, as the _Europeans_ do, but their money are pieces of fifteen or twenty _Pics_ of cloth, gold, which they give by weight, and a kind of salt, which they reduce into little square pieces like pieces of soap, and these for money. They cut out that salt upon the side of the Red Sea, five or six days journeys from _Dangala_, as you go from _Cairo_, and the places where they make it are called _Arbo_. Among them is the nation of the _Gauls_, whom in _Ethiopic_ they call _Chava_, and are a vagabond people in _Ethiopia_, as the _Arabs_ are in _Egypt_. These _Gauls_ are rich in cattle, and are always at wars with the _Ethiopians_. They have no harquebusses, nor other fire arms, but make use of lances and targets. After all, they speak so many different languages in _Ethiopia_, that the Embassador said to me, _If God hath made seventy-two languages, they are all spoken in ~Ethiopia~_. I asked his Excellency if he knew any thing of the source of the _Nile_, and this he told me, concerning it: The head of _Nile_ is a well that springs out of the ground in a large plain, where many trees grow; this fountain is called _Ouembromma_, and is in a province called _Ago_. It makes that a very delightful place, casting up water very high in several places: And this Embassador of _Ethiopia_ assured me, that he had been above twelve times with the King of _Ethiopia_ to spend several days about that fountain, which is twelve days journey from _Gonthar_. _More Observations of ~Ethiopia~, by Father ~Lobo~, Father ~Alvarez~, Father ~Tellez~, and others; extracted from their ~Portuguese~ voyages._ The rains begin to fall in _June_, and continue _July_, _August_, and part of _September_, which make the _Nile_ swell and overflow in those months. Father _Tellez_ says, the mountains of _Habessimia_ are much higher than our _Alps_ and _Pyrenean_ hills; these render the country more temperate and healthful, and make that torrid climate tolerable to the _European_ bodies: There is plenty of good springs and herbage. In the midst of the plains there rise up many steep rocks of wonderful figures and shapes, on the tops whereof are woods, meadows, fountains, fish-ponds, and other conveniences of life: The natives get up to them by ropes, and crane up their cattle: These are like so many fortresses, which defend the natives against the sudden incursions of barbarous nations on all sides. This kingdom abounds with metals, but they neglect to work them, lest _Turkish_ or other invasions would follow, if such baits were discovered. Their winter is from _May_ to _September_, the sun then ing and reing perpendicular over their heads. During this season, once every day it rains torrents, and thunders most violently, which are accompanied sometimes with sudden and furious hurricanes. The Jesuits residing in the province of _Zambea_, observ’d both the poles, the antartic higher with his cross stars: In this tract of heaven, there is, as it were, a cloud, or blot full of little stars, as our _Via Lactea_. The animals of this vast kingdom are, the _Hippopotamus_, or river-horse, which makes great devastation in their plantations, Crocodiles, _Rhinocerots_, Elephants, Lyons, Tygers, Panthers, _Camelopardalus_, _Gazels_, _Zembra_’s, Civet Cats; great varieties of Monkeys, Apes, and Baboons; Ostriches, _Cassowars_, Turtles, Locusts in prodigious numbers. The ordinary trees are, the Date, Coco, Tamarind, _Cassia_, Oranges, _Musa_, or Plantane, Cotton trees, with many others peculiar to the climate and region. In one year they will have three several crops of rice, millet, tef-seed, (their common food, ten times less than mustard seed) of wheat, and other _European_ grain, yet the locusts often devour all, and bring on famines. They make a drink of honey, burnt rice, water, and a wood call’d _Sardo_. They have no mills, but grind all their grain with the hand. Great caravans up and down the country, to and from the sea ports, with merchandise. In many places the towns and villages are extremely thick, and very populous. Snow sometimes lies on the high mountains of _Ethiopia_, especially those called _Semain_ and _Sallent_, or the _Jews_ hills. This part of _Afric_ called _Habessinia_, is much the highest of that quarter of the world, the great rivers running east, north, and west, as _Hawas_, _Hanazo_, the _Nile_, _Niger_ or _Gambia_, the _Zaire_, _&c._ taking their rise in it. _Ludolfus_ in his late learned Commentaries on his _Ethiopic_ History, figures several animals proper to these _African_ regions; as, 1. _Tygris orbiculis minutis variegata._ 2. _Tigris maculis virgatis._ 3. _Pardus maculis seu scutulis varius._ The _Habessine_ ports towards the Red Sea are very ill guarded, therefore the _Turks_ are in possession of _Arkiko_ and _Matzua_. The _Habessines_ are not addicted to navigation, they trade only with the _Arabians_, and carry their goods to _Suoquena_, _Arkiko_, and _Matzua_: The _Arminians_ often get entrance into the country, where they are very well received. The _Arabians_ come in their barks cross the Red Sea, from _Mocha_, _Aden_, _Ziden_, _Cameron_, and other ports. Few of the _Habessines_ over into _Arabia_, and when they do, they dissemble their religion, and disguise themselves in the habits of Musulmans. This comes from _Hubert Klock_, in his letters to the _Dutch East India_ Company. _Anno 1685._ Father _Hyeronymo Lobo_ observ’d the Red Sea to be navigable only in the middle, in which are some small islands and rocks above water, of little danger in clear weather: The two shoars of _Arabia_ and _Ethiopia_ are of very bad age, full of shoals, rocks, and corals. The entrance of this sea is the clearest and deepest on the side of _Arabia_, and is the ordinary age for ships of burthen, the other part of the mouth towards _Ethiopia_, is full of flats and shoals, so that none ventures through but little vessels: The pearl-fishing is near the island of _Daleca_. On several parts of this sea we observed abundance of reddish spots made by a weed resembling _Cargaco_ (or _Sargosso_) rooted in the bottom, and floating in some places. Upon strict examination it proved to be that which we found the _Ethiopians_ call _Sufo_, us’d up and down for dying their stuffs and cloths of a red colour, (perhaps this may be one of the _Rocoella_’s _in Imperati_, _a fucus_ or _Alga tinctoria_.) _FINIS._ [Illustration] FOOTNOTES [1] _~I~ guess them rather to have been ~Cormorants~; no ~Eagles~ having long Necks._ [2] _Rauwolff_ was here too credulous and facil to suffer himself to be abused and imposed upon by these relaters; for that there neither are, nor ever were any animals with more heads than one naturally, I do confidently affirm. [3] Too soon, for that there are no such creatures in the world as either _Unicorn_ or _Griffin_, I am as sure as I can be of a Negative. Nay, Dr. _Brown_ hath well demonstrated, that there cannot be such a creature as the common pictures of him represent the _Unicorn_. I cannot again but wonder at the credulity of so curious and inquisitive a man as _Rauwolff_, in believing the idle stories of such a vain and lying fellow. [4] Though _Jerusalem_ might be situate in the highest part of _Judæa_, yet are not the following places of the Scripture a sufficient proof of it. For because it was the capital, and supreme town, in regard of greatness, multitude of people, strength, jurisdiction, and other privileges, though it’s site was not higher than that of other towns, yet might people well enough be said to go up thither, it being highest in respect of dignity, though not of place. So we make no scruple to say in common speech, that whosoever travels up to _London_, goes up thither; and whosoever travels from thence, goes down into the country, let his habitation be never so much higher situate than _London_. Yet was _Jerusalem_ situate on a hill, which is enough to all those expressions, though that hill were not the highest in _Judæa_. [5] _James_ the Son of _Alpheus_, one of the Apostles, was usually called _James_ the _Less_; but it was not he that was elected first bishop of _Jerusalem_, but _James_ the _Just_, who was called the Lord’s brother, and was none of the Apostles. [6] Κατὰ τὴν ἐπώνυμον ἡμῖν πόλιν. So the Emperor _Constantine_ in a letter to _Eusebius_, _de Vita Constantini, lib. 4. cap. 39. & apud Theodoritum Histor. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 16. v. etiam Socrat. Scholast. Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 16._ [7] V. _Socratem ibidem._ _Et Theophanem in Chronographia_ XXV. _anno Constantini_. [8] The Italian word _Rione_ is a manifest corruption of the Latin word. [9] _In Panegyrico, quem Romæ dixit Anthenio Augusto, his consuli._ [10] _Hæresi_ lxix _quæ est Arianorum. Sect. 2._ where he says a sad dismal fire was kindled by _Arius_: πῦρ οὐ τὸ τυχὸν ὃ κατείληφε παρὰ τὴν Ῥωμανίαν σχεδὸν, μάλιστα τῆς ἀνατολῆς τὰ μέρη, which seized almost upon all _Romania_, or _Universum Romanorum Imperium_, as _Petavius_ renders it, but especially the eastern parts of it. [11] Pag. 144, 152, 155. [12] Pag. 139. [13] _Vid._ _Gillium de Bosp. Thracii_, l. III c. 12. &c. [14] Pag. 169. Num. 3. [15] Pag. 121. [16] Vid. _Historiam Politicam Constantinopoleos apud Crusium in Turco-Græcia_, pag. 9. [17] This was an old error: for thus writes _Dionysius Byzantinus_ in his little book of the _Bosphorus_, Τοῦ ῥεύματος τὸ μὲν πλεῖον κατιόντος ἐστὶ δὲ ὅτε κατ’ ἐπικράτειαν ἀναστρέφοντος· [18] _Les voyages de Seign. Villamont._ [19] _Sands_’s Travels. [20] The air of _Egypt_ is confessed by the ancients to be often full of vapours; which appears both by the great dews that happened after the deluge of _Nilus_ for several months; as also in that I have discovered at _Alexandria_, in the winter time, several obscure stars in the constellation of _Ursa major_, not visible in _England_; the which could not be discerned there, were there not a greater refraction at that time than with us, and consequently a greater condensation of the _medium_ or air, as the optics demonstrate. [21] These proportions of the chamber, and those which follow of the length and breadth of the hollow part of the tomb, were taken by me with as much exactness as it was possible to do; which I did so much the more diligently, as judging this to be the fittest place for the fixing of measures for posterity. A thing which hath been much desired by learned men, but the manner how it might be exactly done, hath been thought of by none. I am of opinion, that as this Pyramid hath stood three thousand years almost, and is in no whit decayed within, so it may continue many thousand years longer: And therefore that after-times measuring these places by me assigned, may hereby not only find out the just dimensions of the _English_ foot, but also the feet of several nations in these times, which in my travels abroad I have taken from the originals, and have compared them at home with the _English_ standard. Had some of the ancient Mathematicians thought of this way, these times would not have been so much perplexed, in discovering the measures of the _Hebrews_, _Babylonians_, _Egyptians_, _Greeks_, and other nations. Such parts as the _English_ foot contains a thousand, the _Roman_ foot on _Cossutia_’s monument (commonly called by writers _Pes Colotianus_) contains nine hundred sixty seven. The _Paris_ foot a thousand sixty eight. The _Spanish_ foot nine hundred and twenty. The _Venetian_ foot one thousand and sixty two. The _Rhinland_ foot, or that of _Snellius_, one thousand and thirty three. The _Bracio_ at _Florence_ one thousand nine hundred and thirteen. The _Bracio_ at _Naples_ two thousand one hundred. The _Deran_ at _Cairo_ one thousand eight hundred and twenty four. The greater _Turkish Dike_ at _Constantinople_, two thousand two hundred. [22] As appears by a fair and ancient monument brought from _Smyrna_ to my very worthy friend Mr _Rolt_, which stands in his Park at _Woolwich_. [23] _Plin._ lib. 36. cap. 7. [24] Which may also be confirmed by _Bellonius_’s observations, who describing the rock out of which, upon _Moses_’s striking it, there gushed out waters, makes it to be such a speckled kind of _Thebaic_ marble: _Est une grosse pierre massive droicte de mesme grain & de la couleur qu’est la pierre Thebaique._ [25] The com of the _Scapus_ of this column at _Alexandria_ near the _Tarus_ is 24 _English_ feet: The com of the _Scapus_ of those at _Rome_ is fifteen _English_ feet, and three inches. By these proportions, and by those rules which are expressed in _Vitruvius_, and in other books of Architecture, the ingenious reader may compute the true dimensions of those before the _Pantheon_, and of this at _Alexandria_, being in my calculation the most magnificent column that ever was made of one entire stone. [26] Six feet ⁴⁸⁸⁄₁₀₀₀. [27] Two feet ²¹⁸⁄₁₀₀₀. In the reiteration of these numbers, if any shall be offended either with the novelty or tediousness of expressing them so often. I must justify my self by the example of _Ulug. Beg._ nephew to _Timurlane_ the great (for so is his name, and not _Tamerlane_) an Emperor of the _Moguls_ or _Tartars_, (whom we term amiss the _Tartars_) for I find in his astronomical tables (the most accurate of any in the east) made about 200 years since, the same course observed by him, when he writes of the _Grecian_, _Arabian_, _Persian_, and _Gelalean_ Epocha’s, as also of those of _Catæa_ and _Turkistan_. He expresseth the numbers at large, as I have done, then in figures such as we call _Arabian_, because we first learned these from them; but the _Arabians_ themselves fetch them higher, acknowledging that they received this useful invention from the _Indians_, and therefore from their authors they name them _Indian_ figures. _Lastly_, He renders them again in particular tables. Which manner I judge worthy the imitation, in all such numbers as are radical, and of more than ordinary use: For if they be only twice expressed, if any difference shall happen by the neglect of Scribes, or Printers, it may often so fall out, that we shall not know which to make choice of, whereas if they be thrice expressed, it will be a rare chance, but that two of them will agree; which two we may generally presume to be the truth. [28] _Sands_ in his Travels writes _That they are seen to rise on Good Friday._ A _Frenchman_ at _Grand Cairo_, who had been present at the resurrection shewed me an arm which he brought from thence; the flesh shriveled and dryed like that of the Mummies. He observed the miracle to have been always behind him: once casually looking back, he discovered some Bones, carried privately by an _Egyptian_ under his Vest, whereby he understood the Mystery. [29] An argument intended by me and for which I made a collection of several Antiquities, in my Travels abroad, but these (and I wish only these) have unfortunately perished at home amidst the sad distractions of the time. STIRPIUM ORIENTALIUM. RARIORUM CATALOGI TRES. _Stirpium Orientalium rariorum Catalogus, præsertim Græciæ, & Syriæ, provinciis nascentium._ A. Abrotanum fœmina verum Dioscoridis _Zanoni_ _v._ Heliochrysum Abrotani fœminæ facie. Acaciæ foliis frutex Mesapotamicus _Col. Annot._ in Res medicas _Novæ Hisp. Recchi_. Acaciæ similis Mesopotamica, minutissimis foliis, siliqua integra contorta, crassa & obtusa, seu siliquæ Nabathæa _Breyn. prod. 2._ Juxta Tigridem fluvium in Mesopotamia, & Euphratem in Arabia deserta. Ageratum Persicum _Breyn. Prod. 2._ Alhagi Maurorum _Rauwolf._ Genista spartium spinosum foliis Polygoni _C. B._ Spinosum Syriacum _Park._ Agul & Alhagi Arabibus, planta spinoso Mannam resipiens _J. B._ Manna in hac arbuscula invenitur _Tereniabin_ aut _Trungibin_ Arabibus dicta. In Persia & circa Halepum. _Rauw._ p. 84. 152. 206. Alcea Indica parvo flore _C. B._ Ægyptia _Clus._ Ægyptiaca _Ger. emac._ Bamia _J. B._ Bamia seu Alcea Ægyptia _Park. parad._ Trionum Theophrasti _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ Non in Ægypto tantum sed etiam in Syria invenitur. _Rauwolf_, p. 167. Alcea arborescens Syriaca _C. B._ Althæa arborescens glabra, Ketmia dicta _J. B._ Althæa frutex 2 _Clus._ Frutex flore albo vel purpureo _Park._ _Rauwolf._ p. 54. Circa Tripolin Syriæ observavit. Androsæmum Constantinopolitanum fore maximo _Wheeler._ Flore & theca quinque capsulari omnium maximis _Maris. Hist._ p. 473. Non est hoc Ascyron magno flore _C. B. prod._ Notæ enim non conveniunt. Circa Constantinopolin, eundo inde ad Pontum Euxinum, secus vias, & alibi copiosè. Anemone maxima Chalcedonica _Park._ Latifolia maxima versicolor _C. B._ Maxima Chalcedonica polyanthos _Ger._ Latifolia pleno flore 1 _Clus._ Anetho similis planta semine lato laciniato _J. B._ Gingidium folio Fœniculi _C. B._ Verum, sive Syriacum _Park._ Dioscoridis _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ In monte Libano, locis præruptis, p. 234. Anonis lutea annua siliqua glabra breviore _Moris. Hist._ Halepo transmisit D. _Rob. Huntington_. Apocynum folio subrotundo _C. B._ Folio rotundo, flore ex albo pallescente _J. B._ Latifolium non repens _Park._ Periploca latifolia _Ger._ Syriæ & calidiorum regionum incola esse dicitur. Apocynum repens & scandens _Rauwolf._ Monte Libano observavit Autor Itin. p. 233. Arbores tegit ut Ephedra. Arbutus (Κόμαρος) Dioscoridis vera _Wheeleri_. Folio non serrato _C. B._ Adrachne _Park._ Adrach. Theophrasti _J. B._ Ἀδράκλα Græcis modernis, _Bellonius_ multis locis in sua peregrinatione observavit. D. _Wheelerus_ in Achaia prope montem Pentelicum. Arisarum angustifolium _Wheeleri_ itiner. p. 309. Caule folioso pingitur. Propè Panthæam inter Amphissam & Naupactum. Aristolochia Maurorum _C. B._ Peregrina Rauwolfii _Clus._ Rhasut & Rumigi à Mauris nominata _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ Aristolochiis similis _Rhasut_ & _Rumigi_ Maurorum _J. B._ Aristolochia clematitis Attica, foliis in summo bifidis seu crenatis _Wheeleri_. Θερώκαλο Græcis. In monte Hymetto. Arum auriculis longis, Ovidne dictum, Chalepense _Rauwolf._ p. 104. Aster luteus angustifolius _Park._ _J. B._ Luteus Linariæ rigido glabro folio _C. B._ 6 Clusii _Ger._ In monte Olympo Asiæ. _Wheel._ Astragalus Syriacus hirsutus _C. B._ Syriacus _Lob._ _Ger._ _Park._ _J. B._ Astrag. Dioscoridis, vulgò Christiana radix _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ p. 105. D. _Wheelerus_ Itin. p. 435. Astragalum quendam describit & depingit, quem in Græcia propè Megaram invenit, & argenteum vocat. Qu. An Syriacus sit? Atractylis Cypria _Ang. Lugd._ Purpurea _C. B._ Purpurea Cypria _Park._ Atractylis vera Antiquarum, cujus caulibus profusis utuntur mulieres Græcæ D. _Covel._ An Atractylidi & Cnico sylvestri similis _C. B._ Calochierny carduus Cretensibus _J. B._ In Thracia prope Constantinopolin. V. Hist. nost. p. 304. Avellana Byzantina _J. B._ Pumila Byzantina _Clus._ _Ger. emac._ Peregrina humilis _C. B._ Nux Avellana Macedonica seu Byzantina _Park._ Azadirachta foliis ramosis majoribus Syriaca, seu vulgaris flore majore cœruleo _Breyn._ Azedareth arbor, Fraxini folio, flore cœruleo _C. B._ Azadaracheni arbor _J. B._ Azadarach. Avicennæ _Park._ Zizipha alba _Ger._ Fructus hujus arboris venenatus est, & canes interficit. _Rauwolf._ p. 51. In Syriâ & Palestinâ. B. Baccharis Dioscoridis Rauwolfio _Park._ Gnaphalio montano affinis Ægyptiaca _C. B._ Rauwolfius in Syria observavit, & Monte Libano, _Itin._ p. 233. Balsamum verum _J. B._ Genuinum Antiquorum _Park._ Rutæ folio, Syriacum _C. B._ Balsamum Alpini _Ger. emac._ Bellonius & Alpinus Arabiam Fælicem Balsami locum patrium semper fuisse, nunquam Judæam aut Ægyptum, comtendunt. Behmen abiad, i. e. Ben album _Rauwolffii_ _Park._ Serratulæ affinis capitulo squamoso luteo, ut & flore _C. B._ Ad pedem montis Libani humido & umbroso loco, p. 235. Bellis Chalepensis præcox _Kusan_ & _Surugen_ dicta _Rauwolf._ p. 109. Borago variegata Cretica _Wheel._ Muralis variegata flore odorato Cretica _Zanoni_. In monte Hymotto Atticæ. Folia maculis albis variegata sunt: flores (qui candidi) maculis & striis purpureis cæruleisve. C. Calamus aromaticus Syriacus vel Arabicus supposititius _Park._ Syriacus _C. B. prod._ A Paludano ex Ægypto reduce habuid _C._ Bauhinus. Camarronum Rhaûs _Rauwolf._ _v._ Tithymalus. Capparis arborescens fructu Juglandis magnitudine _C. B._ Arabica non spinosa _Park._ Cappares arborescentes _J. B._ In Arabia observavit Bellonius, Obs. l. 2. c. 20. Castanea equina _Ger._ _Park._ Equina folio multifido _J. B._ Folio multifido _C. B._ Constantinopoli & in Creta nasci fertur: certè Constantinopoli ad nos transmissa est. Catanance Dioscoridis _Rauwolf._ est plantago quinque nervia cum globulis albis pilosis _J. B._ Consule Breynii Prod. 2. in Plantago. Caucalis Syriaca cum maximo semine _J. B._ Gingidium latifolium _Ger._ Latifolium Syriacum _Park._ Foliis Pastinacæ latifoliæ _C. B._ Semen ex Syria allatum J. Bauhino Rauwolfius communicavit. Cedrus magna conifera Libani _Park._ Magna sive Libani, conifera _J. B._ Conifera folio Laricis _C. B._ In monte Libani, ubi sponte oritur, 24 tantum arbores supputavit _Rauwolffius_, nec plures _Melchior Lussy_, ast _Bellonius_, qui non multo antea peregrinatus est, circiter 28, qui & in Amano & Tauro montibus se Cedros observasse scribit; ut Libano propriæ & peculiares non sint. V. _Rauwolf._ p. 229. Cedrus Lycia retusa dicta & nonullis Cedrus Phœnicia, Galliæ etiam & Germaniæ communis est. _V._ Cat. general. Charnubi Arab. i. e. Siliqua, p. 21. V. Synonyma in _Cat. gen._ Chomæleon niger Dioscorides _Rauwolf._ p. 51. 233. Chondrilla altera Dioscoridis _Rauwolf._ p. 106. _Clus._ Conyza marina _Lugd._ _C. B._ _J. B._ At nostro judicio descriptio Rauwolfii illi non convenit. Chondrillæ alterius aliud genus _Rauwolf._ aliud genus Dioscoridis _Lugd._ Bulbosa, Conyza facie major, foliis latioribus _C. B._ Bulbosa altera latiore folio _Park._ Qui præcedentem bulbosam Syriacam angustifoliam vocat. Utramque invenit Rauwolfius circa Halepum Syriæ, alteram in arvis, alteram in locis saxosis, p. 106. Chrysocome vera. Dioscoridis _Zanoni_, Helichrysum Persicum nonnullis. Chrysocome Syriaca candidissimis floribus _Breyn. cent._ In saxosis Libani montis _Rauwolf._ herbar. sicc. Gnaphalium _Rauwolf._ p. 232. Chrysogonum Dioscoridis, _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ Quibusdam _J. B._ _Ponæ Ital._ Leontopetalo affinis foliis quernis _C. B._ In Syria segetes _Rauwolf._ p. 108. Cistus folliis maurinis. In Olympo Asiæ monte observavit _Wheelerus_ 4. Invenitur prope Monspelium & in Hispania. V. _Cat. Gen._ Clinopodium Dioscoridis _Rauwolf._ 52. Cneorum _Matth._ In Hymetto Atticæ Monte invenit _Wheelerus_. Colchicum Fritillaricum Chiense _Park._ Variegatum _Cornut._ Convolvulus Hederæ foliis _Rauwolf._ _Itin._ p. 113. Cæruleus Hederaceo anguloso folio _C. B._ Trifolius s. hederaceus pupureus _Park._ Cæruleus _Ger._ Nil Arabum quibusdam s. Convolvulus cæruleus _J. B._ Halepi in hortis. Convolvulus purpureus folio subrotundo _C. B._ Cæruleus major rotundifolius _Park. parad._ Cæruleus folio subrotundo _Ger. emac._ Campanula Indica _J. B._ Ex Syria & Orientalibus delatum aiunt. Convolvulus Sagittariæ foliis flore amplo purpureo _Wheeleri_. Zacynthi ad puteos bituminosos. Convolvulus Marinus Soldanellæ affinis _J. B._ Soldanella maritima major _Park._ Soldanella vel Brassica maritima major _C. B._ Brassicæ maritimæ genus _Rauwolf._ p. 47. _Lugd. app._ In Syria circa Tripolin. Folia in summo bifida sunt seu crenata. Convolvulus Arabicus seu Ægyptius _Alpin. exot._ 186. _Park._ Hujus semen ex Ægypto accepit Pr. Alpinus Convolvuli Arabici nomine. Conyza Syriæ quibusdam _J. B._ Minor _Rauwolfii._ _Park._ Major altera _C. B._ Circa Tripolin Syriæ observavit _Dasylycus_. Conyza Dioscoridis _Rauwolf._ p. 48. Conchorus Plinii _C. B._ Conchorus sive Melochia _J. B._ In hortis Halepi _Rauwolf._ p. 67. _v._ _Cat. Ægypt._ Coris foliis crispis montis Olympi Asiæ _Wheeler_ p. 220. An Hypericum foliis parvis crispis seu simulatis Siculum _Hist. nost._ p. 1018. Coris legitima _Clus._ Hypericoides quorundam _J. B._ In Hymetto Atticæ monte _Wheeler._ v. _Cat. Cret._ Corona Imperialis _Ger._ _Park._ Cor Imper. sive Tusai aliis _J. B._ Lilium sive Corona Imperialis _C. B._ Hujus bulbos ex Persia primò Constantinopolin delatos sibi persuadet Clusius, quoniam cum eos primùm accipiebat, inter reliquas hæc fuit Inscriptio, _Tusai fior Persiano rosso o discolorito con la Testa abasso_. h. e. Tusai flos Persicus ruber aut decolor nutante Capite. Cyanus floridus odoratus Turcicus major & minor _Park._ Variat floris colore albo. Cyanus floridus odoratus Turcicus latifoliis laciniatus _Hort. Paris._ Cyanus Orientalis alter seu Constantinopolitanus flo. fistuloso candicante _Hort. Reg. Par._ Cyclamen Antiochenum autumnale flore purpureo duplici _Park._ Cyclamen Autumnale, folio subrotundo locido molliore & crenato suave-rubente flore, Syriacum _Hort. Reg. Par._ Cyclamen hyemale, orbiculatis foliis, inferius rubentibus purpurascente flore. Coum Herbariorum _Ejusdem_. Cycl. hyeme & vere florens, folio anguloso, amplo flore albo, basi purpurea, Persicum dictum _Ejusdem_. Cycl. Autumnale, orbiculato, circumroso folio, subtus rubente, odoratissimo flore _Ejusdem_. Cyperus rotundus odoratus Syriacus major _Park._ Orientalis major vel Babylonius _Rauwolf._ Rotundus orientalis major _C. B._ Rotundus Syriacus _Ger. emac._ Syriaca & Cretica rotundior _J. B._ In Babylonia circa urbem _Bagadet_ muscosis humidis copiosè _Rauwolf._ In _Ægypto_, locis paludosis _Alpin._ Cyperus rotundus Orientalis minor _C. B._ Rotundus odoratus Syriacus minor _Park._ Minor Creticus _Ger. emac._ In Syriæ montosis udis. Reperitur etiam in Italia. Cytisus folio argenteo montis Olympi _Wheeler._ D. Daucus Tertius Dioscoridis Rauwolf. p. 105. Folio Coriandri, flore luteo _J. B._ _v._ Cat. Cret. Halepi in colle quodam juxta fluvium observavit Rauwolfius. Radices _Zarneb Melchi_ Turces dicuntur. Dictamnus Origani foliis Montis Stipuli _Flo. Bat. fl._ Origanum spicatum montis Sipyli foliis glabris _Hist. nost._ In monte Sipylo copiosè _Wheeler itin._ Draba Chalepensis repens humilior, foliis minus cinereis & quasi viridibus _Moris. Hist. D. Huntingdon_. Hujus semen circa Chalepum collectum misit. E. Ephedra _v._ Poligonum. Eruca Chalepensis, caulibus & Siliquis hirsutis, foliis inferioribus maculatis _Moris. hist._ Chalepo semen à _D. Huntingdon_ transmissum est. Eruca Chalepensis, flore dilutè violaceo, siliquis articulatis _Moris. hist._ Hæc etiam ab eodem missa, & ejusdem loci est. Eryngium stellatum capitulis cæruleis _Rauwolf._ Halepi inter segetes observavit Autor p. 107. F. Ficus Cipria _J. B._ _Rauwolf._ Sycomorus altera seu Ficus Cypria _Park._ Ficus folio Sycomori, fructum non in caudice gerens _C. B._ Circa Tripolin p. 50. ~Fustick Wood~, Chrysoxylon _Wheeleri_. In rupibus Peloponesiacis. G. Garab. s. Garb. v. Salix. Genista spinosa floribus rubris _Wheeler._ In Insula Teno. Genista-spartium spinosum foliis Poligoni _C. B._ v. _Al-hagi_. Gingidium folio fœniculi _C. B._ _v._ Anetho similis, &c. Glans unguentaria _C. B._ Nux Ben sive Glans unguentaria _Park._ Nux unguentaria _J. B._ Balanus myrepsica _Ger._ In Arabia prope _Pharagou_ in itinera à Cayro ad montem Sinai _Bellon._ Gnaphalio affinis Ægyptiaca _C. B._ Baccharis Rauwolfii _Lugd. app._ _Clus. Hist._ Dioscoridis Rauwolfio _J. B._ Gnaphalium foliis Auriculæ subrotundis, flore duplici niveo in Monte Libano observavit _Rauwolf._ p. 232. v. Chrysocome. H. Habhel Assis Tripolitanis, sive Granum Altzelem Arabum Rauwolfii p. 55. _i. e._ Trasi veronensium _Lob._ Hacub seu Silybum quibusdam _J. B._ Circa Halepum locis asperis. p. 66, 67. Harmala _v._ Ruta Syriaca. Helichrysum Abrotani fœminæ foliis _Boccon._ Abrotanum fœmina verum Dioscoridis _Zanoni_. Ex semine Perside allato in horto M. Ducis Etruriæ succrevit. Helichryson Orientale _C. B._ Heliochrysum Orientale, sive Amarantus luteus _Park. parad._ Stœchas citrina floris & magnitudine & colore speciosa _J. B._ An Chrysocome vera Dioscoridis _Zanoni_? Helychryson Orientale à Cretica specie diversum nobis esse videtur. Hesperis Syriaca _J. B._ Syriaca Camerarii _Park._ Peregrina siliquis articulatis _C. B._ Leucoium Melancholicum _quibusdam_. In Syriæ montanis oritur teste Clusio. Hieracium echioides, capitulis Cardui benedicti majus, Arabicum, folio sinuato _Hort. Edinburg._ Horminum sativum genuinum Dioscoridis _Park._ Sativum _C. B._ Sylv. foliis purpureis _Ger._ Comâ purpuro violacea _J. B._ In Insula Lesena & universa Græcia. Horminum Syriacum _C. B. prod._ _Park._ Gallitrichum exoticum flore magno albo _J. B._ Bisermas Camerarii Aman quibusdam. Paludanus è Syria redux hujus semen attulit. Horminum Syriacum tomentosum foliis Coronopi sive profundè laciniatis _Breyn. prod. 2._ rarum foliis laciniatis _Rauwolf._ p. 107. Hyacinthus comosus Byzantinus _Clus._ _Ger._ _Park._ Comosus albus Byzantinus _C. B._ Comosus Byzantinus candicans cum staminulis purpureis _J. B._ Hyacinthus racemosus moschatus _C. B._ Botroides major moschatus, sive Muscari flore cinericeo _Park._ Odoratissimus dictus Tibcadi & Muscari. _J. B._ Muscari obsoletiore flore _Clus._ Muscari Clussii _Ger._ E vicinis Constantinopoli hortis, ultra Bosphorum in Asia sitis primùm Europæ communicata est _Clus._ Hyacinthus Orientalis, quibusdam Constantinopolitanus _J. B._ Orientalis _C. B._ cujus duodecim aut tredecim, recenset species: plures Parkinsonus. Alii enim latifolii sunt, alii angustifolii. Horum alii floribus purpureis sunt, alii albis vel exalbidis. Utriusque generis alii polyanthes sunt floribus vel in unum latus propendentibus, vel in omnem partem æqualiter sparsis; alii pauciores producunt flores. Circa Halepum copiosiss. _Rauwolf._ p. 109. Hyacinthus stellatus Byzantinus _J. B._ Stell. Byzantin. nigrâ radice _Park._ St. Byz. nig. rad. flore cæruleo _Ger._ Stellaris obsoletè cæruleus vel major _C. B._ Hyacinthus Stellatus Byzantinus major flore Boraginis _Ger._ St. Byz. alter s. flore Boraginis _Park._ St. Byz. alter elegantissimus serotinus bullatus _J. B._ Stellaris cæruleus amœnus _C. B._ Hyacinthus eriophorus _Park. parad._ Bulbus eriophorus _Clus._ _Ger._ Eriophorus Orientalis _C. B._ Constantinopoli sæpius missus est _Clus._ Hyacinthus Tripolitanus _J. B._ Exoticus flore Phalangii _C. B._ Florebat Aprili Hepali, ubi observavit Rauwolfius. Hyacinthus Halepi _Ayr_ dictus Rauwolfii p. 109. Hyoscyamus Ægyptius cauliculis spinosissimis _Moris. hist._ Ægyptius, cauliculis spinosis _C. B._ Peculiaris flore purpurascente _J. B._ Et Hyoscyamus Syriacus _ejusdem_ & _Cam._ Ex femine Halepo à D. _Huntingdon_ misso Morisono ortus est. Eundem observavit etiam Rauwolfius in arvis circa Halepum. p. 111. Hypericon montis Olympi _Wheeler._ An Ascyron magno flore _C. B._? In Olympo Asiæ monte. Hypericum Syriacum _Ger._ Syriacum & Alexandrinum _J. B._ Folio breviore _C. B._ I. Jacea Babylonica _C. B. prod._ _Park._ Hujus Folium C. Bauhinus ex horto Contareni habuit. Jacea maxima _Alpin. exot._ Ex seminibus Hierosolymâ delatis enata est. Jaccam laciniatam capitulis luteis & jaceam capitulis purpurascentibus Monte Libano observavit _Rauwolf._ p. 231, 232. Vide Catalogum generalem. Jasminum sive Sambac Arabum Alpino _J. B._ Sambac Arabicum s. Gelseminum Arabicum _Alpin. Ægypt._ Syringa Arabica foliis Mali Aurantii _C. B._ Jasminum Persicum _v._ Syringa. Iris bulbosa Persica _Park. parad._ Persica variegata præcox _Ferrar. Flor._ Iris Chalcedonica _Ger._ Chalcedonica s. Susiana major _Park._ Susiana flore maximo ex albo nigricante _C. B._ Latifolia major Susiana vel Chalcedonica, flore majore variegato Clusia _J. B._ Constantinopoli delata est. Iris Asiatica cærulea Polyanthos _C. B._ Asiatica cærulea omnium amplissima, Dalmaticæ affinis _J. B._ Constantinopoli accepit Clusius. Iris Byzantina purpuro cærulea _C. B._ Major latifolia Byzantina, Dalmaticæ minori similis _J. B._ Major Latifolia 18. _Clus._ Iris Asiatica purpurea _C. B._ Asiat. purp. major. latifolia _J. B._ Major latif. 5. sive Asiatica purp. _Clus._ Iris Damascena polyanthos _C. B._ Major latifolia 4. s. Damascena _Clus._ Major latif. sive Damascena cærulea _J. B._ Iris Tripolitana _Clus._ Tripolitana foliis longissimis, flore aureo _J. B._ Media longissimis foliis lutea _C. B._ Iris tuberosa _C. B._ _Ger._ _Park._ Tuberosa Belgarum _J. B._ Ex Arabia & regionibus Orientalibus. K. Kali Arabum primum genus _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ _C. B._ Juxta Tripolin copiosissimum observavit Rauwolfius p. 33. Kali Arabum secundum genus _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ Kali geniculatum alteram vel minus _C. B._ Cali Arabum aliud _J. B._ Circa Tripolin Syriæ _Rauwolf._ ibid. Kismesen vel Kesmesen _Bellonio_. Acacalis quorundam s. Kesmesen foliis Ceratiæ _J. B._ Siliquæ Sylvestri similis, an Dioscoridis Acacalis _C. B._ Semen hujus Cayrinæ & Kismesen nomine à Paludano ex Syria reduce accepit C. Bauhinus. L. Lamium moschatum, foliorum marginibus argentatis _Wheeler._ Circa Panthæum inter Amphissam & Naupactum in Græcia. Lapathum Chalepense folio acuto, seminum involucris profundè dentatis _Moris. hist._ Laserpitium _Alpin. exot._ _Bod. à Stapel._ Comm. in Theophr. hist. _lib. 6. p. 588._ Ex seminibus à Thracia delatis ortum est. Lathyrus ἀμφίκαρπος s. supra infraque terram siliquas gerens _Moris. hist._ An Araco similis planta ex Hispania missa _Bod. à Stapel._ In Asia Syriaque provenit Semina ab urbe Chalepo à D. _Roberto Huntingdon_ ad Morisonum transmissa fuere. Laurocerasus _Clus._ _Ger._ _J. B._ Cerasus folio Laurino _C. B._ Cerasus Trapezuntina s. Lauro-cerasus _Park._ A Trapezunte primo in Constantinopolin illata dicitur, inde in Europam. Leontopetalon _Ger._ _Park._ _C. B._ quorundam _J. B._ Assab Syrorum. Circa Halepum _Rauwolfius_ reperit. D. _Wheelerus_ per totam planitiem Atticam inter Athenas & Hymettum _Rauw._ p. 108. Lepidium Dioscoridis _Zanoni_, Planta Persica. Maximum Chalepense, primis foliis minoribus & serratis; secundis majoribus & profundè sinuatis, spissis incanis _Moris. hist._ Leucoium Alyssoides clypeatum majus _C. B._ Alysson Dioscorides. Ad _Conrongeli_ pagum in Bythinia _Wheeler._ Monte Libano _Rauwolf._ p. 231. Libanotis latifolia Aquilegiæ folio _C. B._ _Park._ _J. B._ Ligusticum Rauwolfii foliis Aquilegiæ _J. B._ Lilium album Syriacum Rauwolfii _J. B._ Album Byzantinium _Clus._ _Park._ _Ger._ Album floribus dependentibus seu peregrinum _C. B._ Sultan _Zambach_ & Martagon Constantinopolitanum flore albo _Clus. hist._ Halepi locis aquosis. Lilium Byzantinum miniatum _C. B._ Flore miniato nutante, sive Hemerocallis Chalcedonica quibusdam _J. B._ Lil. rubrum Byzantinum s. Martagon Constantinopolitanum _Park._ Lilium Susianum _Clus._ Persicum _Ger._ _Park._ _C. B._ Persicum sive Susianum _J. B._ Susianum dictum est, quod Susis Persiæ urbe delatum fuerit. Linaria annua Chalepensis, minor, erecta, flore albo, lineis violaceis notato, calyci ex quinis foliis constanti insidente _Moris. hist._ A D. _R. Huntingdon_ semen accepit. Linariæ purpurascentis ducas species Monte Libano observavit _Rauwolf._ p. 232. Lupinus peregrinus pentaphyllos _C. B._ Arabicus, sive Pentaphyllum peregrinum _Ponæ Ital._ Pentaphyllum peregrinum Siliquosum bivalve minus _Moris. hist._ Ex semine Chalepo Syriæ urbe transmisso Morisono enata est. Lychnidis Chalcedonicæ umbellâ Phlomos Lychnitis altera Syriaca _Lob._ Phlomos Lychnitis Syriaca _Ger._ Verbascum acuto Salviæ folio _C. B._ Foliis Salviæ enuifoliæ Syriacum _Park._ Verb. Lychn. Syriacum incanum summitate floris Hierosolymitanæ _J. B._ Lychnis Chalcedonica _Ger._ _Park._ Hirsuta flore coccineo major _C. B._ Flos Constantinopolitanus miniatus, albus & varius _J. B._ Lychnis flore punctato _Wheeleri_. In Insula Zazyntho. Lychnis Sylvestris hirsuta annua, flore minore carneo _Moris. hist._ Semina à D. _Huntington_ Chalepo transmissa sunt. Lychnis Chalepensis annua, foliis parum hirtis & angustis, flosculis carneis, pediculis biuncialibus insistentibus, capsalis fere rotundis _Moris. hist._ Lycium Dioscoridis _Rauwolf._ Buxi foliis angustioribus Syriacum _Breyn. Prod. 2._ Hadhad Arabibus & Zaroa incolis montis Libani _p._ 233. Lycium Buxi foliis rotundioribus Syriacum vel Persicum _Breyn. prod. 2._ quem consule. Lycopsis Dioscoridis _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ Lycopsis Ægyptiaca _C. B._ p. 109. Circa Halepum in arvis. M. Majorana Syriaca vel Cretica _C. B._ Marum Syriacum _Ad. Lob._ _Ger._ Syriacum vel Creticum _Park._ Malva hortensis seu rosea folio subrotundo caulescens, flore simplici minore luteo-pallido Chalepensis _Moris. hist._ Marrubium villosum Syriacum seu montis Libani _Breyn. prod. 2._ Medica trifolia soliis dissectis _Rauwolf._ p. 107. Medica siliquis compressis viridibus longitudine & latitudine Siliquarum Senæ _Rauwolf._ ibid. Medium Dioscoridis Rauwolfii _J. B._ Viola Mariana laciniatis folios peregrina _C. B._ Mariana peregrina _Park._ v. viola. Megasac Arabum, _i. e._ Poterium _Matth. Raw._ 106. Melantzana vel Melongena _v._ Solanum pomiferum. Melilotus curvis siliquis biuncialibus Syriaca s. Chalepensis major _Moris. hist._ D. _Huntington_ misit. Melilotus Syriaca _Park._ Syriaca odora _Ger._ Melilotus corniculis reflexis major _C. B._ Non Syriaca tantùm est, sed & Italica, verum in Syriaca siliqua videtur magis curva falcatave _Lob._ Melilotus siliculis pendentibus longis, curvis ex eodem centro ortis Germanica seu Italica Syriacáve recta _Moris. hist._ D. Huntington semen ex Halepo transmisit. Melilotus lutea minor, floribus & siliculis majoribus, spicatim & rarò dispositis, foliis angustioribus, maculis sub exortum notatis _Moris. hist._ Hanc etiam speciem semine à D. _Huntington_ accepto debemus. Melilotus minima Syriaca. Nephel sive Naphal Iben baithar & Malasesæ _Breyn. prod. 2._ Melissa Turcica _Ger._ Turcica multis dicta _J. B._ Turcica flore cæruleo & albo _Park._ Peregrina folio oblongo _C. B._ Ex Moldavia ad nos primum deleta est. Melissa Moluca lævis sive Syriaca lævis _Park._ _Rauwolf._ p. 49. Mel. Molucca lævis _Ger._ Molucana odorata _C. B._ Asiaticæ originis est, Constantinopoli primùm delata, unde & nonnullis Melissa Constantinopolitana dicitur. Ejusdem loci & originis est Melissa Molucca asperior; quæ & in Sicilia spotanea est _v._ Cat. Sic. Melochia _v._ Corchorus Plinii. Mes sive Meisce Avicennæ _v._ Mungo. Morgsani Syrorum _Rauwolf._ i. e. Capparis Portulacæ folio _C. B._ Capparis fabago _Ger._ Fabaginea seu Peplis Lutetianorum _J. B._ Fabago s. leguminosa _Park._ Telephium Dioscoridis & Plinii _Col._ Circa Tripolin invenit Rauwolffius. Mosselini seu Muslin panni linei è Gossipii quadam specie facti, & à regione _Mossoli_ dicta in Mesopotamia denominati. Mungo _Col._ _Clus._ _J. B._ _Garc._ Fructus niger Coriandro similis _C. B._ Mes sive Meisce Avicennæ _Rauwolf._ p. 68. Nasci ferunt in Palæstina Halepi observavit Rauwolffius; ubi semina Turcis in pretio sunt, & cum Oryza mixta in deliciis habentur. Myagyrum Arabicum Rosa Hierichuntina perperam dictum Zanoni _v._ Rosa Hierichontica. Myrtus fructu nigro cæruleo, Sorby magnitudine eduli _Rauwolf._ p. 65. An Myrtus angustifolia Bætica _C. B._ _Clus. hist._ N. Narcissus Persicus _Clus._ _Park._ _Ger._ Colchicum melino flore _C. B._ Nasturtium Babylonicum _Lob._ Est Draba umbellata s. Draba major capitulis donata _C. B._ Negil _Rauwolf._ Grammini rubro loliaceo affine p. 195. Pecori exitiale. O. Olea sylv. folio molli incano _C. B._ Zizyphus Cappadocia quibusdam olea Bohemica _J. B._ Zizyphus alba _Bellon._ Seisesun _Rauwolf._ Monte Libano aliisque Syriæ locis observavit _Rauwolf._ p. 101, 226. Origanum Smyrnæum _Wheeleri hist. nost._ p. 540. Smyrna in monte cui Arx inedificatur copiosè. Ornithogalum Arabicum _Clus._ _Park._ Majus Arabicum _Ger. emac._ Umbellatum maximum _C. B._ Lilium Alexandrinum s. Ornithog. maximum Syriacum _J. B._ Onobrychis major annua, siliculis articulatis, asperis, clypeatis, undulatim (i. e. antrosum & retrosom) junctis, flore purpuro-rubente _Moris. hist._ Ex semine Chalepo à D. _Huntington_ transmisso in horto Academico Oxoniensi errata est. P. Parma major _C. B._ Palma Dactylifera _Jonston_. In Syria frequens. Panax Syriacum Theoph. est Panax Pastinacæ folio sive Heracleum majus; in Sicilia nobis observatum. v. _Cat. gen._ Papaver Corniculatum flore sanguineo _Wheeleri_. In Attica circa Hymettum. Persea _C. B._ _J. B._ Arbor _Ger._ Arbor _Clus._ _Park._ In Persia oriri dicitur & venenosa ibi esse, cum in Ægypto nata innocens sit. Periploca latifolia _Wheeleri_ itin. p. 223. Ad vias publicas prope Prusiam Bythiniæ urbem. Petromarula Cretica in monte Parnasso è rupium fissuris exit _Wheeler._ Phaseolus Turcicus flore flavo _Rauwolf._ p. 49. Planta lactaria Xabra & Camarronum Rhasis &c. _v._ Tithymalus. Pistacea _Ger._ _J. B._ Nux Pistacea _Park._ Pistacea Peregrina fructu racemoso, sive Terebinthus Indica Theophrasti _C. B._ Multis Syriæ locis abundat, ut circa _Sermin_ urbem, inter Tripolin & Halepum, ubi integræ earum Sylve sunt necnon circa Tripolin ipsam p. 59, & 64. Polium Gnaphaloides _Alpin. exot._ _Park._ Wheelerus in Monte Parnasso observavit, unde Plantam à Gnapholio maritimo vulgari distinctam esse, contra quam aliquando opinati sumus, verisimile est. Polygonum bacciferum scandens _C. B._ Ephedra sive Anabasis Bellonii _Park._ Ad pedes montis Olympi & in monte Hæmo, item circa Tripolin Syria _Rauwolf._ p. 49. Polygonum maximum, longissimis cauliculus & foliis _Moris. hist._ Circa Halepum Syriæ urbem invenitur. Poterium _Matth._ i. e. Tragacanthæ affinis lanuginosa sive Poterium _C. B._ Circa Halepum observavit _Rauwolf._ p. 107. _v._ _Cat. Hispan._ Prunella Spinosa _Wheeler._ In Atticæ monte Himetto. Pseudo dictamnus acetabulis Moluccæ _C. B._ Alter Theophrasti Ponæ _Park._ In Cithæra Insula _Wheeler._ Pulsatilla rubra _Ger._ _J. B._ Flore rubro _Park._ Flore rubro obtuso _C. B._ Ex Halepo habuit Lobelius. Q. Quadrifolium annuum Persicum Zanoni. R. Ranunculus Asiaticus grumosa Radice 1 _Clus._ Tripolitanus _Ger._ Tripolitanus flore Phœnicio _J. B._ Asiaticus sive Tripolitanus flore rubro _Park._ Grumosa radice, flore Phœniceo minimo simplici _C. B._ Ranunculi Asiatici plurimæ seu species, seu varietates in hortis aluntur, quas omnes recensere nimis Longum foret. Consulantur Clusius, C. Bauhinus, Hortus Regius Parisiensis, aliique. Raphanistrum monospermon maximum Chalepense, flore luteo, capsula rotunda striata _Moris. Hist._ Rhamnus spinis oblongis, flore candicante _C. B._ Hauset & Hausegi sive Rhamnus primus _Rauwolf._ Circa Tripolin. Rhaponticum Thracicum s. Hippolapathum maximum rotundifolium exoticum, Rhabarbarum verum nonullis falsò creditum. In Rhodope Thraciæ monte _Alpin._ Ribes verum Arabum _J. B._ Arabum, foliis Petasitidis _C. B._ Lapathum rhotundifolium montis Libani semine maximo _Breyn. prod. 2._ An Ribes Belloni de Coniferis? _Rauwolfius_ in monte Libano observavit, & figuram ejus exhibuit. p. 220, 230, 231. Rosa Hierichontea vulgo dicta _C. B._ _Park._ Thlaspi Rosa de Hiericho dictum _Moris. Hist._ Myagrum Arabicum Rosu Hierichuntina perperam dictum _Zanoni_. Circa Hiericho nusquam reperitur, sed in Arabia deserta ad litora maris in fabulo. _Bellon._ Rosæ Hierachonteæ altera species sylvestris _C. B._ _Park._ Myagrum Syriacum semine spinosa _Zanoni_. In Syriæ tectis & ruderibus invenit Rauwolfius. Ruta quæ dici solet Harmala _J. B._ Sylvestris Syriaca sive Harmala _Park._ Sylv. flore magno _C. B._ Melanthium Syriacum minus frutescens latifolium, Rutæ flore, fructu tricapsulari _Breyn. prod. 2._ Ruta Chalepensis tenuifolia, florum petalia villis scatentibus _Moris. Hist._ _Cat. Hort. Lugd. Bat._ S. Salix Arabica folio Atriplicis _C. B._ Humilis Arabica folio Atriplicis _Park._ Garab Maurorum, Salicis genus _J. B._ Garab Maurorum _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ p. 101. Garb Itinerar. _Rauwolf._ p. 159. Salix Syriaca folio oleagineo argenteo _C. B._ Ægyptiaca & Syriaca _Park._ Salsaf Syrorum, Salicis species _J. B._ Circa Halepum. Salvia Syriaca Cisti fœminæ foliis, acetabulis moluccæ _Breyn. cent._ Hujus meminit Rauwolfius in Hodœporico p. 108. Satureia frutescens Arabica folio fimbriato hirsuto _Breyn. prod. 2._ Sathar Arabum _Rauwolfii_, Hyssopum montanum Cilicium quibusdam _J. B._ Hyssopus montana angustifolia aspera _C. B._ Montana vel de Cilissa _Park._ Scabiosa argentea petræa. In isthmo Corinthiaco. Scabiosa argentea minor montis Sipyli _Wheeleri itin._ p. 239. Scammonia Syriaca _C. B._ Syriaca legitima _Park._ Syriaca flore majore Convolvuli _J. B._ Scammonium Syriacum _Ger._ In calidis pingui solo exit ut in Asia & Syria, & Bellonio teste etiam in Creta. Schamuth Arabum seu Schack _Rauwolf._ p. 103, 152. C. Bauhino Acacia Ægyptiaca habetur; nobis tamen aliter videtur, ut ex siliquæ descriptione apparet. Scorzonera radice rotunda _Wheeleri_. _Galacorta_ Græcis modernis. In Attica circa Hymettum montem. Scorzonera foliis fistulosis, _Galacorta_ etiam dicta _Wheeler._ Cum priore. Scorzonera Orientalis _Vesling_ notis in _Prosp. Alpin._ de Plant. Ægypt. In Palæstina & finitimis Ægypti. An Scorzonera Chalepensis flore purpureo _Rauwolf._ p. 104. Alteram Scorzoneram floribus luteis monte Libano observavit _Rauwolf._ p. 230. Scordium lanuginosum alterum verticillatum _C. B._ Scordotis tomentosa Cretica _J. B._ Prope Mandragorui vicum in Phrygia observavit D. _Wheelerus_. Sebestena domestica an ὁμομαξὶς Athenæo _C. B._ Mixa sive Sebesten _J. B._ Myxos sive Sebesten _Park._ Sebestena, Myxa s. Mixara _Ger._ In Asia & Ægypto _Rauwolf._ p. 21. Secacul Arabum. _v._ Sisarum. Secudes Arabum. _v._ Stœchadi serratæ affinis. Seisesun _Rauwolf._ Halepi in locis humidis & sepibus frequens, est Olea Bohemica _Matth._ _Rauwolf._ p. 101. Sepha, seu Persea Arbor Venenata _Rauwolf._ p. 197. Sideritis Persica odorata _Zanoni_. An Herba venti Monspeliensium? Sisarum Syriacum _C. B._ Alterum Syriacum _Park._ Secacul Arabum & Mauritanorum, sive Pastinaca Syriaca _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ _J. B._ _Rauwolf._ p. 66. Sisyrinchium Persianum _C. B._ Flos Persicus Sisyrhinchio congener _Clus. Hist._ Sisyrhinchium Chelepense _Tharasalis_ dictum _Rauwolf._ p. 104. Solanum pomiferum fructu incurvo _C. B._ _J. B._ Melantzana Arabum Rauwolfii _Lugd. app._ Halepi. p. 66. Solanum pomiferum fructu spinoso _J. B._ Melantzana nigra _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ Sorghi album, Milium Indicum _J. B._ Milium Arundinaceum semine plano & albo _C. B._ Dora _Rauwolf._ p. 171. In Arabiâ circa Anam. Spartium alterum monospermon, semine reni simili _C. B._ Secundum Hispaniacum _Clus._ Prope Thyatiram in Asia invenit D. _Wheelerus_. _v._ _Cat. Hispan._ Speculum Veneris Thracicum flore amplissimo. Inter segetes propè Constantinopolin invenit D. _Covel_ SS. Theolog. Doctor, & Collegii Christi in Cantabrigia Præses dignissimus. Stachys viscosa flore luteo _Wheeler._ In monte Parnasso. Stœchadi serratæ affinis _C. B._ Tragium alteram Dioscoridis quibusdam, folio Trichomanis _J. B._ Secudes & Sucudus Avicennæ _Rauwolf._ _p._ 112. _Lugd. app._ Sycomorus _J. B._ _Jer._ Sycomorus sive Ficus Ægyptia _Park._ Ficus folio Mori, fructum in caudice ferens _C. B._ In Syria & Palæstina non minùs frequens est quàm in Ægypto. p. 50. 51. Syringa Persica sive Lilac Persicum incisis foliis. Jasminum Persicum dictum _Park._ Agem Lilag Persarum, s. Lilac inciso folio _Cornuto_ Ligustrum foliis laciniatis. _C. B._ Syringa Persica purpurea duplex, foliis laciniatis, & foliis integris. T. Terebinthus Indica major fructu rotundo _J. B._ Peregrina, fructu majore. Pistaciis simili eduli _C. B._ latifolia _Ger._ _Park._ Indica prior Theophrasti, major _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ Terebinthus Indica, fructu parvo ad cœruleum accedente _J. B._ Peregrina fructu minore cœruleo & eduli _C. B._ Hujus fructus _Botn Soagier_ illius _Botn quibir_ Arabibus dicitur. _Rauwolf._ p. 193. 205. In Persia Mesopotamia & Armenia. Tereniabin Mannæ genus _v._ Alhagi. _Rauw._ p. 85. Tharasalis _v._ Sisyrhynchium. Thlaspi fruticosum Persicum foliis Keiri _Zanoni_. Fruticosum Leucoii folio _C. B._ _Park._ Latifolium platycarpon Leucoii foliis _P. Boccone_. Thlaspi verum Dioscoridis s. Persicum _Zanoni_. Thlaspi Alexandrinum _C. B._ _Park._ Alexandrinum Cortusi Jo. Bauhini _J. B._ Thymus verus Dioscoridis, Hasce Arabum _Rauw._ p. 52. Tithymalus spinosus Creticus _Alpin._ Maritimus spinosus _C. B._ Marit. Creticus spinosus _Park._ In Græcia, plurimis in locis. Tithymalus (vel Tithymalo affinis) aphyllos dictus major Indicus, latifolius, flore sanguineo aviculæ capitulum repræsentante _Breyn._ An Planta lactaria, Xabra & Camaronum Rhasis _Rauwolf._ & _C. B. pin._ Tragacantha humilior floribus luteis _C. B._ Syriaca flavescens _Park._ Trag. _Rauwolfius_ _J. B._ In monte Libano _Rauwolf._ p. 230. Tragacantha Syriaca purpurascens _Park._ Tertia _Rauwolfii_. In eodem monte. Tragium alterum Dioscoridis _Rauwolf._ _v._ Stœchadi serratæ affinis. Trionum Theophrasti _Rauw. Lugd. app._ Est Alcea Indica parvo flore _C. B._ i. e. Bamia _v._ Alcea. Trunschibil Mannæ genus _Rauw._ p. 84. _v._ Alhagi. Tulipa Persica _Park._ Variegata Persica _C. B._ Persica præcox _Clus. cur. post._ Tulipam omne genus colorum circa Halepum observavit _Rauwolfius_ p. 109. V. Verbascum subrotundo Salviæ folio Syriacum _C. B._ Salvifolium exoticum cistoides _Park._ Sylvestre Salvifolium exoticum; folio rotundiore _J. B._ Viola Mariana laciniatis foliis peregrina _C. B._ Medium _Dioscor._ & Mindium _Rhasis_ _Rauwolf._ p. 232. Monte Libano observavit _Rauwolf._ Trachelii seu Campanulæ species est. Vitex trifolia minor _C. B._ Agni casti species multò minor cæteris, tribus tantùm firmis foliis donata _Rauwolf._ p. 153. Z. Zarneb & Zarnabum Arabum _v._ Salix Sassaf. Zarneb melchi _v._ Daucus tertius Dioscoridis. Zaroa. _v._ Lycium. _Stirpium Ægyptiacorum Catalogus._ A Abdellavi _v._ Melo Ægyptius. Abelmosch. _v._ Alcea Ægyptiaca villosa _C. B._ Abrus _v._ Phaseolus Indicus ruber _Bontii_. Absynthium Santonicum Ægyptiacum _Park._ _C. B._ Ægyptium quibusdam _J. B._ Abrotani fœminæ species secunda _Zanoni_. Absus seu Lotus Ægyptiaca _Park._ Absus _Alpin. Ægypt._ _Vesling._ Loto affinis Ægyptiaca _C. B._ Abutilon Avicennæ _Ponæ Ital._ _Alpin._ Est Abelmosch seu Alcea Indica Moschata. Acacalis est Kismesen _Bellon._ _v._ _Cat. Orient._ Acacia vera _J. B._ Vera sive Spina Ægyptiaca _Park._ Dioscoridis _Ger._ Foliis scorpioidis leguminosæ _C. B._ Achaovan _Alpin. Æg._ Matricaria inodora _C. B._ _Park._ Parthenium inodorum sive Achaovan Ægyptiorum _J. B._ Agihalid Ægyptiaca Lycio affinis _Park._ Ægyptium folio buxi, an Lycium? _J. B._ Lycio affinis Ægyptiaca _C. B._ Uzeg Alpini affinis & similis est, si non eadem. Alcanna _v._ Ligustrum Orientale. Alcea Ægyptia villosa _C. B._ Ægyptia moschata _Park._ Belmuscus Ægyptia _Honor. Bell._ _J. B._ Ab-el-mosch sive Mosch Arabum _Vesling._ Alchimelech Ægyptiorum _v._ Melilotus Ægyptiaca. Amomum Plinii _Ger._ Solanum fruticosum Americanum, dictum Amomum Plinii _Park._ Fruticosum bacciferum _C. B._ Strychnodendros _J. B._ In Ægypto im _Vesling._ Arum maximum Ægyptiacum, quod vulgo Colocasia _C. B._ Ægypto rotunda & longa radice vulgo Colocasia dicta _Park._ Colocasia _Clus._ _J. B._ Ægyptiaca _Ger._ B. Balsamum verum antiquorum nec Ægypti nex Judææ indigena est, sed Arabiæ Fœlicis _v._ Cat. Oriental. Bammia _J. B._ Seu Alcea Ægyptiaca _Park. Parad._ Alcea Ægyptiaca _Ger. emac._ Indica parvo flore _C. B._ In Ægypto frequentissima. Ban vel Bon arbor _J. B._ Item Buna, Bunnu & Bunchos Arabum _ejusdem_. Bon arbor cum fructu suo Buna _Park._ Euonymo similis Ægyptiaca, fructu baccis Lauri simili _C. B._ Male Ægyptiacam vocat neque enim spontanea, neque culta in Ægypto invenitur sed in Arabia Fœlice tantum Bunnu Rauwolfii, Buna ex qua in Alexandria fit potio [~Coffee~ dicta.] Ban seu Calaf _Alpin._ Sassaf Syrorum _Rauwolf_ vel eadem est, vel ei valde affinis. v. _Cat. Orient._ Baobab _Alpino_, Baobab sive Abavus _Clus._ _J. B._ Abavo arbor radice tuberosa _C. B._ Abavi Æthiopicus fructus bello _J. B._ Guanabanus Scaligeri huic Eadem arbor esse videtur. Æthiopiæ natales debet, Ægypto advena est. Beidelsar Alpini, seu Apocynum Syriacum _J. B._ Apocynum Syriacum Clusii _Ger. emac._ Lapathum Ægyptiacum lactescens siliqua Asclepiadis _C. B._ Paul Hermannus in _Cat. Hort. Leyd._ Plantam hanc ab Apocyno majori recto Syriaco _Cornut._ Specie diversam facit; quo cum consentit Commelinus in _Cat. Hort. Amstel._ Jac. Breynices in _Prod. 2._ Veslingum reprehendit quod quo Apocyno hoc Apocynum majus Syriacum rectum Cornuti posuerit. Verum in titulo Apocyni hujus non omnino consentit cum Hermanno & Commelino: Siquidem hi, ut & Scholæ Botanicæ Tournefortii, Apocynum latifolium Ægyptiacum, incanum, erectum, floribus spicatis maximis pallide violaceis, siliquis folliculatis rugosis hoc vocant: Breynius autem, Apocynum erectum majus latifolium Ægyptiacum flore luteo spicato. Apocynum autem illud latifolium, &c. floribus pallide violaceis, &c. _Hermanni_ & aliorum. Indicam & distinctam plantam facit, titulo Apocyni erecti majoris latifolii Indici flore concavo amplo carneo suave-rubente & cum antecedenti _i. e._ Ægyptiaco non confundendam monet. Brassica spinosa _C. B._ Ægyptiaca _Alpin. exot._ _Park._ In Ægypto, Æthiopia & Syria. C. Caova _Alpin._ i. e. ~Coffee~ Potio. Capparis non spinosa fructu majore _C. B._ _Park._ Alpinus Cappares Alexandriæ majores quàm alibi inveniantur provenire scribit. Carob s. Carub _i. e._ Siliqua dulcis in Syria & Palæstina, & circa Hierosolymam multò frequentior est quàm in Ægypto. Cassab & Darira _Alp. exot._ Lysimachia lutea Ægyptiaca _Hist. nost._ p. 1022. In Ægypto, locis humidis, inque judæa circa lacum Gennesareth, & multis Syriæ in locis. Cassia fistula Alexandrina _C. B._ Fistula _Ger._ Purgatrix _J. B._ Solutiva vulgaris _Park._ In Ægypto aliisque regionibus calidioribus. Chate _Alpin._ Cucumis. Ægyptius Chate _J. B._ Cucumis Ægyptius rotundifolius _C. B._ Caucalis Daucoides Tingitana _Moris. præl._ Chamædrys arborea Ægyptiaca. _C. B._ Arborea in Insula Corcyra _Alpin._ Nescio cur C. Bauhinus hanc Plantam Ægyptiacam denominet, cum Alpinus in Ægypto nasci non affirmit, sed in Corcyra insula. Colocasia _v._ Arum Ægyptiacum. Convolvulus Ægyptiacus quinquefolius C. Bauhini _J. B._ Foliis laciniatis, vel quinquefolius _C. B._ Major Arabicus sive Ægyptius _Park._ Ægyptius _Veslingii_ qui vix dari cultiorem in Ægypto hortum scribit cui non ornamentum commodet. Cyperus rotundus Orientalis major in Ægypto etiam copiosè provenit. _v._ Cat. Orient. Cyprus _i. e._ Alcanna seu Elhanne _v._ Ligustrum Orientale. D. Datura _v._ Stramonium. E. Elhanne _v._ Ligustrum Orientale. F. Faba Ægyptia _Bod. à Stapel._ Faba Ægyptiaca Dioscoridis affinis _C. B._ Fructus valde elegans, Faba forte Ægyp. Diosc. _J. B._ Alpinus Fabam Ægyptiam pro Colocasia habet. Nascitur in paludosis & ad fluviorum ripas in India Orientali, an in Ægypto nescio. Nymphææ speciem faciunt qui de ea scripserunt. Felfel-tavil seu Piper longum Ægyptium Alpini & Veslingii qui in maritimis Africæ locis plantam satis frequentem esse ait. Ferula Tingitana, folio latissimo lucido _Hort. Edinburgh._ Ficus Ægyptia seu Sycomorus _Park._ Folio Mori fructum in caudice ferens _C. B._ Sycomorus _Ger._ _J. B._ In Ægypto & Syria copiosè. G. Gossipium arboreum caule lævi _C. B._ Xylon arboreum _J. B._ _Park._ In Ægypto invenitur. Gramen erucis sive Neiem. el. salib. Alpini _J. B._ _Bont._ dactylon Ægyptiacum _C. B._ _Park._ In Ægypto frequens. Gramen Stellatum Ægyptium _Veslingii_. Dactylon Ægypt. _Park._ Qui in præcedentis descriptione hujus quoque meminit. Circa Heracleam seu Rossetum oppidum. H. Hyacinthus Mauritanicus _Clus. Hist. app. 1._ Oblongo Flore fusco _C. B._ Ex ea Mauritaniæ parte ubi urbes Fessa & Marochum sita sunt delatus est. Hyoscyamus Ægyptius _Park._ Rubello flore _Ger._ Peculiaris flore purpurascente _J. B._ Et Hyos. Syriacus _ejusdem_. Cauliculis spinosissimis Ægyptiacus _C. B._ Et rubello flore _ejusdem_. Hyoscyamus albus Ægyptius _Alpin. Æg._ & _Exot._ _Vesling._ Juxta Pyramides Ægyptias majores. K. Kali Ægyptiacum foliis valde longis hirsutis _C. B._ An Psyllium minus quod Gottne rubri & Botrio rubro nomine accepit C. Bauhinus? Kali tertia species _Alp. Æg._ L. Lablab seu Leblab Alpini _v._ Phaseolus. Lathyrus Tingitanus flore amplo ruberrimo. Semina hujus Plantæ, ut & aliarum rariarum D. Alex. Balam è Tingi urbe Africæ in Angliam primus detulit. Libanotis cachryophoros semine sulcato lævi _Moris. prælud._ E Mauritania Tingitana attulit _D. Alex. Balam._ Ligustrum Orientale sive Cyprus Dioscoridis & Plinii _Park._ Ligustrum Ægyptiacum latifolium & angustifolium _C. B._ Alcenna & Elhanne Arabum, nunc Græcis _Schenna Rauwolfii_. Lotus Ægyptia _Alpin. exot._ Nymphæa seu Neufar Ægyptium _Vesling._ Nymphæa alba major Ægyptiaca sive Lotus Ægyptia _Park._ In aquis. Luffa Arabum seu Cucumis Ægyptius reticulatus _Vesling._ In horto Arabis cujusdam prope Cayrum vidit _Veslingius_. Lupinus Ægyptius Sylvestris Veslingii _v._ _Cat. Oriental._ In villarum sepibus prope Heracleam seu Rossetum. Lycium Indicum creditum Alpino _Park._ Indicum Alpino putatam _J. B._ Indicum alterum (Useg) _C. B._ Supra ripas rami Nili Calig. vocati 10. ab Alexandria m. p. invenit Alpinus. Lycopsis Ægyptiaca _Park._ _v._ Cat. Orient. M. Marum Ægyptiorum _Alpin. exot._ l. 2. c. 10. Ægyptiorum Alpino _Park. app._ _Vesling._ Musa arbor _J. B._ _Park._ Musa Serapionis _Ger._ Mauz Musa _Alpin._ Palma humilis longis latisque foliis _C. B._ In Ægypto frequens. Melilotus Ægyptiaca _Park._ Ægyptia Alchimelech vocata _J. B._ Corniculis reflexis minor _C. B._ Melo Ægyptius _C. B._ Melones Abdellavi Ægyptii _J. B._ Melochia _Alpini_. Corchorus _Ger._ Plinii _C. B._ Cor sive Melochia _J. B._ _Park._ Olus Judaicum nonnullis. In cibis nihil est ea Ægyptiis familiarius aut gratius _Alp._ Moly Africanum umbella purpurascente _C. B. prod._ Africum umbella purpurascente _Park._ N. Nabca folio Rhamni vel Jujubæ _J. B._ Nabca Paliurus Athenæi credita _Alpin._ Oenoplia spinosa & non spinosa _C. B._ _Ger. emac. app._ Spinosa & non spinosa, sive Napeca, sive Zizyphus alba _Park._ In Ægypto folia per totum annum retinet, at in Creta, observante Bello per hyemen amittit. Ægyptus, Syria & Armenia hac arbore abundant _Bellon._ Nymphæa seu Nuphar _Vest._ _v._ Lotus. O. Ocimum Ægyptium Alpini _Rihan._ dictum _Herm. Hort. Acad. Leyd._ Oenoplia _v._ Nabca. Oenanthe altera minor Africana _Park._ Item tenuifolia altera Africana _ejusdem_ p. 895. E Barbaria Africæ regione attulit _Gulielmus Boëlius_. P. Paliurus Athenæi Alpino _v._ Nabca. Palma _Ger._ _C. B._ vulgaris _Park._ Major _C. B._ Dactylifera major vulgaris _Jonst._ In Ægypto & Syria. Papyrus Nilotica _Ger._ _J. B._ Antiquorum Nilotica _Park._ Nilotica seu Ægyptiaca _C. B._ Provenit etiam in Siciliæ palustribus _v._ Cat. Sicularum rariorum. _P. Boccone_. Phaseolus indicus ruber _Bontii_. Pisum Americanum coccineum, aliis abrus. _J. B._ Abrus. _Alpini de Plant. Ægypt._ Glyzyrrhiza Indica vulgò. Phaseolus Lablab Alpini _J. B._ Phaseolus Ægyptiacus nigro semine _C. B._ Polium montanum pumilum tenuifolium Africum _Park._ A Guil. Boëlio circa Tunisium urbem collectum est. R. Ruta Sylvestris quæ dici solet Harmala _J. B._ Juxta Alexandriam _v._ Cat. Orient. S. Sabina Ægyptia _Lob._ est Abrotanum fœmina Sabinæ folio _C. B._ Sebesten _v._ Cat. Orient. Non enim in Ægypto tantum sed & in Asia provenit. Secamone _Alpin. Ægypt._ Apocynum angusto Salicis folio _C. B._ Apocyno affinis Secamone flore albo _J. B._ An Apocyni Secundi species altera _Clus._ Sena _J. B._ _Ger._ Alexandrina _Park._ Alexandrina sive foliis acutis _C. B._ In Syria, Persia, Arabia nasci aiunt, unde Alexandriam defertur. Sesamum _J. B._ _C. B._ _Park._ & _aliorum_. Myagrum Ægyptiacum _Zanoni_. Sesban _Alpini. Ægypt._ Sesban sive Securidaca Ægyptia articulata _Park._ Galega Ægyptiaca siliquis articulatis _C. B._ Sinapi maritimum Ægyptiacum _Alpin. exot._ l. 2. c. 19. Ex seminibus Ægypto delatis enata est. Sonchus froticosus Africanus petræus spinosus _Park._ In petrosis circa Tunis & Sapphi à Boëlio inventus & ad Parkinsonum delatus est. Sophera Alpini & Bellii _J. B._ Galegæ affinis Sophera dicta _C. B._ Sophera seu securidaca Ægyptiaca villosa _Park._ Hoxocoquamoclit _Cam. hort._ Stramonium minus flore geminato purpurante _Park._ Fructu rotundo, foliis per ambitum Xanthii modo incisis _Col._ Solanum fœtidum pomo spinoso rotundo. semine pallido _C. B._ Datura Ægyptia _Vesling._ Contarena _Alpin. exot._ Stratiotes Ægyptia _J. B._ Aquatica vera Dioscoridis & Ægyptiaca _Park._ Lenticula palustris Ægyptiaca, sive Stratiotes aquatica foliis Sedo majore latioribus _C. B._ Aquis innatat sine radice, ut aiunt. Stratiotes Ægyptia Dioscoridis _Vesling._ Hæc & superior vel Nilo, vel fossis inde deductis supernatat, nec radice in terram demissa firmatur, sed huc illuc fluitat. Sycomorus _v._ Ficus. T. Tamarindus _Ger._ _Park._ _J. B._ Siliqua Arabica quæ Tamarindus _C. B._ Ex Æthiopia in Arabiam & Ægyptum delatam nonnulli volunt. Tamariscus Ægyptia gallifera _J. B._ Tamaria Ægyptia arbor _C. B._ Ægyptia gallas ferens _Park._ In Ægypto locis humidis secus flumina oritur, non raro etiam aridis & fabulosis. _Bellon._ Thlaspi Alexandrinum _C. B._ _Park._ Alexandrinum Cortusi _J. B._ Verum Dioscoridis _Zanoni_. U. Uzeg arbor _v._ Lycium Indicum. Z. Zatar-hendi Origanum Indicum Alpini & Veslingii Origano congener Zatar-hendi _C. B._ Zatarendi herba _J. B._ Planta Ægyptiaca non est, sed ex India illuc deportata, ut nomen arguit. Cœterum. Zatarendi _Alpin._ _Stirpium Creticorum rariorum Catalogus._ A. Abellicea Cretica sive Santalus adulterina _J. B._ Pseudo-santalus Cretica, Abelicea dicta _Park._ Pseudo-santalum Creticum _C. B._ In montibus Leucis, eorumque jugis altissimis. B. Absinthium Ponticum Creticum grati odoris _C. B. prod._ In viridi saltem amaritudo nulla percipitur, unde ab Asinis, pecoribus, omnibusque Brutis valde expetitur. Acanus Theophrasti _Park._ _vid._ Agavanus Cretensium. Acanthus spinosus in agris & juxta semitas frequens est _Bellon._ Acetosa Cretica semine aculeato _C. B._ Mihi descriptiones utriusque conferenti eadem aliquando visa est cum Acetosa Neapolitana Ocimi folio βουκεφαληφόρῳ _Col._ Verum peritissimus Botanicus D. _Jacobus Breynius_, qui utrumque coluit, & observavit, nos erroris insimulat, & distinctæ species cum sint, à me perperam confundi scribit; cui non repugno, cum nec initio id fidenter, sed timide affirmaverim. Achlades _Bellon._ Pyri sylvestris genus. Adrachnæ _Park._ Theophrasti _J. B._ Arbutus folio non ferrato _C. B._ Adracla Græcis. In Creta, montibus Leucis, & alibi inter saxa. Aga Cretensium _C. B._ i. e. Silybum minus Bœticum _Park._ Carduus lacteus peregrinus Camerarii _J. B._ albis maculis notatus exoticus _C. B._ Agasuga _Bellon._ i. e. Pyra sylvestria Cretica. Agavanus Cretensium i. e. Acanus Theophrasti _Park._ Agavanus Cret. forte Acanys Theophr. _Hon. Belli_ ep. 5 ad Clusium, & _Ponæ_ Ital. Carduus latifolius echino; obsoletæ purpuræ ferens _C. B._ Vulgaris est notitiæ in Creta. Agriocinara Cretica _Ponæ Ital._ Cinara Sylvestris Cretica _C. B._ _Park._ Carduus Agriocinara Cretensium, ex quo Costus niger Officianarum _J. B._ Agrioanzinari Cretensium _Bello_ ep. 2. ad Clusium. An Cinara sylv. Bætica _Clus. cur. post._ Supra _Chisama_ arcem _Bellon._ Agriomelea _Bellonii_, quam in Cretæ montibus invenisse scribit, exiguorum malorum Pyris formà similium feracem, an Cotoneaster _Gesn._ _v._ _Cat. gen._ Agriostari seu Frumentum sylvestre Creticum _Ponæ. Ital._ _Bell._ Althæa fruticosa Cretica _Park._ Frutex 3 _Clus._ Hanc cum Althaæ frutescente Bryoniæ folio _C. B._ s. frutescente folio acuto, flore parvo. Althæa Olbiæ perperam dicta, eandem putamus. V. _Cat. Sic._ Ammi Creticum _Ger._ _Park._ Creticum aromaticum _Lob._ odore Origani _J. B._ Alterum semine Apii _C. B._ Semen ex Alexandria Ægypti adfertur. Anchusa humilis _Alpin. exot._ Humilis Cretica _Park._ In locis montosis & sylvis Cretæ. Anemone tenuifolia Cretica albo magno flore _C. B. prod._ Anthyllis falcata Cretica _Park._ Trifolium falcatum _Alpin. exot._ Anthyllis _Alpin. exot._ In maritimus copiosé. Accedit ad Anthyllidem à Clusio & J. Bauhino descriptam. Arachydna aut Aracoides Honorii Belli, _J. B._ Cretica _Park._ Viciæ similis, supra in fráque terram fructum ferens _C. B._ Archontoxilon, i. e. Ebenus Cretica. Arcturus Creticus Belli _v._ Blattaria pilosa Cretica. Aristolochia polyrrhizos _v._ Pistolochia. Aristolochia clematitis serpens _C. B._ Reliqua Synonima _v._ in _Cat. Hist._ Arbores scandit Ephedræ aut Smilacis modo _Bellon._ Arundo graminea aculeata _Alpin. exot._ In locis humidis supra terram serpit. Asclepias Cretica Clusii _J. B._ _Park._ Siliquâ bifido mucrone _C. B._ Ascolimbros Bellonii non est (ut puto) Scolymus chrysanthemos s. Eryngium luteum Narbonensium, sed Carduus Siculus chrysanthemus procerior caule eduli _Hist. nost._ p. 258. Ascyroides Cretica _Alpin. exot._ Cretica major _Park._ Hanc plantam in hist. nost. eandem putavimus cum Androsæmo Constantinopolitano flore maximo _Wheeler._; icon tamen non respondet, at neque descriptio: ut nunc muratâ sententiâ diversam suspicer. Aspalathus secundus Creticus _Alp._ _v._ Cytisus. B. Blattaria pilosa Cretica sive Arctos quorundam _J. B._ Verbascum humile Creticum laciniatum _C. B._ Verbasculum sylv. Creticum _Alpin. exot._ Blattaria Cretica incana, rotundo laciniato folio _Park._ Arcturus Creticus. _Belli._ Provenit inter saxa & super parietes. Blattaria Cretica spinosa _Park._ Leucoium Creticum spinosum _Clus._ _J. B._ Creticum spinosum incanum luteum _C. B._ Spinosum Creticum _Ger._ Spinosum cruciatum _Alpin._ Glastivida Cretensium _Belli_. Borago Sylvestris annua Cretica _Zanoni_. Buglossum procumbens annuum pullo minimo flore _Moris. prælud._ Borago muralis variegata, flore odorato Cretica _Zanoni_. Buglossum Lusitanicum bullatis foliis _Moris. prælud._ In muris urbis Candiæ ex ipsis petrarum fissuris exit. Borago sylvestris Cretica flore rubro cremesino perennis, eadem videtur Echio Cretico latifolio rubro _C. B._ Buglossum Creticum verrucosum, perlatum quibusdam _Schol. Bot._ seu Hort. _Reg. Par. Tournefort._ Bryonia Cretica _Pon. Ital._ Cretica dicoccos _Park._ Cretica maculata _C. B._ Alba maculata _J. B._ In Creta frequens est. Buphthalmum Creticum Cotulæ facie _Breyn._ Flore luteo & albo. C. Calamintha Cretica _Cam._ Folio & flore parvo incana _J. B._ Incana Ocimi foliis _C. B._ Minor incana _Park._ Montana vulgaris _Ger._ Ex semine è Creta misso Camerario succrevit. Lobelius tamen cautibus Linguagetticis calidarumque regionum innasci scriptum reliquit. Calochierni carduus Cretensibus _J. B._ Atractyli & Cnico sylvestri similis _C. B._ Forte Atractylis major è cujus caulibus mulieres fusos efficiunt. Atractylidi vulgari similis, not tamen eadem _v._ Hist. nost. p. 304. Caloschirrida _v._ Echinus Creticus _Alpin._ Carduus pinea Theophrasti _Alpin. exot._ pinea seu Ixine Theophrasti _Park._ Chamæleon albus gummi ut mastix ferens _Bell._ Carduus Eryngoides capite spinoso _Alpin. exot._ Caryophillus arborescens Creticus _C. B._ Sylvestris arboreus _Alpin. exot._ Nostrâ sententiâ. Betonica coronaria arboreo Cretica _J. B._ In montibus Cretæ oritur. Caucalis Cretensium & Græcorum i. e. Sesely Creticum. Cerasus Alpina Cretica, seu Idæa _Alp. exot._ Vitis Idæa Cretica elatior _Park._ Agrifolii folio. In monte Idâ Cretæ familiaris est. An Agriomelea Bellonii. Chamæcerasus Idæa _Alp. exot._ Vitis Idæa Cretica humilior _Park._ In monte Ida nascitur. Chamæcistus _Alpin. exot._ An Chamæcistus Serpylli folia floribus carneis _C. B._ Serpylli folio, flore carneo _J. B._ 7. _Clus._ Chamædaphnoides Cretica, seu Laureola Cretica humilis _Alp. exot._ Chamædaphnoides sive Laureola Cretica _Park._ In Cretæ montanis. Chamædrys spinosa Cretica _Park._ Spinosa _C. B._ _J. B._ Ex horto Bembi Patavio accepit _C. B._ Chamægenista Cretica _C. B._ _Park._ Parkinsonus pro Spartio Cretico _Alp. ex._ hanc habet. Chamæpeuce Plinii _anguillaræ_, _v._ Stœba fruticosa Cretica. Chamæpytis fruticosa Cretica, _v._ Stœbe capitata Rosmarini foliis Ponæ. Chrisocome Cretica _Clus._ Elichrysum Creticum _C. B._ Stantolina Cretica _Alpin._ Hanc plantam pro Stœchade citrina alteri inodoræ Lobelii affini capitulis brevioribus _J. B._ habemus _v._ Hist. nost. p. 282. In montosis Cretæ. Cichoreum spinosum Creticum _Park._ _Pon._ In maritimis, inque siccis collibus & arenosis locis. Hanc speciem in Sicilia observavimus. _v._ _Cat. gen._ Cissampelos ramosa Cretica _Park._ Helxine Cissampelos ramosa Cretica _Ponæ_. Convolvuli species. Cistus Ledon Cretense _C. B._ Led. latifolium Creticum _J. B._ Ladanisera Cypria _Park._ Item ledanifera Cretica vera _ejusdem_. Ledon 4 Clussii _Ger._ Descriptionem _v._ in _Alpin. exot._ Clinopodium Creticum _Alpin. exot._ Persimile est, si odorem excipias, Acino vulgari. Cneoron album folio Oleæ argenteo molli _C. B._ _v._ Convolvulus rectus odoratus _Ponæ_. Cnicus singularis _Alpin. exot._ alter Creticus _Park._ Colutea Scorpioides Cretica odorata. _Alpin. exot._ Convolvulus ramosus incanus, foliis Pilosellæ _C. B._ Helxine Cissampelos ramosa Cretica _Pon. Ital._ _Park._ Coris legitima Cretica Dioscoridis _Belli_ _Ger. emac._ _Park._ Item Coris Matthioli _ejusdem_. Nos enim has non distinguimus. C. Hypericoides quorundam _J. B._ Lutea _C. B._ In collibus fœcundis copiosè. Coronilla frutescens coronata glauco folio Cretica, flo. luteo odorato _Breyn. prod. 2._ Cyanus arborescens longifolia _Alpin. exot._ In montanis Cretæ nascitur. Cyanus arborescens altera, Styracis folio _Alp. exot._ Cyanus tomentosus _Alp. exot._ Cyanus lanuginosus spinosus Creticus, & Cyanus fruticosus Creticus, _v._ Stœbe fruticosa Cret. Cynara sylvestris Cretica _C. B._ _Park._ Carduus Agriocinara Cretensium, ex quo Costus niger Officinarum _J. B._ An Cinara sylv. Bœtica _Clus. cur. post._ Supra Chisami arcem, &c. _v._ Bellon. Cynoglossum Creticum secundum Clusii _J. B._ Creticum alterum _Ger._ Cret. latifolium _Park._ Latifolium fœtidum _C. B._ Cynoglossæ alteri mediæ fructu cotylode sive Lychniode _Col._ eadem videtur planta. Cynoglossum Creticum angustifolium _Park._ Creticum argenteo angusto folio _C. B._ Creticum 1. _Ger._ Cyperus rotundus odoratus Creticus _Cam._ _Park._ Cytisus Creticus, Aspalathus secundus _Alpino_ dictus. In loco _Fraschia_ dicto propè Cretam urbem. Aspalathus 2. Dioscoridis Bello & aliis. _v._ _Cat. gen._ Acacia trifolia. D. Daucus Creticus _Ger._ Creticus verus Dioscoridis _Park._ Non videtur diversus à Dauco Cretico semine hirsuto _J. B._ seu Dauco montano umbellâ candidâ _C. B._ _v._ _Hist. nost._ p. 463. Daucus stellatus _Alpin. exot._ _Park._ Planta à Dauco longè diversa est. Daucus tertius Dioscoridis Bello _Ponæ_ _Park._ Tertius folio Coriandri, flore luteo _J. B._ Creticus nodosus umbellâ luteâ _C. B._ Dictamnus Creticus _C. B._ _Park._ Dict. Cretica seu vera _J. B._ Dictamnum Creticum _Ger._ In monte Ida; in scopulorum fissuris, nec usquam alibi. Dorycnium Creticum _v._ Convolvulus rectus. Dorycnium Dioscoridis fortè Ponæ _Park._ Jaceæ oleæ folio affinis _C. B._ Item Cneoro albo affinis _ejusdem_. Hujus semina è Creta ab Honorio Belli ad se missa _Lagochimicæ_ nomine scribit C. Bauhinus in Pinace. E. Ebenus Cretica _Alpin. exot._ Cytisus Creticus incanus sive Ebenus Cretica Belli _Park._ _C. B._ Barba Jovis lagopodoides Cretica frutescens incana, flore spicato purpureo amplo _Breyn._ Echinopoda Cretensibus _J. B._ Echinop. frutex Creticus _Park._ Genista spartium spynosum aphyllum, tribus aculeis semper junctis, floribus luteis _C. B._ Echinus Creticus _Park._ Echinus seu Tragacantha alia humilior & spinosor _Alpin. exot._ Græci _Caloschirrida_ vocant. Echium Creticum latifolium rubrum _C. B._ _Park._ An Echium Candiæ flore pulchre rubente _J. B._ _V._ _Cat. gen._ Echium Creticum _Alp. exot._ Creticum album _Park._ Echium pumilum flore luteo _C. B._ _Park._ h. e. Echium flavo flore _Clus. cur. post._ huic idem videtur. Echium nigro flore eleganti _Alp. exot._ Creticum nigrum _Park._ Echium Creticum angustifolium rubrum _C. B._ _Park._ Creticum 2. _Clus._ Habetur & in Sicilia. _Cat. Gen._ Equisetum montanum Creticum _Park._ _Alpin. exot._ In montanis Cretæ. Flores fert circa virgarum geniculos, quo ab Equisetis differt. Tragi sive Uvæ marinæ species est. Eruca maritima Cretica siliquâ articulatâ _C. B._ E Creta Honorius Belli misit. Eryngium trifolium _Alpin. exot._ _Park._ In locis asperis. Erysimum Dioscoridis _Zanoni_ Erysimi annui Creticæ nomine missum. F. Fœnum Græcum sylvestre policeration majus Creticum _Breyn. Cent._ Frutex pulcherrimus _Belli_ i. Stœbe fruticosa latifolia Cretica. Fumaria major Cretica _Park._ Altera tenuior Syriaca _Cam._ minor folio oblongo capillaceo _C. B._ Capnos Cretica _Clus._ An Fumaria nostra major scandens? G. Gaiderothymum _v._ Stachys spinosa Cretica. Galastivida Cretensium prima _v._ Blattaria spinosa. —— Altera _v._ Tithymalus marit spinosus. Gallium montanum Creticum _Alpin. exot._ _Park._ In montanis Cretæ abundat. Genista arborea Cretica, foliis semper virentibus _Zanoni_. H. Habbures _Cam._ i. e. Leontopodiam Creticum aliud. Hedysarum argenteum, _Alpin. exot._ argenteum Creticum _Park._ Hieracium majus Creticum _Park._ Majas folio Sonchi, semine curvo _C. B._ Item Sonchus asper laciniatus Creticus _ejusdem_. Chondrillæ Creticæ nomine missa, semine crispo _J. B._ Sonchus Creticus foliis laciniatis vulgò. Hieracium parvum Creticum _Park._ _Clus._ Minor flore, ex albo carneo _C. B._ Intybaceum, non ramosum _Ponæ_. Hieranzune Cretensium est Lotopisum Belli. _v._ _Cat. gen._ Hippomarethrum Creticum _C. B. prod._ _Park._ Daucus 3. Creticus, aliis Seseli nodosum & Hippomarathrum _Ponæ. Ital._ Κουρνόποδι vulgo, i. e. Pedes corvini. Fœniculum magnum sive Hippomarathrum _J. B._ Libanotis cachryoph. sem. sulcato aspero _Moris. Hist._ Holosteum sive Leontopodium Creticum _C. B._ _Park._ _Ger._ Leontopodium Cretense _Clus._ Holosteum _Alpin. exot._ quod ab Holosteo Salmanticensi Clusii differre contendit. Plantago angustifolia minor lanuginosa Cretica vel Syriaca, pediculis & capitulis maturitate ad terram inflexis _Breyn. prod. 2._ Horminum comâ rubrâ _J. B._ vulgo Horm. Creticum. Horminum minus supinum Creticum _Clus._ _C. B._ _Park._ Hyoscyamus Creticus luteus major _C. B._ Luteus minor _J. B._ Creticus _Park._ Creticus alter _Clus._ Hæc species in Italia & Gallia Narbonensi occurrit. _v._ _Cat. gen._ Hyoscyamus aureus _Alp. exot._ Creticus luteus minor _C. B._ 4. s. albus Creticus _Clus._ Albus Creticus _Ger. emac._ Hyssopus Græcorum _Alpin. exot._ An Hyssopus Origani folia _Dalech._ _J. B._ J. Jacea incana Cretica, flore luteo medio purpureo, squamis in molliores spinas abeuntibus _Herman. Hort. Lugd. Bat._ Jacea Cretica _Park._ laciniata squammata _C. B._ Squammata Cretica, quibusdam Scabiosa Cretica dicta _J. B._ L. Lachryma _Jobi_ Sesamum annuum _Zanon._ in Creta copiosé. Lagochymica Cretensium est Dorycnium Dioscoridis _Ponæ_. Bellonius Heliochryson vulgò _Lagochymithia_ dictum scribit, quòd leporibus cubilia grata præbeat. Lamium fruticosum non maculatum Creticum _Zanon._ Lauras Sylvestris Cretica _Alpin. exot._ _Park._ Lazegiri Cretensium i. e. Lycium Creticum alterum. Leontopetalon crassa radice _Bellon._ In Ida monte hyeme floret. Leontopodium Creticum _Clus._ _v._ Holosteum. Leucoium Creticum Thlaspifolium _C. B._ Marinum Creticum majus _Park._ Marinum Creticum 1 _Clus._ Leucoium Creticum floribus minoribus _C. B._ Creticum minus _Park._ Marinum Creticum 2 _Clus._ Leucoium Creticum foliis oblongis crenatis _C. B._ Creticum oblongis foliis crenatis _Park._ Creticum 3 _Clus._ Leucoium Creticum minimum folio subrotundo _C. B._ Creticum cæruleum marinum _Alpin. exot._ _Park._ Leucoium album odoratissimum folio viridi _C. B. prod._ Leucoium Creticum luteum utriculato semine _Alp. exot._ _Park._ Leucoium spinosum Creticum _Clus._ Est Blattaria spinosa seu Glastivida. Libanotis Apii folio semine aspero _C. B._ Theophrasti Apii folio Cretica _Park._ Rosmarinus foliis Selino similibus _Bell._ Linaria Cretica latifolia major _Clus._ _Park._ Latifolia triphylla major _C. B._ Linaria Cretica angustifolia _Clus._ _Park._ Quadrifolia, exigius flosculis cinereis _C. B._ Linaria perennis fruticosa Cretica _C. B. prod._ Cui & Linaria latifolia Dalmatica magno flore dicitur. Linum arboreum _Alpini exot._ Arboreum Creticum luteum _Park._ Lotus πολυκέρατος. Cretica fruticosa argentea, siliquis longissimis propendentibus rectis _Moris. Hist._ Lotopisum Belli i. Lotus edulis Creticus _v._ Cat. gen. Lutea maxima Cretica Honor. Belli _J. B._ Luteola herba folio Cannabino _C. B._ Maxima Cretica fœcunda & sterilis _Park._ Cannabis lutea fertilis & sterilis Contareni _Alpin. exot._ Inter montes in Aquis nascitur, loco quodam Ὀφιδόσερμα dicto, tertio ab urbe Cydonia lapide _Bell._ Lychnis Cretica angustifolia _Park._ Hirsuta angustifolia Cret. _C. B._ Ocymoides flore rubro minus Creticum _J. B._ sylv. 7. _Clus._ Lychnis Auriculæ ursi face _C. B._ Sylv. latifolia Clusii. sive muscipula Cretica Auriculæ ursi facie _J. B._ Sylv. latifolia Clusii _Ger. emac._ Lychnis viscaria maxima Cretica _Alpini_. Viscaria maxima Cretica Alpini _Park._ Lycium Cretense sive Berberis Cretica _J. B._ Creticum primum Belli _Park._ Berberis Alpina Cretica. _C. B._ Lycium Creticum s. Berberis Alpina Belli _Bon._ In montium altissimorum convallibus. Lycium Creticum alterum _Park._ Λαζηγίρι & Πετροαμύγδαλα _i. e._ Amygdala Petræa, licet cum Amygdalis nihil commune habeat _Bell._ Ep. 1. M. Majorana Cretica vel Syriaca _C. B._ Marum Creticum _Alp. exot._ Syriacum _A._ _Lob._ _Ger._ Syriacum vel Creticum _Park._ Mandragora mas & fœmina _Bellon._ In monte Ida. Quæ quamvis in Hispania etiam & Italia sponte proveniant, quia tamen rariores sunt omittere nolui. Vid. _Cat. Hispan._ Marrubium Creticum _Ger._ _Park._ Album angustifolium peregrinum _C. B._ Album angustiore folio _J. B._ Marrubium Creticum angustifolium inodorum _Park._ Album peregrinum brevibus & obtusis foliis _C. B._ Marrubium nigrum Creticum _Alp. exot._ _Park._ Planta Alpino descripta imperfecta erat, absque flore & semine. Melilotus quædam Cretica _Alpin. exot._ Est lotus Siliquis singularibus vel binis tenuis _J. B._ Melilotus vesicaria Cretica _Hort. Altdorf._ Meum alexiterium Creticum _Park._ _Alpin. exot._ Millefolium Creticum _J. B._ Incanum Creticum _C. B._ _Park._ Stratiotes Millefolia _Belli ep. 2._ ad Clusium _Alpin. exot._ Parkinsonus ex hac planta duas facit: priorem Millefolium incanum Creticum vocat, posteriorem Stratiotem Millefoliam Creticam. Muscipula Cretica &c. _v._ Lychnis. Myrrhis syl. Cretica nodosa, seminibus asperis annua, semine striato aspero oblongo, nodosa. _Moris._ N. Napus Sylvestris Cretica _Park._ _C. B._ Bunias agrestis Belli, qui ad _C._ Bauhinum è Creta misit. Nardus montana Cretica _Alpin. exot._ An Valeriana Cretica tuberosa _Park._? Nardus Cretica _Belli_. Cretica Filipendulæ radice _C. B._? Nardus tamen Cretica _Belli_ diversa videtur à Nardo montana Cretica _Alpini_. Nigella Cretica _C. B._ Melanthium simplici flore Creticum _Clus._ Nigella Cretica inodoro semine _Park._ Nigella Cretica latifolia odorata _Park._ _Ponæ Ital._ Alba simplici flore _Alpin. exot._ Nigella Cretica altera tenuifolia odorata _Park._ Cretica folio Fœniculi _C. B._ Nigella Cretica odorata, foliis Lini, seminibus biformibus _Park._ Malè inscribitur Nigella. Melanthium odoratum _Alpin. exot._ O. Oenanthe stellata Cretica _Alpin. exot._ _Park._ Oenanthe Cretica prolifera _Park._ Apula prolifera _C. B._ Oleander Creticus fruticosus major fœtidus _Zanon._ Origanum Creticum _J. B._ _Ger._ Sylvestre Syriacum _Lob._ Onites _C. B._ _Matth._ Ornithogalum Creticum & Pannonicum flore albo _J. B._ P. Pæoniæ duo genera candido flore _Bellon._ Græcis Psiphædile. In omnibus humidis vallibus montis Idæ. Pastinaca tenuifolia Cretica, radiis umbellæ Gingidii longioribus _Moris._ Petromarula Cretica i. e. Rapunculus Creticus. Petroselinum Creticum _C. B._ _Park._ Agriopastinaca vulgò in Creta _Bello_ ep. 5. ad Clusium, cui Busalinon Plinii videtur. In montibus Cretæ & Dalmatiæ. Duplex genus est, radice nigra, & rad. ruffa. Phyllitis alata sive ramosa _Alpini_;